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liberty. Perhaps we may see in it a revolt of the Aryans
against the older race for the new ruler. Bagdatti^^ of
Uishdish^^ bears an Iranian name, and was supported by

Kakme, But, on this assumption, how can we explain N. 9, " who
shook the breast of Kakme, men who were hostile and wicked " ? This
inscription dates to within a year of the actual events and is there-
fore worthy of a certain belief, even if only a display inscription. In
this latter passage, Streck takes mutaqin with the clause just noted.
But this is entirely contrary to the usage of these display inscriptions
where the participle precedes the noun it governs. Does A. 51 point
to a treacherous understanding between the Papa and Lallukna and
certain officials of the palace?

' Johns, Doomsday Book, 46, notes an Azi baal and an Azi ilu and
therefore makes Aza a Semite. But the large number of Iranian
names beginning with Aza fully justifies Justi, Namenhuch, s. v., in
placing Aza among them.

"In 719 according to Prism B. Cf. note below on chronology.

" The first part of the name Bagdatti is clearly Baga, " god," the
latter comes from the word " to give." We have therefore an exact
parallel in Iranian to the Greek Theodotus, cf. Mithridates. Accord-
ingly, we cannot accept the theory of Jensen, Zeitschr. f. Assyr., 1893,
378, that Datti is a god, nor that of Johns, Doomsday Book, 40, who
compares a Bagdadi and sees in the second part the well-known Semitic
love deity.

"D. 37, 49 reads (mat)U-ish-di-ish-ai. Winckler takes the first ish
as mil. But ish is the common value of this sign in Assyrian and
the only value in Haldian. We should therefore read Uishdish. In
XIV. 47 the first ish is merely dropped out, while in A. no, U-e-di-ish,
the e is an easy error for ish, as Winckler sees. Streck, op. cit., 140,
146, compares the Ishdish of Tiglath Pileser I, Prism II. 68, 78, read
Mildish by Budge and King. He places it, op. cit., 146, southwest of
the Mannai and south of Lake Van on the very doubtful assumption that


Mitatti of Zikirtu. Aza was deposed and his dead body ex-
posed on Mount Uaush. His reign, too, was short, for the
Assyrians took him alive, flayed him, and exposed his
bleeding form on this same Mount Uaush.^^

He was succeeded by Ullusunu, the brother of Aza,^* who
had thus a legitimate claim to the throne. Whether placed
on the throne by the Assyrians or not,^^ he soon saw that
Rusash was the nearer and more dangerous foe. He there-
fore made his peace with Haldia and handed over, probably
not without compulsion, twenty-two towns as proof of his
good faith. As a result of his defection from Assyria,
Ashur liu^^ of Karalla,^' and Itti of AUabria^^ followed his

the Aruma of Uishdish is the Arua of Kirhu. We should rather place
it among the Mannai and near Zikirtu, that is somewhere east of
Kelishin Pass and south of Lake Urmia. Cf. also the Ashdiash of
Ashur bani pal, Cyl. B., III. 34.

" D. 37 adds the (amel) (mat) Misiandai to Bagdatti and Mitatti as
instigators of the revolt. Who he was, we do not know. We should
probably see in the second part Andia, cf. below, Hommel, Gesch., 713
n. Is Misi the name of the man ? The scribe has clearly made an
error here. The " governors " of A. may refer to these men or to the
Mannai chieftains. The former is the more probable. Maspero,
Empires, 240, greatly exaggerates the importance of Mitatti in this

" Ullusunu is generally taken to be the son of Iranzu and brother of
Aza, for it is to the latter that it seems we should refer the ahishu,
"his brother," of A. 57. Streck, op. cit., 135 refers this to Bagdatti
and makes him the brother of Ullusunu and son of Aza, but this is very
unlikely. No stress can be laid on D. 39, " on the throne of his
father," for this is merely a formal statement. XIV. 53, " Ullusunu
on the throne of Aza established himself," shows no recognition of
Bagdatti as regular ruler.

"Tiele, Gesch., 262 n. i, does not think Sargon had anything to do
with the accession of Ullusunu. In XIV. 53, usheshibu may be a
first as well a third person.

" On the basis of his Assyrian name, " Ashur is mighty," Winckler,
Gesch., 241 n., suggests that he may have been a revolted Assyrian


All these events seem to have taken place in 717, if not
earlier.^ Now, in 716, a new expedition was sent out, seem-
ingly under the Nabuhashadua, whose report on the affairs
of Ashur liu and Ullusunu has come down to us.-^ The
expedition succeeded. Ullusunu took to the hills on their
approach, but when he saw the burning and plundering of

governor who carved out a kingdom for himself in the troublous times
before the accession of Sargon. But the fact that his brother was
named Amitashshi seems to prove that the Assyrian name was given
or assumed only to indicate Assyrian leanings.

" Karalla is placed to the east of Lake Urmia, Maspero, op. cit.,
141 map, and to the northeast by Billerbeck, map. Streck, op. cit.,
163 if., places it near the Mannai, between them and Kirruri, the latter
of which he places, op. cit., 169, to the west and southwest of Lake
Urmia. This is more probable. Karalla appears only in the time of
Sargon. As it was annexed to the empire, while Allabria was not,
it was probably nearer to Assyria.

" Allabria or Allabra first occurs in the Annals of Ashur nagir pal,
in. 109. Here it is connected with Amedi and Kashiari. Streck is
therefore right in placing it in Tur 'Abdin, in the Koros Mts., or in
those to the east along the Tigris, op. cit., 87. But while this location
is no doubt correct for that early time, it will not do for the days of
Sargon. Maspero, op. cit., 141, 193, maps, puts it to the east of Karalla,
which itself is placed to the east of Lake Urmia. Winckler, on his
map, also places it to the east. I would rather place it to the south-
west of the lake and beyond Karalla.

" Cf. the chronological note below.

^ Sm. 935 unpublished. Reference in Bezold, Catalogue.

^^ Izirtu is probably the Zirta of Obelisk, 166, of Shalmaneser IL
It is already the capital of the Mannai. Streck, op. cit., 138 f.,
compares the first part of the Haldian Sisirihadiris of Sayce XXXIII.
39. Billerbeck, map in Ency. Bibl., places Izirtu at the Arza of
Kiepert's map, half way between Van and Urmia and on the direct road
between the two places. The situation is probable, but we can place
no confidence in the name, for it appears as Arza and Atis on Kiepert's
map, while on that of Lynch it is Argis. The whole topographical study
is still very difficult. The general outlines of the natural topography
is fairly well known, but the nomenclature is in the greatest confusion.
Instead of the present crude transliterations of names, we need to have
these presented both in the Armenian and Turkish characters with


his capital, Izirtu,^^ as well as some of his other cities," he
came out and sued for peace. This was granted with
alacrity, showing either that his defection was considered
due to force or that the friendship of the Mannai was too
important for Sargon to risk it by severe measures.

The two chieftains who had followed his example did not
come off so easily, for an example was needed, and they
were not important enough to make severe treatment dan-
gerous. Ashur liu was flayed alive and his men deported
to Hamath, where they were joined by Itti and his family.
Karalla was made a province, while Allabria was granted to
a certain Adar aplu iddin, whose name indicates his As-
syrian leanings.^^

which they are written and in a transcription which will represent the
actual pronunciation. Even with this, work will be difficult. The
place must first be located approximately on purely topographical
grounds. Similarity of names is then a welcome rather than neces-
sary confirmation. Shifting of population has caused a large propor-
tion of names to be lost or changed in location, while shifting in
pronunciation, which has taken place to a marked degree in Armenian,
makes resemblances deceptive and hides real traces. Much work is
still needed here, especially for the rural dialects.

^ These were Zibia or Izibia, doubtfully identified by Streck, op. cit.,
139 n. I, with the Uzbia of the Cyl. B. III. 47 of Ashur bani pal, men-
tioned in connection with Izirtu, a very probable conjecture. Armaid,
Armeid, or Armeidda, is identified by Streck, op. cit., 139, with the
Araid of A. 119 on the border of the sea, Lake Van, according to
Streck, but more probably Urmia. Urmaid is also mentioned on Prism
B with Kishesim under year V (717). Here also should perhaps be
placed the Is-ha-?-gur, a fortress of the Mannai, whose capture is
represented in Sculp. XIV. 2.

^ Our main authority for these events is A. 52-64. It is clear that
more than one year is represented here. The order is correct,
although the definite chronology is not. The events are badly dis-
torted in D., not only by the usual dividing into geographical sections,
but also by ascriptions to the various actors and confusion with those
of the following year. The pertinent sections are D. 36-42 50-51
for Ullusunu, 49 for Bagdatti, 55-66 for Ashur liu and Itti. K. 1660,


The next year, 715, the results were more or less unim-
portant. One expedition was directed against a certain
Daiukku, a Mannai governor, who had given his son to
Rusash as a hostage. Rusash, however, gave no help, and
Daiukku was deported to Hamath. The name of the man
is more interesting than his personality. Daiukku is nothing
but Deiokes, and it is quite possible that the proto-
type of the Median prince who founded, according to
Herodotus, the Median kingdom at this very time, is to be
seen in this underling. We should also note that the name
is Iranian. Do we see here, as in the case of Bagdatti,
another reaction of the Iranian element in the Mannai
against the non-Iranian ? ^*

published by Winckler, Sammlung, II. 4, is a Babylonian fragment,
probably of a display inscription. It mentions Ashur liu and Itti as
well as Kammanu and Tarhulara of Marqasha (Marqasi). We there-
fore have no chronology here ; against Bezold, Catalogue, who ascribes it
to year VI. The letter S. 935 has already been referred to. Prism B.,
which mentions Ashur liu, Ullusunu and Itti and describes the booty
as horses, herds, flocks, and cloth stuffs, is important for the chronology
and will be discussed below.

^From the time of F. Lenormant, Lettres Assyrologiques, I. 55, the
verbal identity of this Daiukku, as well as of the Bit Daiukku of A.
140, with the Deoikes of Herod. I. 16, etc., has not been questioned.
The date, say 708, of Herodotus agrees so closely with our data that
I can hardly believe that there is no connection. If already there were
Median tales afloat in regard to a certain Deiokes, founder of the
Median empire, it would be perfectly natural for some one who was
acquainted with cuneiform to localize him by identifying him with
the Daiukku of our lists. A somewhat similar case is the placing of
Abraham in the days of Hammurabi. If so, then the chronology of
the kings is not that of Herodotus, but of his oriental sources. It
is well known that the chronology of Ctesias is a curious amplification
of that of Herodotus, but it is also clear that he had cuneiform sources
for his names. Is it possible that his chronology is based on a
native source directly rather than on Herodotus?

Perhaps we may compare the (amel) Daiku of K. 2852, Winckler,
Forsch., II. 28 if. Sayce makes the Mandaukas of Ctesias, Fr. 47 =
Man ,+ Deiokes, Zeitschr. f. Assyr., but the better reading is Madaukes.


Sargon next turned his attention to the twenty-two towns
recently " given " to Rusash and won them back. The fact
that they were restored to Ullusunu is another proof that his
defection was unwilHng. Even when Sargon erected a stele
in Izirtu, his capital, he remained true to Assyria. ^^

Another interesting event was the receiving of tribute from
the ianmi-^ of Nairi at his capital of Hubushkia.^' Nairi,
which here occurs for the last time, a comparatively re-
stricted district, was once applied to all the tribes of the
northern frontier.^* Tribute was also received from eight
towns of the land of Tuaiadi, which was ruled by Telusina
the Andian, and over four thousand men were deported
from it.2

Tide, art. Persia, Ency. Bibl., doubts the identity of this Hamath with
the Syrian city of that name. The numerous settlements in Syria,
however, make such an identity practically certain.

^A. 77, by the usual anticipation, places the capture of these forts
in year VII, and Winckler, Sargon, XXIV ; Tiele, Gesch., 263 ; Maspero,
Empires 242, place it accordingly in 715. It is rather to be placed in
the year or years preceding, in accordance with the testimony of D.
39, 44, 52, where a more natural order is given. For the actual date,
see below.

^ The Assyrian scribes both here and in the case of the iansti of
Namri, Shalmaneser II, Obelisk, 112, took it as a proper name. The
Cossaean list however, quoted as 82-9-18, there is no such number
in the Catalogue, Delitzsch, Koss'der, 1884, 29 if., shows it to be a
title by giving it as the equivalent of sharru, " king."

^^ Sachau, Zeitschr. f. Assyr., 1897, 53; Schrader, Keilinschr. und
Geschichtsforschung, 164, places it too far to the northwest; Belck,
Verh. Berl. Anthrop. GeselL, 1894, 483, and later writers place it more
to the south. Sayce, Jour. Roy. Asiat. Soc, 1882, 674, makes the name
Vannic. Sachau, /, c, identifies it with the classical Moxoene, the
Armenian Mokkh.

^ A. 75 ff. ; D. 52 ff. The reference to nine towns of five regions
belonging to Ursa of Urartu, A. 79, and the annexation of these towns,
is not clear.

^ A. 81 ff.; D. 45 /. According to Delattre, Medes, 82 f., Andia is
east of the Matai, between the mountains of Matai, Urmia and


The following year matters became more serious. To
follow the Assyrian account we should assume that a direct
attack was made on Rusash, that a great defeat was inflicted
and that this defeat was so crushing that " when Ursa of
Urartu heard of the destruction of Mugagir, the capture of
his god, Haldia, with his own hand, with the iron dagger of
his girdle, his life he ended." ^ In several ways, neverthe-
less, the story does not ring true, and even without docu-
ments from the Haldian side, its truth might be doubted.
With the account of Rusash himself we can understand the
general course of events.^^

The Mannai lay between Haldia and Mugagir.^^^ Nat-
urally, the two were united against them. As the more
powerful, Rusash controlled Mugagir. As a perpetual re-
minder of this control, Rusash followed Assyrian precedents
and erected a statue of his national god Haldia^^ in Mugagir,

Parachoatras (Elburz). Billerbeck, Suleimania, 156, places them north
of L. Urmia in the Anzal region. We may see another reference to
Andia in the Kalhu inscription, 9, of Adad nirari. *

^D. 76 /.

^^ The Topsana stele. Cf. chap. I. n, 63.

^^ The place is called Mugagir in the Assyrian, but Ardine in the
Haldian Topsana stele. The latter is clearly related to the Haldian
sun god Ardinish, although curiously enough the gods of the city are
Haldia and Bagabartu. The site has been fixed by the discovery of
this stele as at a ruin between Sidikin and the Kelishin Pass, Belck,
Zeitschr. f. Ethn., 1899, 103.

^ That the Haldia of the Assyrian inscriptions was the chief god
Haldish of the Haldians was already seen by Oppert, Pastes, 8 n. 3.
The use of Haldi as a god's name is common in the later days of
Assyria, cf. Johns, Deeds, index. The contract K. 358 =: J. 416 is
especially interesting, for we have here a Rusa', a Haldi ibni, and a
Haldi ugur, and this in the year 710. Cf. also the Elamite deity, as
e. g., in Humma haldash. Perhaps Oppert, Zeitschr. f. Assyr., 1887,
106, is right in comparing the Handita (Haldita), the father of
Arahu, the Armenian, Behistun Ins., HI. 78.


while the native, and probably Iranian, Bagabartu,^* was
degraded to the station of a consort.

Sargon took the field, probably in person, to aid the
Mannai against this combination. After a preliminary ex-
pedition against Elli and Zikirtu, he found himself within
the great mountain barrier which now forms the boundary
between Persia and Turkey,^^ and within striking distance
of Mugagir. Rusash hurried south, breaking through the
Mannai, to come to the help of his ally. As Sargon ad-
vanced, Rusash took up his position on Mount Uaush. A
battle was fought and Sargon was victorious, the body
guard, two hundred and forty Haldians of the blood royal,
being completely destroyed.^ Then, after a stop at Hu-

'* Rost, Mittheil, Vorderasiat. Gesellsch., 1897, 2, 86 reads the name of
Bagabartu as Bagamashtu, i. e., Baga, " god," plus Mazda. Even if
sht can represent zd, op. cit., 11 1 f., it is still unlikely that the third
sign should be read mash instead of bar. The former is used in
Assyrian and, according to Jensen, Wiener Zeitschr. f. Kunde Morgenl.,
VI. 61, is the Elamitish value also. But bar is the common value in
Assyrian and the only one in Haldian. As Assyrian was used in
Mugagir, as the seal of Urzana and his letters show, and as Haldian
also was probably known, since we have the Topsana stele close to
Mugagir and a Haldian hegemony in that region, we must prefer the
value bar. For bartu, cf. Bardanes or Bardiya. Baga is generally
taken to mean god and to indicate that this is an Iranian deity. On
the other hand, K. 1067 =:H. 139, with its mention of Teshv^ and the
name Urzana itself, seems to point to Haldian. It is probable that
both in Mannai and in Mugagir, Iranian and Haldian elements were
pretty much intermingled by this time. Prism B. calls Bagabartu the
ishtar or consort of Haldia. For a weaker god thus becoming the
consort of a stronger, cf. M. Jastrow, Religion of Assyria and Babylonia,
1898, 49.

^ The topography as well as the strategy of this campaign has been
most admirably worked out as a result of minute personal knowledge
gained on the spot, by W. Belck, Zeitschr. f. Ethn., 1899, 99 fF. In
general, I have followed his reconstructions.

^A. 107 if. Rusash is said to have mounted a mare and fled to
Haldia. For the flight on mare's back and its disgrace, cf. the mare


bushkia to receive again the tribute of the iansu of Nairi,
he suddenly turned to the west and made a dash upon
Mugagir. The Httle mountain stronghold, confident in the
inaccessibility of the direct road from Arbela, was taken in
the rear by this dash through the Kelishin Pass,^^ and cap-
tured. Urzana,^^ its king, fled to Rusash and left his city

episode of Sardurish after the battle with Tiglath Pileser III, Nimnid
II, 35. Land for five kasbu from Mt. Uaush to Mt. Ziharadussu and
Mt. Uishdish was taken and given to Ullusunu. The Annals has next
a mutilated passage naming places captured. They are probably to
be referred to the Mannai, though Streck, op. cit., wavers between these
and Urartu. They are Ushqaia at the entrance of the land of Zaran- ? ;
?-ibr(?)ina; Mallau ; Durigliraksatu( ?) with 140 of its towns; the
city of Ashtania which is in Bit Sangibuti, this last being clearly out
of place. Billerbeck, Suleimania, 80 n. 2 ; the cities of Tarui and
Tarmukisa in the land of Dala- ? ; Ulhu which lay at the foot of Mt.
Kishpal ; X,+ 2i strongholds and 140 towns of Mt. Arzabria, this
also in K. 5464; X strongholds, 30 towns in the land of Armadalli(?) ;
some regions near Mt. Ubianda ; the city of Arbu where Rusash did
something; the city ?-tar(?) sha and two others; some strongholds
of the land of Araid, perhaps Armaid, Streck, op. cit., 139, which was
on the sea shore, naturally of Urmia, though Streck, /. c, takes it to
be Van ; the cities of Ar- ?-u and Kadulania on Mt. Argi- ? and in
the regions of Mt. Arzunia(?); and 5 strongholds and 30 lowns of
Mt. Uaiaush, perhaps to be connected with Mt. Uaush. In the text,
I have followed Belck's reconstruction of the campaign. But S. I.
46 ff. places the great battle after the capture of Mugagir. Although
the stele is a display inscription, it belongs to the better class and
may be correct here. A defeat by Rusash after the capture of Mugagir
would certainly account for the Assyrian evacuation and retreat as
well as for the return of Rusash. Still, this may be a mere error and
the winter a sufficient cause for retreat.

" The mountains are Seak, Ardi- ?-shi, Ulaiau, Alluria. Maspero,
Empires, 248, reads the second as Ardinish, probably correctly, com-
paring it with the Haldian sun god. It is probably to be connected
with the native name of Mugagir, Ardine.

^ Urzana is called Urz an ashe and Urzanani on the Topsana stele.

Streck, op. cit., 63 n. i, makes the name Urza plus na. His seal is

often pictured, e. g., Maspero, Empires, 249. He is the author of the

letter Rm. 2, 2 = H. 409 (cf. last chapter) and of S. 1056 = H. 768,



to be plundered. The relief which Sargon erected to com-
memorate the plunder of the great temple and the carrying
of the gods, Haldia and Bagabartu, into captivity, has been
preserved and merits study. On it we have the temple
with its curiously Greek pediment, its banded columns, its
votive shields hung up in front, its great bull-footed lavers
in the forecourt, and its statue of a she wolf suckling her
young in front. Here, too, we have the Assyrian soldiers
climbing to the top or running along its sloping roof, while
on a nearby tower an Assyrian officer sits on a camp-stool
and the scribes stand before him to reckon up the spoil.
And, indeed, they might reckon it in good earnest, for, if we
could believe the Assyrian scribes themselves, the spoil from
this little mountain village was greater than that taken from
Carchemish, the great merchant city of the West ! ^

Thus far we have followed the Assyrian account, and in
general it has seemed trustworthy enough. Here it sud-
denly breaks off, and we have no further military informa-
tion. Instead, we are told of the suicide of Rusash. It
would be difficult to give a rational reason for this suicide,
for a single defeat in the enemy's country and the capture of
a god in a city a hundred miles away from his own capital
is hardly enough. Fortunately, we have his own account to
guide us from this point.

about the transport of horses and sheep. S. 358 mentions his brother.
He is mentioned in connection with a military report in 81-7-27, 46,
while Rm. 554 not only refers to Urzana, but also to Uasi and to
Hubushkia, cf. Bezold, Catalogue. Rost, op. cit., 113, compares the
Uarzan of the Median list.

^ The bas relief is Botta II. 141, often published, e. g., Maspero,
Empires, 59. The booty included mules, oxen(?), sheep,, gold, silver,
bronze, jewels, masses of colored stuffs and clothing. We are told
that there was taken 34 talents of gold, 160 of silver. Compare this
with the modest 1 1 of gold from Carchemish. Here we may mention
Uabti, a city of Mugagir, mentioned on the Urzana seal.


The greater part of the year had evidently been taken up
with these operations. Winter was now coming on. With
the scarcity of forage on these mountain heights, to winter
in Mugagir was impossible. Yet the direct road home
through Arbela was impractical for an army, even if there
was no enemy to harass his retreat. The only thing to do
was to turn back and follow his old track. Rusash returned,
re-established Urzana, and rebuilt the temple. The next
year Rusash took the offensive and " went to battle to the
Assyrian mountains,'' "^^ probably by the Arbela road. As
no victories are claimed it may be presumed that none were
gained. Rusash then erected a stele near Mugagir detailing
his version of the events. Later, perhaps in the year fol-
lowing, a fresh expedition by the Assyrians again succeeded
in reaching the place and partially mutilated this record of
their disgrace.*^

This is the last we hear of Rusash. His work was done,
and Assyria had learned that Haldia was not to be con-
quered. He died about 711, and was succeeded by his son,
Argishtish. Under this new ruler new conditions arose
which must be discussed in a later chapter.'*^

" Topsana stele, i6.

" D. 78 would seem to indicate another invasion of Haldia which
took place after the alleged death of Rusash. But this is identical
with S. I. 42-45, where it is placed after the capture of Mugagir, but

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