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was an earlier king, Gunzinanu. But it is the use of the place names
which is most troublesome, if we accept Winckler's theory. We would
then have Meliddu, which is always a city, not a country, the capital
(A., 183) of an unknown land, ruled by Tarhunazi, while a land of
Kammanu has no known capital, and for king we must take Gunzinanu
who is distinctly said to be an earlier king. It assumes that the
accounts in XIV and P. IV are entirely wrong and that that in A. is
half incorrect. This may be true, but we demand some evidence as
well as a consideration of the facts mentioned above. The conquests
in this region were only temporary and perhaps were largely swept
away by the barbarian wars at the close of the reign. Already in his
fifth campaign, Sennacherib was forced again to destroy Tulgarimmu,
Constantinople Ins., 19. No eponym of Meliddu is known, but Assyria
seems to have held it till the later days of Esarhaddon, when, as we
learn from the prayers to the sun god, Knudtzon 54 if., it passed into
the hands of Mugallu of Tabal.


qasi/* the modern Mar'ash, the Hittite ruler, Tarhulara,*^
had been murdered by his anti-Assyrian son, Mutallu. Sar-
gon, however, took him prisoner, armies could easily be
concentrated on him from several sides,*^ and carried him
off with all the tribe of Bit Pa'alla and much booty. Gur-
gume,*'^ from which Tarhulara had come, was rebuilt, and
an Assyrian governor installed in Marqasi.*^

** A governor of Marqasi is known in 682, and in 680, Johns, Deeds ;

II. 136. For the classical Gernianiceia, cf. Ramsay, Hist. Geog., 297.
In later times, it became Mar'ash, the change from qoph to 'ain being,
as Mr. B. B. Charles points out to me, fairly common in certain dia-
lects of the Syrian Arabic of to-day. The form Mersin is common
among the writers on the Crusades but a curious instance of survival of
the older form with qoph is to be found in Anna Comnena, XI. 329 ;
XIII. 413 where a genitive Markeos occurs. The editors of the Rec.
de I'Hist. des Croisades, Hist. Grec, II. 59 have rightly seen that it was
connected with Mar'ash, but probably were unaware of the Assyrian

*^ The first part is Tarhu, cf. n. 39. For the second, Jensen, Hittiter,
22^, compares the Mongerlaris of Heberdey and Wilhelm, Abhandl.
of Vienna Academy, 1896, 138 ^. I was inclined to identify the name
with the Tourkoleis of Sachau, op. cit., 99, but a reference to the
original inscription, no. LXXV, of Hicks, Jour, of Hellen. Studies, 1891,
shows that we really have Toukoleis. The rho is probably merely a
misreading of the division line in the transliteration.

" From Melitene, Samosata, Samal, Carchemish, Tarsus, all of which
were in the hands of Assyria. This shows how necessary it was to
take the country which lay in the center of the half circle.

" Gurgume already appears in the Monolith, I. 40, II. 84, of Shal-
maneser II. It is then ruled by an earlier Mutallu. For an ex-
haustive account of the Arabic Gurgume, see Sachau, Sitzungsherichte
of the Berlin Academy, 1892, 329 fF. Sachau there compares the
GRGM of the Panammu inscription. The identity with Mar'ash seems
to have been independently discovered by Tomkins, Bah. Orient. Record,

III. 3, and Sachau, op. cit., 313. Professor Sterrett suggests that we
may have a trace of the root in Gulgurum, the classical Gorgorome,
near Fassiler where Hittite remains are found.

*^ In the text, the version of A. 208 ff. ; D. 83 if. is followed. Ac-
cording to XIV. 10; P. IV. 28; B. 26; Tarhulara was deposed directly
by Sargon and Gurgume is at once made a province. This does not


In the next years, probably 711-709, the final pacification
of Que proper was accomplished by its governor. In three
expeditions* the infantry penetrated the Taurus, took two
fortresses situated on hilltops and made twenty-four hun-
dred prisoners. Of these, nearly a thousand were carried
the whole length of the empire from Que to the king, as he
lay encamped at Irma'mi in Elam.^^ To take their place
other Assyrian subjects were settled.''^ But it now began to
be seen that a crossing of Cilicia Trachaea was impracticable,
and the advance was stopped. It is even probable that some
sort of an understanding with Midas was arrived at, for in
no other way can we explain the " tribute " Sargon claims
to have received from him.'^^

necessarily conflict with the other, for, if Mutallu deposed his father
at Assyrian suggestion, Sargon would claim it. But Mutallu would
seem to represent the anti-Assyrian party. Then we can explain Sar-
gon's boast only in the light of the usual tendency of the Assyrians to
" claim everything in sight." I think that this Mutallu was not the
same as the Mutallu of Qummuh, although I know the reverse may be
argued. Winckler restores A. 209 (V) " Hull[i Mut]tallu his son."
What can this possibly mean ? For the fact of Hittite occupation, cf.
the well-known Mar'ash lion with the Hittite inscription. Here is
probably to be placed 82-3-23, 131, published and translated, Winckler,
Forsch., II. 570 if. Winckler has seen that the second part refers
to the Ashdod revolt. He places the first part in Armenia, but the
relation to the Ashdod revolt account seems rather to refer to our
own events. The mountain top like a dagger point where the cliff fort
Azaqa was situated may as well be found in Asia Minor. Azaka has
a " Hittite " sound and if we compare Caesarea Mazaka, we may place
the mountain top at the nearby Mt. Argaios.

*'A. 373, cf. Winckler, op. cit., II. 133.

""A. 378. K. 833 = J. 1099 seems to belong here. It is a report
of various classes of captives who have been brought from Que. The
total is 976, as against the 1000 of the Annals, a better showing for
accuracy than we should expect.

" K. 3061 = J. 743 shows that Assyrian colonists were settled in Que
probably at this time.

"A. 379 if. A governor of Que in 685, Johns, Deeds, II. 137.


At about the same time or perhaps a little later,''^ trouble
broke out on the extreme north, where Mutallu of Qummuh,
a land situated somewhat to the north of the later Comma-
gene,^* had abandoned friendly relations with Sargon and
gone over to Argishtish, who had recently succeeded Rusash
in Haldia. The governor of the new province invaded his
country, took some of his fortresses and much booty, and
even some of his family. But Mutallu himself simply re-
tired to the wild mountains nearby. The lowland regions
were settled by captives from Bit lakin, to which place the
Qummuh men were in their turn deported.*^^ This seems to

"The exact date is uncertain. In both Rm, 2, 97 and II R. 69, we
have a campaign against Qummuh under 708, and this is the more
probable date. Winckler, Sargon, XLI, has shown that a date cannot
be inserted before the Qummuh campaign in the Annals. The date in
that document would then be 709. If there were a real question of
date, we should prefer that of the chronological documents. In reality,
we are probably to see here a series of guerilla wars, extending over
several years. Cf. the mention of Mutallu of Qummuh in A. 195
under 712.

"Qummuh occurs already in the time of Tiglath Pileser I, Prism,
I. 59. The connection with the classical Commagene is generally
recognized. In these days, it seems to have been further north. Its
site at this time seems to be marked by the fortress of Kamacha,
Ramsay, Hist. Geog., 448. This is the Kamakh of the Arabs, Le
Strange, East. Caliph., 118. It might be objected that an Assyrian
qoph can hardly be represented by the Arabic kaph. But the Assyrian
qoph is properly transliterated by the Greek kappa, while this is again
represented correctly, if the Arabic form came directly from the Greek
and not from the native form. Mutallu also occurs on the Monolith
of Shalmaneser II, I. 40. We cannot with Sachau, /. c, and Johns,
Deeds, III. 458, compare the Motales of Hicks, op. cit., 27, 40 for
Heberdey and Wilhelm, op. cit., no 155, show this to be a misreading.
Jensen, op. cit., 223, compares the Moutalaske of the Vita Sahce, cited by
Ramsay, Hist. Geog., 295.

" The list of tribute is instructive. It included horses, mules, asses,

camels, herds and flocks, gold, silver, various cloths, elephants* hides,

ivory, ushu and ukarinu wood, the treasures of his palace, and his royal

throne. The mention of camels and elephants in this locality is



be the high-water mark of Assyrian influence in this region.
Before the end of the reign the Iranians began to come in
and the frontier receded.^^

In connection with affairs on this frontier, we may note
the Assyrian relations with Cyprus. Here the Greeks had
gradually been settling until by now they seem to have
gained control of the greater part of the island. They nat-
urally, as enemies of the Phoenicians in the island, were
inclined to be friendly with the Assyrians who had already
secured control of the Phoenicians on the mainland. No
doubt, too, Midas had tried to conquer the Greeks along the
coast, as the Lydians tried later, and enmity to him would
again make them favorable to Sargon. On the other hand,
the Assyrians had no fleet, and so there was little danger of
conquest from them. Furthermore, friendship with the
great empire would mean commercial privileges throughout
the whole of its provinces, and the Greeks would not forget
this. We can therefore well understand why, when Sargon
was still in Babylon, probably after his return from the
extreme south (709),^^ he received an embassy and presents,

curious. Were camels used for caravans? It is well known that large
numbers of beautiful rugs are still made at home in Asia Minor. Does
the mention of these various cloths point to home manufacture of such
a sort at this time?

We learn further of this production of cloth in K. 125 = H. 196,
Johns, Laws, 345, which dates about 708, cf. chap. VIII. The heads of
Qummuh have come to Kalhu where they are lodged in the house
reserved for that nation. They bear tribute, seven mares of mules
each and fruit as well as cloth and seven talents, apparently some sort
of a tax on that product. They are discontented at present conditions,
say their produce has decreased under present circumstances, and wish
the work to be under the direction of the royal weavers.

'^''A. 372 if., D. 112 if.

" A. 388. The order of the Annals calls for 709. Maspero, Empires,
260, and Rogers, History, 178 prefer 708, while Winckler, Sargon, XL
advocates 710.


gold and silver, it is curious that we have no mention of
the copper which received its name from the island, ushu
and ukarinu woods, from the land of la',^^ a region^ of
latnana, as the Assyrians named Cyprus.^^ In return, Sar-

^ The land la' should be compared with the Cilician names of
Sachau, op. cit., 1891, 81, lazamos and lanbies where la is a god, Jensen,
Hittiter, 126. Johns, Deeds, III, 122, compares the witness la-ai of K.
422 J. 75.

'^ The Assyrian for " region " is Nage. Winckler, Sargon, XL n. 6,
makes la'nage a folk etymology from an lonikoi, or, as modified, Farsch.,
I, 367 n. I, for lonike. No form of Ionian occurs in any of the
Cypriote inscriptions in Collitz, Sammlung der griech. Dialekt-In-
schriften, I. 1884, or in any of the Semitic inscriptions from Cyprus
given in the Corpus. Pape's Handworterbuch does not give a single
instance where lonikoi is used for lones or where lonike is used for
Ionia. I have indeed found a statement in Steph. Byz. s. v. Ionia, to the
effect that lonikoi is a form used of natives of Ionia, but a reference
to his use of lonikoi as applied to the Illyrians, s. v. las, seems to
show that its use for lones is the result of a confusion. I therefore
doubt if lonikoi was ever used for lones or lonike for Ionia. If so
used, it must have been very rare, since no certain trace is left.
Winckler's clever conjecture is accordingly not supported by Hellenic
usage. But there is a more serious objection. In all forms of the
root, a digamma was felt as the Hebrew Javan, Arabic Yunani, Sanskrit
lavana show. This digamma was felt in Cypriote, as their inscriptions
indicate. In Assyrian, as the name of the Ashdod leader, lamani, shows,
this w sound, as usual, was represented by m. It is difficult to believe,
at least I know of no examples to prove it, that the sign which repre-
sents the lost guttural sounds in Assyrian could stand for a digamma.
If it could, it ought to appear before, not after, the a which I suppose
Winckler would make correspond to the o of lonikes-Ionike.

* The form Atnana is probably merely a scribal error, the la before
at being lost through similarity of signs, Sachau, Zeitschr. f. Assyr, 1888,
112. Perhaps Cheyne, Ency. Biblica. art. Javan, is right in thinking
that the explanation " Ionian island " is mere folk etymology. It is
even more probable that there is no actual connection between it and
lones. Oppert, Literatur-Blatt fur Orient. Philologie, III. 82 fF.
identifies the word with Itanus, a place in eastern Crete. While this
is impossible, the agreement in names may perhaps indicate that the
inhabitants of Crete before the coming of either Phoenician or Greek
were of the same Eteocretic race as those in Cyprus.


gon sent to Cyprus the splendid " image of his majesty,"
which is now in BerUn.^ The Greeks of Cyprus continued
to keep in friendly relation with succeeding kings, and once
in a while sent presents. To the end, however, they retained
their independence and Assyria never really ruled the

" S. 43-47- Cf. chap. I, n. 41.

'A. 383 ff.; D. 145 if.; S. 28 ^. In A., we seem to have tribute held
back, an overthrow of the rebels, and a governor appointed. This
seems to be only a case of formula. D. and S., the latter to be read
in Cyprus itself, content themselves with the mere report of the royal
power as cause for the tribute. A few lines further we have a pas-
sage, not translated by Winckler, of some interest. The context can-
not be made out but we have mention of a man named ?-il-da- ?-qu-ra-ai,
A. 383 (V), of a city Ma(?)-?-na, A. 385 (V), and of another person
called I-da-[ . . . a]i, A. 387 (II). The first is without doubt a
name ending in -agoras, the most common of all Cypriote personal
endings. Compare, in Collitz, op. cit., Evagoras (Ewvakoro),
Aristagoras (Arisitakorau), Pnytagoras (Punu . . .), Pasagoras (Pasa-
korani), Cypragoras (Kupurakorao), Onasagoras (Onasakorau). It is
interesting to note that the Assyrian agrees with the Cypriote in
changing the g to 2l k or q. I do pot know what to make of the first
part. Perhaps the first sign is pa. Parthagoras is then possible.
Of course, this is mere conjecture. The city Ma(?)-?-na I do not
know. The I-da-[ . . . a]i I should make " the man from Idalion, a
city which occurs on both Phoenician and Cypriote inscriptions. Any
attempt to further work out the general relations of the Greeks must
be very hazardous. The reference to the lamnai in C. 21 is not at all
clear. We there learn that Sargon dragged them from the sea with a
net ( ?) like fish from the midst of the sea and pacified Que and Curri
(Tyre). If the translation is correct here, we may compare the
" netting " saganeuein of Persian times. As C. is a display inscription,
it is not very probable that the references to the lamnai are to be
taken in connection with those of Tyre and Que. For the same reason,
it is not sure that these passages are anything more than an idle boast.
Winckler, Forsch., I. 360 ff., places here the passages from Euseb.
Chron., ed. Schone, I. 27, 35. The former is quoted from Alexander
Polyhistor, the latter from Abydenus, but both go back to Berossus and
are nearly identical. According to these, the lones made war with Sen-
nacherib. They were defeated, in a naval battle, according to Abydenus.


Sennacherib then erected a monument and founded Tarsus. This
monument is clearly the one at Anchiale, generally attributed to
Sardanapallos (Ashur bani pal), of. e. g., Suidas, s. v. Sardanapallus,
while Tarsus existed at least as early as Shalmaneser II. From the
time of Sennacherib on, the account of Berossus is fairly full and, where
it can be tested, as trustworthy as can be expected. There is, how-
ever, no reason to suppose that his sources were less full for Sargon
or Tiglath Pileser III than for Sennacherib or Nebuchadnezzar. The
only reason why we do not have this section is that the Christian ex-
cerptors did not think it of value as illustrating Biblical history. Have
we, then, the right to take an event which two different versions agree
in giving to Sennacherib and assign it to Sargon? Certainly not.
Why should we assign a naval battle to Sargon? There is no proof
that he had a navy or knew its value. The one Assyrian ruler who did
understand the value of sea power was, as everybody knows, Senna-
cherib, and why a naval battle, ascribed to him by a double line of
tradition, should be taken away from him, I cannot see. While,
however, there can be no doubt that Sennacherib is correctly named
as the victor, there is a question in my mind as to the correctness of
the name given to the vanquished. Berossus, the Babylonian, would be
unlikely to make a mistake as to which one of the rulers of his own
country won a great battle in the western seas, but he might well be-
come confused as to just which western power it was. In his own
days, the Greeks were all-powerful, and he may have been led to give
them the same place in the west in earlier times. But the good rela-
tions between Greeks and Assyrians, for there is no inscriptional proof
that the two peoples ever came into actual conflict, hardly allow us
to place a war with them here. If not the Greeks, then who ? The
answer may be found in the list of thalassocracies, or periods of sea
power, held by the various peoples, in Euseb. Chron., 225. Winckler,
Forsch., II. 288 fF., assigns the Cypriote period to about 700-677, and I
think he is correct. He also rightly assumes that this rise of the
Cypriote power was due to the union with Assyria. If so, then this
means that the Greeks and Assyrians must have put down the naval
power of the people which last held the supremacy at sea. But these
were the Phrygians ! Is not all now clear ? Sargon warred with
Midas by land. The Cypriote Greeks, as noted above, would be natural
enemies of Midas as well as of the Phoenicians. Union with Assyria
was therefore natural. Sargon did not see the value of friendly rela-
tions with Cyprus any more than he did that of Uperi of Tilmun in the
Persian Gulf. His successor saw the need of Assyrian control of
the seas. We have his own account of his operations on the Persian
Gulf. Midas had been checked by Sargon on land. Sennacherib


ruined his power at sea, aided, of course, by the Cypriote fleet. The
control of the sea would then naturally pass from the Phrygians to
the Cypriotes. This working out seems to be only the logical result
of Winckler's own discussion of the thalassocracies. We may presume,
therefore, that he has abandoned his earlier views, Forsch., I. 360 ff.
Other views in Schrader, Sitzungsber, of Berlin Academy, 1890, 340
if. ; Delitzsch, Paradies, 248 ; Maspero, Empires, 260, 284. Kition is
the place where the stele was found and is therefore the most im-
portant place in the island. It is the QartihadastI of Esarhaddon's
Broken Cyl. V. 19 ff. and the QRTHShT of the Baal Lebanon inscrip-
tion. For this Cypriote Carthage, cf. Corpus Ins. Semit., I. 26, 98 ;
Schrader, op. cit., 339 ; Jastrow, Proc. Amer. Orient. Soc, 1890, LXX ff.
In the above mentioned inscription of Esarhaddon, Idalion occurs as
Edi'al. The forms Pilagura (Pythagoras) and Unasagusu (Onisagoras)
are less close to the Cypriote form than are our forms.



As we have already seen, one of the antagonists most to
be feared by Assyria was Rusash of Haldia. His attempts
to regain the lost Haldian conquests west of the Euphrates
have been noted in the last chapter. In this, we shall see the
efforts of Sargon to bring the war directly home to him.^

When Sargon turned his attention to affairs on this part
of his frontier, in 719, he found a good base for attack in
the large and important tribe of the Mannai who lived to
the southeast of Haldia.- As next-door neighbors to that
power, they naturally threw in their lot with Assyria. At
this time their chief was Iranzu, who seems to have been
devoted to his Assyrian ally. To the south of the Mannai

^ For discussion of Haldian affairs in general, see chapter II.

^ The Mannai are among the most important tribes of this region.
References in the letters and other documents are frequent. Their
location is somewhat indefinite, probably because they covered a large
area, which shifted more or less at various times. In general, they
were allied with the Assyrians. A large part, as their names would
seem to show, were Iranian, yet other parts seem to be akin to the
Haldians. They seem later to have been confused with the Madai.
Note that our Daiukku of Mannai founds the Median empire according
to Herodotus. Hommel, Gesch., 598, 713, n. 3, and Schrader,
Sitzungsher., of Berlin Academy, 1890, 331, place them in the region
between the Araxes and Lake Urmia. This may be true so far as it
goes, but they certainly came further south. The same may be said
of their location to the northwest of the lake by Streck, Zeitsch. f.
Assyr., 1899, 143, and Sayce, Jour. Roy. Asiat. Soc, 1882, 497.
Winckler, Gesch., 200, places them to the west, Billerbeck, Beitr. z.
Assyr., III. 139, to the southwest, and Belck, Verhandl. Berl. Anthrop.
Gesellsch., 1894, 479. to the southwest and southeast. This last is seem-
ingly correct.



lay Zikirtu,^ whose chief, Mittatti, just as naturally allied
himself with Rusash against the Mannai. While Sargon, or
at least his armies, were engaged elsewhere, Mittatti per-
suaded two of the Mannai towns, Shuandahuh and Dur-
dukka,* to revolt against Iranzu, and sent a garrison to hold
them. Iranzu appealed to Sargon, and Sargon sent an army.

50 well garrisoned were they that a regular siege with siege
engines was needed to capture them. When taken, they were
burned and their inhabitants deported.*^ At about the same
time, the three neighboring towns of Sukkia, Bala, and
Abitekna were captured and the people carried off to

Again, in 717, there were disturbances in this region, as
the Papa and Lallukna^ were ravaging the friendly land of
Kakme.^ They were conquered and deported to Damascus.

' The identification of Zikirtu with the Persian clan of the Sagartioi,
Herod. I. 125, is generally accepted. It was near to Mannai on the
south, yet was passed by the Assyrians in going to Mugagir. I should
therefore place it southeast of Mugagir, about at Pasava. Billerbeck's
map places its capital, Parda, at Marand, northeast of Lake Urmia.

* These places must be north of Zikirtu, about east of the Kelishin Pass.
The Durdukka of A. is the Zurzukka of D.. With the latter, Winckler,
Sargon, XX, n. i, compares Zurzua of Ptol. V. 12. 7. He might also
have compared the Zaruana of the same section. But both are too far
north to make an identification probable.

' A. 32 ff. ; D. 48.

'A. 40 ff.; D. 57; XIV. 30; C. 28. The passages in D. and C. at
first seem to indicate that they, with the Papa and Lallukna, annoyed
Kakme and were therefore carried off to Damascus. This is the
view of Streck, op. cit., 132. But this is merdy the usual merging due
to geographical contiguity. The real order is given in A.

^ The form Pappa seems due to confusion with Pappa-Paphos of
Cyprus. The normal form is therefore not Pappa, as Streck, op. cit.,
133, but Papa.

* Streck, op. cit., 132, translates the very doubtful passage C. 28 = A.

51 " welche gegen dasselbe ganz offentlich Plane geschmiedet hatten."
This would make the deportation the result of depredations committed
by the highland tribes on the lowlanders, the pro-Assyrian people of


About this time the Mannai themselves went over to
Haldia. Iranzu, the friend of Assyria, died, or to use the
more picturesque Assyrian expression, " his fate came upon
him." His son and successor, Aza, was also a "lover of
the yoke of Ashur." The " yoke of Ashur," however, was
anything but light, and Rusash, who had already made
trouble for Assyria,^** persuaded the commons to strike for

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