1884 numbers of the Bay state monthlyBe the first and subjects of first 10 volumes and List of por.

The Granite monthly, a New Hampshire magazine, devoted to literature, history, and state progress (Volume 53) online

. (page 44 of 57)
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by those who in privation and sacri-
fice built here upon what they fondly
hoped to be enduring foundations,
the shapely columns of the great
Republic. Destroy this and America
wiil no longer be America.

The proponents of the new idea
are, and ought to be welcome in
the great American forum. Our
sense of fair play and our love of
the truth should suffice to grant
them a hearing and opportunity to
discuss their olan and submit their
cause. But if they come into our
forum let them abide by the rules
prescribed for all alike. Let them
not abuse the hospitality so gen-
erously accorded them. If you in-
vite a guest to your home, you do
not expect him to maltreat your
child or attempt to burn down your
dwelling. If he does he forfeits
all rights under your invitation and
you are entirely justified in treating
him no longer as vour friend and
guest, but as, in fact, your deadly
enemy. What then will you say
of the man who, under protection
of the riisiit of free speech, stands
on an American platform and advo-
cates the overthrow of the Ameri-
can government by force and vio-
lence? I say he too has violated
his right to protection. He too has
abused the hospitality which a gen-
erous people has given him. and if



I had mv way about it. if he was an
alien he would be immediately de-
ported and if he was a citizen he
would be put in jail.

We are quite ready and willing"
to listen with sympathy to the new
idea but we are not yet ready to
Russianize America. We are not
yet ready or willing to haul down
the Stars and Stripes and run up
in its stead the red flag- of revolu-

All of us who are in our right
minds are anxious to improve social
conditions. We want to better the
public health, we want to decrease
the long hours and hard conditions
of labor, we want to increase its
rewards and so far as possible add
to the satisfactions of those who
do the hard manual work of the
world. We want to build good
roads and multiply school houses,
improve conditions of housing in
large cities, and see to it that such
essentials of life as water, light,
food and transportation are fur-
nished of the best quality and at
the lowest practicable cost. Of
course, we sometimes hear it said
that those who advocate such ideas
are socialists, but that shoud not
disturb us at all. Names are not
important. If that were all that so-
cialism meant, we might well be
proud to call ourselves socialists.
What I have described to you. how-
ever, is not socialism at all. What
I have described to you aims at
reform and readjustment of our so-
cial organization, but it is utterly
opposed to the destruction and
complete overthrow of that organ-
ization. Socialism on the other
hand — I speak of the political so-
cialism of Karl Marx — involves
not social reform but political and
social revolution. It is the name
for a definite public policy which
rests upon certain historical and
economic assumptions, all of which
have been proved to be false. It
proceeds to very drastic and far

reaching: conclusions, all of which
are in flat contradiction to the ba-
sic principles upon which the Amer-
ican Government rests. Instead of
readjustng American institutions
and American Government to new-
conditions, the socialist would utter-
ly destroy them. His hand is raised
against the home, the institution of
marriage and the courts of justice.
He would lay the heavy hand of
force upon civil liberty itself and
destroy it root and branch for a
despotism of his own making. He
counsels and advocates revolt but
it is the revolt of the inefficent. It
is not the revolt of skilled labor ;
it is not the revolt of the brain
worker. It is the revolt of the men
who cannot do things and never
have done things, wtio want to pull
down the men who can.

He preaches and teaches the jus-
tice and the necessity of a class
struggle between those who have
little and those who have more, be-
tween those who work with their
hands and those who work in other
ways. Like his twin brother, the
bolshevist.with w^hom he has now
made common cause, he knows no
law, no statute, no ordinance and
no constitution. He knows no .sect,
no creed, no religion, no altar. He
stands for a program that recog-
nizes no family tie, and no limita-
tion save that of might and the un-
bridled wills of those who for the
moment wield its power.

This is not an American doctrine.
It was made in Germany. It is a
doctrine of envy and hate and those
who advocate it .whatever they may
say, are not believers in democracy
at all as we understand it. They do
not believe in the equality of all
men before the law and equal op-
portunity for all men and all women.
Their program leads not to democ-
racy in industry, but to dictatorship
by a class. It differs from the
program of the most reactionary
old-style capitalists merely in re-



versing the position of the two par-
ties. It does not aim to lift all men
up. It is bent on pulling some
men down. It is a program of des-
truction, not construction ; 'of re-
action, not progress.

Such a program should have no
appeal to those who love America.
The thing that should interest us i.s,
not whether we are to have one form
of despotism in industry or another
form of despotism in industry ; but
how can we make our industrial
institutions truly democratic and
American li,n their form and spirit
of management. The thing that
should interest us is, not how can
we overturn and destroy the Gov-
ernment and social organization we
now have ; but rather how can we
develop our American system of
democracy without surrender of
any of these great principles to
which we have committed the for-
tunes of the Republic, how can we
keep our Government from becom-
ing too strong for the liberties of
the people, and yet strong enough
to maintain itself in times of great
emergency. What can we do to
improve our present methods of dis-
tribution so as to afford better and
greater opportunity for the physi-
cal, mental and moral development
of all the people.

These are the questions, these
the problems that should engage the
best thought of patriotic Ameri-
cans to-day, and not at all those
wild and revolutionary schemes that
can only mean for us, as they have
meant for everybody else who has
ever listened to them, untold suffer-
ing, disaster and despair.

In striking contrast with the ef-
forts of Americans and indeed of
all English-speaking peoples, to
state the problem of production or
work as a human probem, to find a
firm foundation for common pros-
perity in a genuine co-operation or
partnership wflilich recognizes the
claims and interests of all parties

in industry, are the experiments of
those socialist and other extremists,
in Russia, in Hungary and else-
where, with their revolutionary
short-cuts to prosperity. Where-
ever their program has been tried
out, as it is now being tried out in
Eastern Europe, the results stand
out strikingly in the absolute stag-
nation of all industrial activities,
the utter collapse of credit and ex-
change, the spread of unemploy-
ment, the unwillingness of any to
work when they know not who will
receive the fruits, the steady growth
of crime, chaos, starvation and
compulsion of labor.

As we honor to-day the men who,
revolting against privilege and all
forms of arbitrary power, laid the
foundations of the State and Na-
tion upon the principles of order,
liberty and law, it behooves us to
bear in mind that it is as vitally
important to oppose tyranny in this
form as when it comes clad in im-
perial robes and accompanied with
all the instruments of militarism.
It behooves us to bear in mind that
under the American principle of
equal opportunity and fair play for
all, it is not material success that
we should seek to abolish. It is
poverty and wretchedness and ig-
norance and justified discontent
that we should seek to abolish.
The American idea is not to des-
troy, but to build. Not to pull
everybody down to a common level
of mediocrity, which in the end
means a common level of wretched-
ness, but to help everybody up.
Let us ever remember that there is
no more subtle and dangerous
enemy of the American democ-
racy than he who, in a mad rush
along the swift and fiery track of
the Red Terror, would "wreck the
world's efficiency in order to re-
distribute the world's discontent."

The people of this country are
just beginning to get a vision of
public interest or welfare as distinct



from private interests or welfare.
This is seen in many of the great
fundamental questions with which
industrial, equity, political and com-
we are today vitally concerned —
questions of social righteousness,
industrial equity, political and com-
mercial honesty and honor and eco-
nomic justice. Great movements,
esentially religious in their charac-
ter, for the establishment of those
ends have in recent years been
sweeping over the land, and you
can no more stop them, believe me,
then you can stop the down rushing
of the rivers from the mountains
to the sea. But we should never for-
get that our social organizaton in
the main is, and must continue to be,
based on the individual. Some
things he cannot himself do as well
as they can be done for him. These
are, however, and must continue to
be the exceptions and not the rule.
As a general rule, we still hold to the
doctrine of the builders and framers
of the Republic, that it is wiser
for each man to own and control
his own home, run his own business,
fight his own battle and pay his own

In this time of profound up-
heaval, when the hurricane is pass-
ing like the rushing of the sea, we
need as never before those sterling
qualities of heart and of mind that
gave to Washington and his fellows
the inspiration and the strength to
build a free state in a new world.
Now is the time to see if the Ameri-
can democracy can maintain its sani-
ty and poise in the midst of these
perilous surrounding. Now is the
time for love of justice and fair play,
respect for order, liberty and law,
to stand on guard. These are the
qualities that stand the test when
clouds threaten and lightning shoots
across the sky. These are the
joints of oak that ride the storm.
Other anchors have snapped and
broken in the fury of the gale, other
timbers have strewed the bottom of

every sea on which the .ship of
human government has ever sailed;
but not these. In all the confusion
of conflicting counsel we need to-
day, as never before, the sane ideal-
ism of Washington and Franklin
and Madison and Langdon, not the
mushy sentimental sort we have
heard so much about of late — an
idealism that has the clearness of
vision to see things in their true
relations, to see democracy as it
is — ,its defects, as well as its vir-
tues — and best of all and greatest
of all, to see the splendid opportun-
ity in this time of readjustment,
for American democracy to lead the
way, as it has never yet failed to
do in a century and a half, along
the difficult and tortuous path that
ever ascends to higher and yet high-
er levels of popular rule. Today
as never before,we need that sort
of idealism that on the one hand
is bold enough to send to the dis-
card Eighteenth Century forms and
formulas that have long since out-
lived their usefulness, and, on the
other hand, is brave enough to stand
firm against the clamor of the crowd
and hold fast to those undying
principles that have made America
great and free.

As there is a difference between
tinsel and pure gold, as there is a
difference between music and rag-
time, so I think I can see a real and
a true distincton between a democ-
racy that has fixed standards of
right and wrong and holds that
nothing is settled until it is settled
right; that creates leadership by its
confidence and trust and follows it ;
that stands for equality of all men
before the law ; equality of oppor-
tunity, equality of right, the liberty
of every man to use his faculties as
he may choose, limited only by the
like rights of others ; and a democ-
racy that has no standards except
for the moment ; whose only com-
pass is a weathervane ; that decries
its leaders and exalts demagogues,



and attempts to hold all men down
to a dead level of accomplishment
within the reach of the least intel-
ligent and the least fit. The one
form of democracy i.s true and gen-
uine ; the other is false and spurious.
We need the voice of a sane ideal-
ism to emphasize that distinction
in these critical days when, having
measurably succeeded in making the
world safe for democracy, we are
engaged in the scarcely less difficult
task of making democracy itself
safe for the world.

There can be no possible excuse
for the mischief-maker, much less
the anarchist or terrorist in this
country. There is ample oppor-
tunity afforded for any .change or
reform that the people desire. The
difficulty is that thi.s class of men
do not believe in a government of
the people. They are unwilling
to submit to the decision of a
majority. It is minority rule, not
majority rule that they demand.
They rail at the tyranny of the
majority, and seek to substitute the
tyranny of a minority. They de-
nounce the autocracy of a govern-
ment, and demand the autocracy of
a faction. It is not the people's rule
it is class rule that they seek to es-

There is no justification for dis-
obedience to or defiance of the law in
a country where the people make
the law. There is no excuse for
terrorism where free .speech and a
free press are guaranteed. There
must be no submission to demands
backed by threats when the way is
open to secure the things demanded
by peaceful means.

The late Chief Justice White, in a
recent address said :

"Look around in this great land
to-day. Where is there a country
like this? The world has never
seen the equal of it."

And he adds —

"Many thoughtless persons today
suppose that everything that is

wrong is wrong in the institutions
when without the institutions there
would be no right and everything

And James Bryce, in summing up
his review of American institutions,

"That America marks the highest
level, not only of material wellbeing
but of intelligence and happiness
which the race has yet attained,
will be the judgment of those who
look not at the favored few for
whose benefit the world seems
hitherto to have framed its institu-
tions, but at the whole body of the

And this highest level of material
well-being and of intelligence and
happiness the whole body of the
people have attained under the Con-
stitution, under Amercan institu-
tions, beneath "the gorgeous ensign
of the Republic, now known and
honored through the earth, still full
high advanced, its arms and trophies
streaming in all their orginal luster,
not a stripe erased or polluted, nor
a single star obscured."

To thaf Constitution, to those in-
stitutions, to our beloved country,
we may well on this day pledge
anew our devotion and fealty :

"What were our lives without thee?

What all our lives to save thee?
We reck not what we gave thee;

We will not dare to doubt thee ;

But ask whatever else, and we will dare."

Upon the conclusion of the address,
which was heartily applauded, Maj.
Charles E. Staniels moved a rising
vote of thanks to Congressman Bur-
roughs, for his very able and illumi-
nating oration, which was promptly

The exercises were concluded by
the singing of "America," by the
audience, with Miss Aspinwall at the
piano, and the benediction by the

Although the number in attend-



ance was small, as has been said,
there were included, asxb from a
good representation of the ladies of
Rumford Chapter, many prominent
citizens, among whom were noted
Hon. Wilbur If. Powers of Boston,
representing the Massachusetts So-
ciety; Judge Charles R. Corning,
Prof. James A. Tufts of Exeter,
President of the State Senate, Col.

Arthur G. Whittemore of Dover,
Chairman of the Senate Judiciary
Committee; Rev. Harold II . Niles,
Chaplain of the N. H. Legislature;
Hon. George H. Moses, U. S. Sena-
tor, Hon. Henry E. Chamherlin,
.Mayor of Concord, and Past Presi-
dents McKinley of Manchester and
Staniels and Patterson of Concord,
of the X. H. Society, S. A. R.


By Frances Parkinson Keyes.

The garden lies
Shimmering in the sunshine, green and gold,
Purple and yellow, crimson and amethyst.
A fountain splashes, bubbling the quiet surface
Of a clear pool where water-lilies bloom.
And friendly pansies, welcome on their faces.
Border the gravel walks and edge the grass.
While in the distance, seen through trellised arches,
A naked, marble boy, age-yellow, watches
And waits, graceful and patient and serene—

The God of Love

And walking slowly down
Through these same arches, past the lovely bloom
( )f larkspur, lilies, pinks and hollyhocks,
Of dahlias, foxgloves, canterbury bells,
1 came to the inclosure where the roses
Grow — and stopped

Roses, rambling in pink profusion,

Or clustering, thick and thorny.

And yellow as the gold that Midas sought.

Roses, blushing faintly,

Roses, blushing deeply,

Roses, scentless and still, or fragrant.

And blowing in the breeze.

Roses — buds, just opening.

Full-blown flowers scattering petals.

And, side by side, loveliest of all —

One white, one crimson rose.


The white rose stands erect upon its stalk-
Its thick, strong stalk, healthy and vigorous-
Full in its pure perfection, flawless, scentless,
As cold, as white, as still and passionless
As the carved marble of the sepulcre
Of some great queen, or as the molded snow
Shining upon a distant Alpine peak.
And beautiful — beautiful as a still, pure woman.
Perfect and passionless too — who dwells apart
Immaculate — that she may be untouched
By all the want and misery and turmoil
And all the sadness of this wretched world—
That she may save her soul, and does not know
She has no soul to save

And close beside her droops
Her crimson sister, velvet to her marble,
Fire to her snow, and bending,
Till dust and pebbles from the gravel walk-
Are on her petals, and her fragrance sheds
Most of its sweetness down beneath her, where,
Without it little sweetness would be found.

And her radiant color
Is flawed by blemish, purple on her red

And whose golden heart
Is hidden by her bruised and bleeding leaves.

But whose glory
Is splendid and magnificent,
Deathless and everlasting.

Is she too like a woman?

I picked the flowers and laid them
As votive offering at the shrine of Love
That quiet boy who waits and waits and watches
In the still garden shimmering in the sunshine.
I laid them at his feet, and left them, wondering,
Which of the offerings would please him most.



By Fred'k George IV right, D. D.

(St. John's H'ithout-the-Northgate, Chester, England.)

"Litera scripta manet" — writing
lasts — so it does. So does print,

From the yellowing files, of many
an old newspaper, can be gained
very much of interest and of profit;

A notable case in point, is that of
the Boston Journal of December 4,
1874, which reminds us of a man who
left his mark on Old Portsmouth,
England, and also upon Portsmouth,
in New Hampshire, the state of his
own foundation.

Little did he think, when he trod
the cobblestones of old High Street,
of England's great arsenal, that the
Town Hall of those quaint days
would some day become a museum.

Less still could this worthy pre-
dict that among its greatest treas-
ures would be what it still possesses,
one of the thirteen original copies of
the great Declaration of American

In 1620, John Mason, a captain in
the Royal Navy, obtained from "The
Council established at Plymouth, in
the County of Devon, in England,
for the planting, ruling, ordering and
governing New England in America"
a grant of "all the land from the
river Naumkeag — now Salem — round
Cape Ann to the River Merrimack,
and up each of those rivers to the
farthest head thereof ; then, to cross
over from the one to the head of the
other, with all the islands lying with-
in three miles of the coast." This
grant was called Mariano.

In 1622 Sir Firdinando Gorges and
Captain Mason obtained from the
Council a grant of land "situated be-
tween the rivers Merrimac and Saga-
dahock, extending back to the great

lakes and rivers of Canada." This
tract was called Laconia. Thus
Captain Mason became the founder
of the colony of New Hampshire,
which he named after old Hamp-
shire in England, of which he had
previously been Governor.

In the Spring of 1623 two settle-
ments were made, one of which was
at Dover Neck and the other upon a
point of land now known as Odi-
orne's Point in Rye. At the latter
place a Fort was built, and a large
building was erected to be used for
trading and the general purposes of
the Colony. The latter building was
known as "Mason Hall."

"About a year ago" continues the
Journal "Rev. H. P. Wright, M. A.,
published in London a handsome
volume entitled "The Story of the
Domus Dei commonly called the
Royal Garrison Church of Ports-
mouth, England." "The book is a
history of the church connected with
the arsenal and other public build-
ings of Portsmouth. It was found-
ed in the year 1205 by Peter de Rupi-
bus, Bishop of Winchester."

"About two years ago the church
was completely restored by the aid of
contributions from the citizens of
Portsmouth and from officers of the
Navy and Army and other distin-
guished persons in England.

"The church contains a very large
number of Memorials in honor of
deceased officers of the British Army
and Navy, and others. These mem-
orials consist of sculptures, paint-
ings, illuminated windows, tablets,
benches, etc. Among the great
heroes who are thus honored are Ad-
miral Nelson, The Duke of Welling-
ton, Generals Sir John Moore, Sir



Charles, Sir William and Sir George
Napier, Lord Raglan, Generals Sir
John Macdonald and Sir George
Cathcart. The memorials are the
gifts of the friends or admirers of
the deceased."

Portsmouth, Sept. 11, 1874.

Sir: — It has heen my privilege
to live with many Americans around.
In California and British Columbia as
well as in the Western States and

Domus Dei, Garrison Church, Portsmouth, England.

(Brigiit spot on right wall denotes position of tablet)

"A few days since, His Excellency Canada, I have received from Amer-
Governor James A. Weston received icans the greatest kindness,
from Chaplain and Archdeacon You will therefore, I am sure,
Wright a letter and also a copy of his pardon my writing to you on a sub-
hook. The following is a copy of his ject of interest to both America and
letter which explains itself : Great Britain and especially to the



State of New Hampshire. Captain
Mason was "Captayne" of Southsea
Castle, in other words he was Gover-
nor of Portsmouth in the time of
Charles I. He left the Port of Yar-
mouth in the Isle of Wight and went
with a body of kindred spirits and
endured with them the perils and
hardships which attended the noble
tcllows who founded the now re-
nowned State of New Hampshire.

A highly intelligent American,
named Jenness has lately been at
Portsmouth seeking information
about Captayne Mason, in order that
an accurate history of the great man
may be written. He visited our
world-renowed church, the story of
which I forward to you "with ibis
letter. In it we have memorials of
England's noblest soldiers and sail-
ors, as you will read in the story.
Now only one object for a memorial
remains — the four gas standards
lighting the 42 stalls, of which the
first on one side is to Nelson's mem-
ory and the other to that of Welling-

I want in a solemn and marked
way to connect New Hampshire with
Old Hampshire — the hero who was
one of the Founders of New Hamp-
shire and a Governor of Portsmouth
with the heroes, several of whom
have been Governors of this vast

1 write, therefore, to ask if you,
Mr. Governor, and your many New
Hampshire friends, will present the
four Standards at a cost of £100 (in-
cluding the Brass Plate and its In-
scription on the wall of the Chancel)
to the memory of Captayne Mason.

If so, Sir Hastings Doyle, our

Online Library1884 numbers of the Bay state monthlyBe the first and subjects of first 10 volumes and List of porThe Granite monthly, a New Hampshire magazine, devoted to literature, history, and state progress (Volume 53) → online text (page 44 of 57)