3
I
.a
IRELAND
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY,
SEVENTH OF ENGLAND'S DOMINION;
ENRICHED WITH
COPIOUS DESCRIPTIONS OF THE RESOURCES
OF THE SOIL,
SEATS AND SCENERY OF THE NORTH WEST DISTRICT.
BY A. ATKINSON, ESQ.
AUTHOR OF
"THE IRISH TOURIST," "IRELAND EXHIBITED TO ENGLAND,"
ETC. ETC.
" Concordia res parvae crescunt
Discordia maximae dilabuntur." SALLUST.
LONDON ;
PUBLISHED BY HAMILTON, ADAMS, & CO., PATERNOSTER-ROW.
LIVERPOOL;
D. MARPLES, LORD-STREET.
1833.
D. Marples, Printer, Lord-street,
Liverpool.
7 6
TO THE ENGLISH PUBLIC.
THE Author of this Work refers with confidence to the free
and UNPURCHASED terms of approbation, in which divers
of the LIVERPOOL Journals (to whose proprietors and editors,
ample specimens were submitted for inspection as they came
from the press) have spoken of the importance to the English
interests, of the varied contents of this impartial and inde-
pendent volume, which we have now the honour of submit-
ting to the serious consideration of the friends of British
prosperity in both countries.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
Page
Embracing a concise but important Review of the numerous and com-
plex causes, (political, ecclesiastical, and commercial) by which Ire-
land has been impoverished, divided, demoralized, and laid waste ;
together with the legislative measures that should be adopted for
securing the rights of British connection to that country without a
dissolution of the Act of Union. As also the reports of Mr. Dalton,
an Irish antiquary, and those of the National Trades' Union, " on
the rise, progress, and decline of trade in Ireland," embracing a
period of parliamentary history, in relation to that country, of nearly
six centuries 1
CHAP. II.
Author's letter to the King on the nature and effects of the legislative
union between Great Britain and Ireland ; and on the establishment
of a local Parliament in the latter country for purposes of internal
improvement 60
A Review of the Press and the Parties ; including a critique upon Cob-
bett's Reformation, with observations upon the character and capa-
bilities of O'Connell and other leading men 91
Poor laws , 143
Mallhusian system in Ireland 151
The tithe question ; with the Author's letter on that question to Sir
Hussey Vivian, Commander of the forces 1 68
The grand jury system 174
Evils in the policy by which some Irish estates are governed 176
General observations on the soil of Ulster, &c 177
Reflections addressed to" the landed interest of the province 178
CHAP. III.
AUTHOR PROCEEDS THROUGH THE COUNTY OF ANTRIM TO THE NORTH-WEST
DISTRICT, IN A TOUR OF OBSERVATION AND RESEARCH.
The O'Neill estates 183
Hollybrook and Gracehill 18-5
Town of Bally money (including reflections upon the patriot Hutchinson) 186
Balnamove mills, with the surrounding scenery 191
Moorefort 193
Coldagh 194
iv. TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Page
Brookhall 195
Town of Coleraine, and drive to the Giant's Causeway 196
Somerset 199
Leghinmore 199
Lisnafillan 200
Bushmills 201
Ballydivity 202
Lisconnan 204
Knockmore 206
Craig and Culresheskin 207
Town of Ballycastle 207
CHAP. IV.
AUTHOR ENTERS THE COUNTY OF LONDONDERRY, AND VISITS THE FOLLOWING
OBJECTS.
Bristol folly 21
Fruit hill, with its neighbouring valley and surrounding mountains. . . . 211
Newtown Limavady (with remarks on the Irish spirit trade ; on the best
mode of reforming the Irish people ; on the British crime of murder
by strangling ; and on the national crimes and future prospects of
E ngland) 220
Bellearena 233
The Manor of Walworth (the property of the Fishmongers' Company
of London) 235
The London Grocers' estate ' 246
The Templemoyle Agricultural School, and North- West Farming So-
ciety 248
The City of Londonderry 253
The Farm, the seat of Sir Robert Ferguson, Bart., M.P., with a critique
upon the nomenclature of our seats 257
Ballynaguard, the seat of John Hart, Esq., with a query to the farming
societies, remarks on the criminal laws, and a rhyme on the broad
oak 265
Kilderry, the seat of the late General Hart 279
Bellemount 281
Thornhill 282
Greenhaw House 282
Beech-hill 283
Coolkeiragh 284
Ashbrook 290
Dunmore House 291
Prehen 292
Birdstown ; , .... 293
Burt House 294
Faan Cottage ... 295
TABLE OF CONTENTS. V.
Page
Mrs. Heath of Faan 296
Pennyburn Flour-mills 297
The river Foyle 297
CHAP. V.
AUTHOR ENTERS THE COUNTY OF TYRONE, AND VISITS THE FOLLOWING
OBJECTS :
Town of STRABANE its trade, markets, &c., together with critical
remarks upon the manner of levying local taxes upon towns and
counties in Ireland 299
Minerals in the mountains 309
A landscape 310
The Tyrone Abercorn estate 311
Milltown 312
Burndennet bleach green 312
Urneyhouse (church property) 314
Shannon 316
Mulvoyne , 317
Deer Park 318
Crosh House 318
Parish of Ardstraw 319
Galloney House 319
Glencush 320
Corcreevy 321
Omagh (the capital of the county) 321
Mount Pleasant 324
Newgrove 325
Seskinore Lodge, &c 326
The Vesey estate 328
Ecclesville and Fintona 33 1
Spur Royal Castle 332
The Ravella estate 334
Killyfaddy House 334
Straughroy Cottage 339
The Tyrone election of 1830 341
Petty Sessions at Omagh 343
CHAP. VI.
COUNTIES OF FERMANAGH AND LEITRIM.
Entrance into the County of Fermanagh, with observations on its general
appearance 349
Facilities for trade 361
Mineral wealth of Leitrim 365
Its towns, trade, character of the peasantry, and magisterial persecutions
of the poor 379
Spas-Derrycarn 384
vi. TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Page
COUNTY OF FERMANAGH RESUMED.
Garden Hill (with observations on the advantages resulting to a country
from the example and labours of industrious resident landlords) .... 386
Colebrooke (with observations on minerals and tenures, and a brief
notice of the Lisnaskea estate) 388
Castle-Coole (with observations on the utility of commercial surveys,
preparatory to manufactures and commerce ; concluding with a seri-
ous address to the landed interest of Ulster 391
Castle Archdale (scenery from thence to Belleek) 397
Florence Court 404
Derrybrusk House 405
Bellevue 407
Lisgoole Abbey ' 407
Riversdale 409
Crocknacrieve 409
Jamestown. 410
Rossfad 410
Graan House 411
Hollybrook 412
Curragh 413
Forphy House 413
Killyhavlin Cottage 413
Lisbofm 414
Magheramena 415
The Rockfelt Property 416
Prospect Hill 417
Swanlinbar 418
A circuit drive 420
Tithe Composition Law 421
Lough Erne floods ; destruction of crops ; endemic diseases; cholera.. 424
Queries 426
CHAP. VII.
COUNTY OF. DONEGAL.
Boundaries, extent, climate, soil, and commercial resources 428
Kildrum lead-mines 430
Sulphureate springs, and indications of iron and other minerals 431
Bundoran, and the mines in its vicinity 431
Waters and farms 433
Peasantry 434
Capabilities of improvement 435
Introduction to the local descriptions 436
Bally shannon m 437
Principal proprietors of the soil of Donegal 456
TABLE OF CONTENTS. Vll
Page
The Conyngham estates . 456
The Hall (the family seat) 458
The Murray estate 459
Lough Eask 460
The Abercorn estate 461
St. Ernans 463
Drumboe castle 464
Fort Stewart 467
Castle-grove 469
Rock-hill 469
Woodlands 470
Glendoen glebe 47 1
Rockville 472
Buncrana castle, and the town of Buncrana 473
Rochfort, and the mountains of Innishowen . . 476
The mountain island of Inch 477
Coxtown 478
Donaghmore glebe 479
Oak-park 480
Rathmelton 481
Ballybofey and Stranorlar, with remarks on village inns 482
Woods and fences 485
Town of Donegal 485
National education 488
IRELAND.
CHAPTER I.
EMBRACING a concise but important review of the numerous and complex
causes, political, ecclesiastical, and commercial, by which Ireland has
been impoverished, divided, demoralized, and laid waste together with
the legislative measures that should be adopted for securing the rights of
British connexion to that country without a dissolution of the Act of
Union. As also, the reports of Mr. Dalton, an Irish Antiquary, and those
of the National Trades' Union, " on the rise, progress, and decline of
trade in Ireland," embracing a period of parliamentary history in relation
to that country of nearly six centuries.
WHATEVER has a tendency to produce a spirit of enquiry
in England, concerning- the resources of Ireland, and the
political and ecclesiastical impediments to its improvement,
must prove useful to both countries ; since experience
proves that, up to this hour, England has not availed her-
self of the fruits of her conquest ; has not profited in a due
proportion by the great natural riches of the Sister country ;
has not made Ireland (no, not even by her legislative union)
one country with herself; has not effected a sound moral
amalgamation of the two countries, by all her laws; has
been compelled, by the effects of her own ignorant or wicked
policy, to govern Ireland in the 19th century, and the 7th
of her own nominal dominion, by laws so ridiculously
defective, that in several districts of Ireland (witness those
of Clare, Galway, and Roscommon) there was no adequate
security for life and property, so recently as in the year
1831 ; no permanent relief from ecclesiastical imposts that
u
2 IRELAND,
have oppressed and convulsed that country for several ages ;
no security for the religious and moral influence of the
Established Church, against that contempt and hatred of
its wealthy clergy, which the basely ignorant framers and
maintainers of the law of tithe, so effectually created
and transferred to the Church itself; no- legislative enact-
ments to provide employment for the poor, and to shield
them from the unjust exactions of their domestic op-
pressors; no provision for the myriads of families that
have been thrown out of employment by the Act of
Union, by the absentee system (and the consequent drain
of native income) which that act produced;* no remedy for
As a letter to the king on the subject of the Legislative Union between
Great Britain and Ireland, will be found in a succeeding part of this work,
we shall make no farther advertence to it in this note, than merejy to
say (and this we do for the sake of those weak but well-minded Englishmen
who apprehend dangerous results from an abolition of that Act) that the
best conceivable substitute for its repeal would be, an appointment, by the
crown and imperial parliament, of a standing committee of the two houses of
legislature, composed of all the Irish lords and commoners for the time
being, to sit in Dublin for a short period every summer during the recess, to
compose bills (subject of course to the royal assent) for the improvement of
Ireland, and the employment of her people.-j-This would probably be the
best and most available substitute for a repeal of the Act of Union that
human wisdom could devise, as it would combine with all the useful and
lawful purposes of that Act, the most effectual secondary means of regenerating
Ireland, and retaining her as a willing captive in the bosom of the British
union. It would also have this additional recommendation, that it would
enable the imperial parliament to devote a much larger portion of its time to
the consideration of other subjects, than when heavily encumbered, as
hitherto, with Irish affairs. And inasmuch as these committees would be
charged with the exercise of a delegated power, (strictly confined to the
internal improvement of their own country) and for every abuse of which
they were liable to impeachment by the imperial parliament from which
they derived their authority inasmuch, we say, as this legitimate mode
of improving Ireland, by the natural (though hitherto, in many instances,
treacherous') guardians of her welfare, would have a powerful tendency to
preserve the unity and integrity of the empire, and to bury the question
of repeal in the sea of oblivion ; and to all its other benefits would unite the
important additional grace of compelling its lazy lords to spend a little
of their time and money in their own country; we think they are no friends
of England who will treat this question with contempt.
I- A committee composed of equal proportions of English, Irish, and Scotch
members, would be still better; as these would be likely to do, what Irish
senators in their legislative capacity never did JUSTICE to an injured and
disordered peasantry.
REVIEW OF HER POLITICAL AND MORAL STATE. 3
an English monopoly of all our manufacturing interests,
which it contributed to produce also; nor for the sublet-
ting act, which (whether right or wrong) threw many hun-
dreds of labouring families adrift upon the world. And
lastly, no laws to protect the hundreds of thousands of men-
dicants that were thus created, from the painful alternative
of becoming robbers and rebels to the laws, or of covering
the whole face of the country (as swarms of locusts are said
to have covered the land of Egypt) in the character of sup-
pliant beggars in pursuit of food ! Under such circum-
stances it is not therefore surprising, that in certain districts
of Ireland the laws of England are trampled under foot,
the most sacred ties of humanity disregarded, and the
value of property so completely deteriorated, that (in the
absence of a strong military protection) a man of sense
would not give sixpence for the fee simple of a good estate,
if his residence upon the property to be purchased were
made a sine qua non of the title proposed to be conveyed
to him ! In a word, that Ireland up to this day is a drag
upon the wheel of England, instead of being what she
ought to be, a powerful contributor to her treasury, and the
main pillar of her strength by sea and land.*
* Some of the causes by which this unfortunate country has been deprived
of the means of existence, her character demoralized, and her capital and
energies forced into foreign lands, being plainly and strongly exhibited
in the first report of a committee of that called " The National Trades'
Union," held in Dublin, on " the rise, progress, and decline of trade, com-
merce, and manufactures in Ireland," we shall give the substance of that
report in the following extracts from it ; and as much light has been shed
upon the same subject, by a Mr. Dalton, an Irish antiquarian (in a letter
addressed by him to the editor of a Dublin paper), we shall append the
substance of his letter to the aforesaid extracts, as we think these united
communications, in connexion with the other important facts which this
work contains, will enable every honest Englishman who lays his hand
upon this book, to trace, with ease and accuracy, the complicated mis-
fortunes of Ireland to the primitive causes which produced them ; and as the
facts of English and Irish history contained in these communications, shed
considerable light upon the state of trade and manufactures in the sister
countries, at a very early period of their connexion, the English commercial
reader will probably feel a peculiar interest in the perusal of this note,
1 IRELAND,
In such a state of affairs as this, every work which has a
tendency to call the attention of England to the causes by
which these effects have been produced and perpetuated,
must prove useful; and therefore, although in reference to
which forms with us an additional motive for annexing it to our own facts
and reflections upon the state of Ireland.
Extracts from the Report of the Committee.
" Your Committee have commenced a very laborious and minute enquiry,
into the rise, progress, and decline of trade, commerce, and manufactures in
Ireland : feeling deeply the necessity and importance of such an investigation
in the present deplorable state of our trade.
" It appears to your committee, that so far back as the year 1357, the
serges manufactured in Ireland were esteemed and encouraged in many
nations in Europe, particularly in Italy and Germany. It also appears, that
annual fairs were for several succeeding centuries held at Kilmainham, (in
the neighbourhood of Dublin) and which extended from thence to Thomas-
street, (in the city) at which fairs, frizes, stuffs, and serges, the manufacture
of Ireland, were sold not only to home purchasers, but to merchants from
all parts of Europe, who attended here to purchase, in like manner as at
the Leipsic fair in our own times ; whereby a considerable revenue was
drawn from foreign countries and spent in Ireland. This great and impor-
tant fair, under English jealousy and misrule, has long since totally ceased !
" It also appears to your committee, that in the reign of Elizabeth, a con-
siderable export of cattle took place from this country to England, and
which export trade, so far from being a drain of the resources of Ireland, as
at present, and going into the pockets of heartless and unfeeling absentees,
was then a considerable advantage to this country, the landlords being all
residents, and spending their rents (which their tenantry were by such
exports enabled regularly to pay) in the country, thereby benefiting the
nation at large, and their own neighbourhood in particular, and rendering
pauperism and want almost unknown in Ireland at that period ; but this
trade tended too much to the good and prosperity of Ireland, according
to the opinion of our English rulers; wherefore by the 8th of Elizabeth,
chap. 3, the export of cattle from Ireland to England was totally prohibited!
The consequence was, that the Irish nation paid more particular attention to
the increase of their sheep, in order to export and manufacture their wool,
which succeeded to such an extent in the succeeding reigns of James and
Charles, that it next excited the jealousy of England, lest the Irish woollen
manufacture should beat the English out of the foreign market. This
appears from a letter of Lord Strafford, while Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, to
Charles I., dated ijth July, 1636, wherein he says, ' there is a beginning here
towards a clothing trade, which I had, and so should still discourage (unless
otherwise directed), in regard it would trench not only on the clothings
of England, (being our staple commodity) so as if they should manufacture
REVIEW OF HER POLITICAL AND MORAL STATE. 5
the treasures of the soil we have little that is new to offer,
yet, as that little will be accompanied with facts of history,
calculated to shed considerable light upon the vicious and
hostile elements of society in Ireland, we do not fear but
their own wool, which grows to very great quantity, we should not only lose
the profits we made now by indrapering their wools, but his majesty lose his
customs, and in continuance it might be found that they might beat us out
of the trade itself, by underselling us, which they are able to do. Yet I have
endeavoured another way to set them at work, the rather in regard the women
are naturally bred to spinning, and that Irish earth is apt for the bearing of
flax, so I trust to make them to follow it when they see great profit arising
thereby ; and that they shall generally take and employ themselves that way,
winch, if they do, I am confident will prove a mighty business.'
" On this letter your committee shall only remark, that Providence
inflicted a just and well merited punishment, both on the treacherous writer
and his more treacherous master, who could so calmly contemplate, for the
aggrandisement of another country, the ruin of the staple trade of a brave
and industrious people. Both terminated their mortal career upon a dis-
graceful and ignominious scaffold."
'' Notwithstanding all the treacherous efforts that were made to divert the
attention and capital of Ireland from the woollen to the linen trade, the
exports of woollens to foreign countries from Ireland, still exceeded the
expectations of England ; and to prevent its continuance, an Act was passed,
the 14th and loth of Charles II., whereby an export duty of 3 6s. 8d. was
laid on each piece of broad cloth containing thirty-six yards, and fifteen
shillings on each piece of stuff and kersey. And in the reign of William III.
a duty of four shillings in the pound value on all broad cloths exported,
being the manufacture of Ireland, and two shillings in the pound on all
kerseys and stuffs; and thus Ireland was totally cut off from all foreign
trade. These cruel prohibitions were passed in the days of her meekness
and humiliation, but, as must be now apparent to every candid and thinking
man, with more than Russian despotism and injustice.
" The unwise, unjust, and paltry jealousy of England, appears amply from
the foregoing ; * but to put the matter beyond doubt, your committee state
one undeniable fact, whereby that jealousy is unblushingly acknowledged by
the higher governing power of England, for in the address of the House
of Lords to King William III., they openly complain of the increase of the
* Paltry jealousy indeed, and, strictly speaking, as impolitic as paltry ;
since, not to fetter the natural energies and resources of any branch of a
dominion, but rather to encourage a full and vigorous development of these
in every part, (each having its peculiar natural advantages) is not only the
more generous and liberal policy, but in the end, must, obviously, contribute
a larger aggregate amount to the wealth and power of the state. What
would we think in these days of the wretched minion, who, to preserve the
trade of London, would stand in his place in parliament, and say, that
Liverpool and her commerce should be destroyed ! ED. NOTE.
(> IRELAND,
this tour of observation and research, so far as it shall come
under the eye of honest and impartial Englishmen, will
contribute, with larger and more useful works, to direct their
vroollen manufacture in Ireland, ' which,' they say, ' marie his majesty's
loyal subjects very apprehensive that the further growth of it might greatly
prejudice the said manufacture in England, by which the trade of the nation
and the value of land would very much decrease, and the number of people
lessened ; they, therefore, besought his majesty to declare to all his subjects
in Ireland, that the growth and increase of the woollen manufacture, had
long and would ever be looked upon with jealousy by all his subjects of
England, but to recommend them to turn their attention to the linen trade.'
The Commons, in still stronger terms, ' implored his majesty to make it his
royal care to hinder the exportation of wool from Ireland, and discourage the
woollen manufacture and encourage the linen ' to which his majesty gave
a most implicit answer, saying, ' I shall do all that in me lies to discourage
the woollen trade in Ireland, and encourage the linen, and promote the trade
of England.' The royal promise was carried into full effect, the result of
which is felt at this day.
" Another strong proof of the ruinous treatment extended to the manu"
factures of Ireland, appears in the speech of Mr. Pitt, the prime minister
of England, made in the British House of Commons, on the 21st of January,
1800, where he says, " I will admit that for an hundred years this country
(England) followed a very narrow policy with regard to Ireland. It mani-
fested a very absurd jealousy concerning the growth, produce, and manu-
facture of several articles ; " but what cure does he propose for all this
jealousy and injustice? He says, " that all this jealousy will be buried by
the plan of the Union, which is now to be brought before you ! " Alas !
this measure, so highly praised by its base proposers, proved, instead of a
benefit, the grave of Ireland's trade and manufactures.
" Your committee think it unnecessary to enter more fully into a detail of
the legal enactments and documents, proving the evil policy and legislation
of England. They conceive they have shewn to demonstration the jealous
and unfeeling conduct pursued for ages, in regard of the legitimate and
staple manufacture of Ireland ; and that instead of fostering care and pro-
tection, the Irish woollen manufacture received from the government of
England nothing but discouragement and prohibition.
"In the glorious year of 1782, and for several years afterwards, the
woollen manufactures of Ireland made rapid strides towards prosperity,
under the fostering care of a patriotic and liberal resident gentry, and the
blessings of a domestic legislature. The city of Dublin was filled with
industrious, well-fed, well-clothed operatives, and health and competence
were enjoyed by thousands of persons connected with the woollen manufac-