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before the death story. Both appear to be abbreviations of the badly
mutilated A. 132-137. This belongs, not to Urzana, as a first glance
might indicate, but to Rusash himself. Itti at the beginning of 132
is frequently used to add one account to another. Sums of money
are given. "Ursa their king," 136, clearly refers back, not forward.
The account ends with the addition of the land of Mashshi to Assyria
and the placing over it the chief of the palace. Prism B. deals in
detail with this expedition, but practically nothing can be gained, as the
long lists of booty cannot be assigned to any event or place.
" The chronology of the Armenian campaigns here given varies
much from that of the Annals. It has already been seen, Winckler,


S argon, XXII, n. 2, that the events of 716 in the Annals really ex-
tended over several years. Prism B. has references to Urartu and to
Mannai already in year III, 719, and here we must begin the wars.
Unfortunately, we cannot make out enough of year IV, 718, to be sure
what country was attacked. Rm. 2, 97, however, helps us out, for
under 718 we have ana a]lu(?) Mannai, "against Mannai." To 719 we
must attribute, with the Annals, the revolt of the towns from Iranzu.
In 718, we would have the death of Iranzu, the short reigns of Aza
and of Bagdatti, and the accession of Ullusunu. The Annals places the
Papa and Lallukna episode in 717. More probably it, too, should be in
718. We know that all this must be before 717, for the Annals, whose
order seems generally to be better than its ascription of dates, makes
all these events precede the expedition against Ashur liu of Karalla,
and his account begins year V, 717, in Prism B. Here, too, belongs
the appointment of governors, Rm. 2, 97. We place therefore the
troubles with Ullusunu, with Ashur liu, and with Itti in 717. As
we have thus taken one year earlier in the Annals, we expect that the
events there listed under 715 really belong to 716. This is confirmed
by Rm. 2, 97, for under this year we have ? di (al) Mugagir Haldia.
While it is not clear just what this means, it certainly shows that
Haldia and Mugagir were the center of attraction in that year. Prism
B. only lets us know that Rusash was this year intriguing in Que.
Following our plan of subtracting one year from the Annals date, we
would place the great Mugagir war in 715. Rm. 2, 97, disappoints us by
no reference to Haldia, but this is more than made up by Prism B. where
col. III. is entirely devoted to the events of year VII, 715, and deals
only with Haldia and the large booty taken thence. The year 714
would then be free for the expedition of Rusash against Assyria men-
tioned on the Topsana stele, Prism B. dealing only with small wars
in the east, while Rm. 2, 97 has nothing at all of a military nature.
Then 713 would do for the return trip of Sargon, and sure enough we
have a mention of an expedition against Mugagir on Rm. 2, 97 for
this year. This ended the Armenian wars, for Rm. 2, 97 under 712
has ina mati, " in the land." About this time, or a little later, Rusash
probably died.



Judged rather by their results than by the details of
their progress, the wars with the Median tribes, begun under
Shalmaneser II in 836 and carried on by the later Assyrian
kings with ever-decreasing hopes of success, deserve a large
part in general history. Drifting westward as petty un-
connected tribes, at war often with each other, they gradu-
ally drove in or conquered the more or less Assyrianized
tribes along the eastern frontier, and then began to assail
the empire itself. For a time the better trained Assyrian
soldiers succeeded in beating them off, but the task was
never-ending and the drain severe. The destruction of one
clan meant only room for another to expand in, while all
the time they were learning from the enemy. At last As-
syria, now defended almost exclusively by mercenaries, them-
selves of Iranian extraction in many cases, fell, and then the
collapse of Babylon was merely a question of time. Yet so
thoroughly had they been transformed by the contact with
their more civilized neighbors that, when at last they had
conquered what was then the civilized world, they were
found to stand for almost the same ideas in government and
social life as did those who had preceded them in the way
of empire. Here we have an interesting parallel in the
evolution which led our Germanic ancestors from the idea
of the rude chief with his band of personal attendants to
the conception of the Holy Roman Empire. Interesting,
however, as a study of these general movements may be, the



details of this constant border warfare are dry to study and
difficult to handle.

Thanks to the exertions of Tiglath Pileser III and to the
provincial organization he brought to so high a pitch of
efficiency, Sargon was well situated as regards these tribes.
On the northeast and between Arbela and Mugagir was
the province of Kirruri which had been Assyrian territory
since the ninth century.^ At this time the governor was
Shamash upahhir.- To the south of this was Parsuash,^
and again, to the south of this last, between the l-ower Zab
and the Diyala, on the first outliers of the eastern mountains,
lay that of Arapha,* now governed by Ishtar Duri.^ To the
east of this was Lullume, an ill-defined province in the

^For Kirruri, cf. A. Billerbeck, Suleimania, 1898, 20 If. This elabo-
rate and painstaking work gives references to, and discusses all the
sections of, the inscriptions dealing with this frontier. Naturally, in
such pioneer work, the identifications can only be approximate. In
the case of the regions to the north, they are to be considerably cor-
rected by the location of Mugagir by Belck, cf. chap. V. n. ^2. In
this very case, for example, he places Kirruri with its center at the
Kelishin Pass. It is rather the region between Mugagir and Arbela.

^ That Shamash up ahhir was governor of Kirruri in 708 we know
from Rm. 2, 97. For other references, cf. Johns, Deeds, III. 112. In
his list of governors, II. 136, Shamash upahhir should be read for
Shamash bel ugur. It is of course not proved that Shamash upahhir
was governor already at this time, but it seems probable.

' Billerbeck, op. cit., 60, places Parsua in the Persian region of Minde
south of Lake Urmia. While this may mark the extreme limits of
the region called by that name, I feel that the province was much
more to the west. We know from A. 67 that Parsuash was a province
at this time, but no governor is known by name till much later, Johns,
Deeds, II. 137.

* Arapha is thus located by Billerbeck, op. cit., 68. Its correctness
can hardly be doubted.

"For Ishtar Duri, see Johns, Deeds, III. 95; cf. also II. 135. He
was eponym in 714.

" For Lullume, the home of the early Lulli people, cf. Billerbeck, op.
cit., 7 /. It was a region which seems never to have been very clearly


Shehrizor highland, whose governor, Sharru emur ani,"^
whose residence probably was at the modern Suleimania,
bore the brunt of the conflict.

We may now take up the operations in detail. First we
have the operations of the governor of Parsuash (717). A
number of towns^ of the land Niksama were plundered,
and Sipu sharru, the ruler of Shurgardia, probably a re-
volted subject,^^ was captured. Lying as they did on
the Parsuash frontier, they were naturally added to that

The governor next advanced to Kishesim,^^ the most
important town in the Parsuash region, and captured and
carried off the komarch Bel shar ugur, whose name re-
minds us of the Biblical Belshazzar. The site of Kishesim
seemed well adapted to be the seat of a province. The
name was accordingly changed to Kar Adar, the Ashur cult
introduced, and the usual stele erected. The new province
whose capital Kar Adar became, embraced the greater part
of the Parsuash region.^^

defined. As a province, Lullume seems only a later name for Mazamua,
cf. Billerbeck, op. cit., 39 if. The last reference to Mazamua is in
7ZZ, the first to Lullume in 712,

^Sharru emur ani was governor of Lullume in 712, Johns, Deeds,
n. 136; in. 188. Prism B. expressly ascribes one of these expeditions
to the governor of Lullume, see below.

* These were Ganun of the land of La( ?) and six towns of Niksama.

' Niksama is the Sauch Bulak region, Billerbeck, op. cit.^ 95.

^ Winckler, Gesch., 242.

" Kishesim is placed by Billerbeck, op. cit., 98, at the great ruins of
Shah i viran, north of Sauch Bulak, at Sikkis, or at the ruins of Siama
between Serdesht and Bane.

" So Billerbeck, op. cit., 97. Prism B. repeats some of these facts
and adds tribute of treasure, horses, and mules. Kishassu, as it was
then called, was still in the hands of the Assyrians in the last days
of Esarhaddon, K. 4668 = Knudtzon No. i. The relief Botta I. 68,
68, cf. Maspero, Empires, 241, represents the firing and capture of


Troubles in Harhar^^ next engaged the attention of the
governor. Here the pro-Assyrian feelings of the komarch
Kibaba had caused his expulsion, and Harhar was brought
into close relation to Dalta of Elli. As that individual had
not yet won the fame of a " loyal vassal who loved my
yoke,"^* praise so gladly given when Dalta was dead and
the strife of his sons gave so good an opportunity for inter-
vention, this was considered good ground for similar action
here. To be sure, poor Kibaba was not reinstated. In fact,
if we may accept one account,^^ he was actually made captive
himself. The city of Harhar, defended, as one of the reliefs
shows,^^ by an isolated rock citadel within the city, which
itself was surrounded by a good-sized stream, was taken
and plundered, its men impaled, and the usual procedure of
setting up the stele, the introducing of the Ashur cult, and
the settling of foreigners, gone through, while the name of

the city which was defended by high triple walls with crenallations.
Winckler, Gesch., 242, thinks that here, as in the case of Ashur liu,
the Assyrian name means a revolted governor. But it only shows
Assyrian or perhaps rather Babylonian influence. Certain other lands
were also added to the province. Bit Sagbat is the city Sagbat of D.
139 and the Bit Sakbat of Tiglath Pileser III, Clay Tablet, 31. Biller-
beck, op. cit., 92, places it at an earlier time northeast of Lake Zeribor ;
but at this time it was more to the south on the Khorkhoran and upper
Kisil usen, ib., 96. The land of Bit Umargi is compared, Rost,
Mitth. Vorderasiatischer Gesellschaft, 1897, 2, 87, with the
Amyrgioi of Herod. VII. 64 and Steph. Byz., s. v., Amyrgion, a
Scythian clan. The next city is read Hashubarban by Winckler, Har
Bagmashtum by Hiising, in Rost, op. cit., 87. The other cities are
Kilambati and Armangu. In A. and XIV, they are called " lands,"
in D. 60 " towns." Billerbeck, op. cit., 97, makes their conquest due
only to a desire to protect the Parsua province against the Medes.

" Harhar is placed by Billerbeck, op. cit., 63, at Hejaj on the upper

" D. 117. The statement "Dalta was restored to favor," Maspero,
op. cit., 242, cannot be accepted.

"D. 61.

" Botta I. 55, also in Maspero, Empires, 357.


the place was changed to Kar Sharrukin, or Sargon's
fortress.^^ To the province thus formed were added the
six small " states " now plundered and taken.^^ At about the
same time the governor in his new capital received the
tribute from twenty-eight komarchs of the "mighty
Medes." "

In the next year, 716, the efforts to extend the province
were continued. Some of the towns conquered the last
year were again forced to pay tribute, while more new ones
were visited.-^ The details of some of these campaigns are

" Billerbeck, op. cit., 99 n., makes the statement that the old name
Harhar is more used in later times than Kar Sharrukin. But the
latter occurs in the letter Rm. 2, 464, as well as in K. 609 = H. 126,
650 = H. 128, 683 =:H. 556, S. 167.

"The upper canal of Aranzeshu, the Erinziashu of Tiglath Pileser
III, Annals, 43, in the region either of the Belad Russ stream, or the
old stream between the Kisil robat and the Khanikhend rud, Biller-
beck, op. cit., 75. The lower canal of Bit Ramatua, the Raraatea of
Tiglath Pileser, Annals, 44, the rich region between the Elvend rud,
the Dyala, and the Guovratro, Billerbeck, op. cit., 76 ; Urikatu. Sikris,
the Shikra (ki) of the Clay Tablet, 32, 37 ; Slab II. 23, perhaps at
Sirkuh east of Kameron and north of Dinaver, or else further east at
Sirkau at the south foot of Elvend, Billerbeck, op. cit., 90. Shaparda.
Uriakku. Here too, with Billerbeck, op. cit., 80 n. 2, we should prob-
ably place the reference to Ashtania of Bit Sangibuti in A. 113 where
it is clearly out of place. Billerbeck, /. c, locates it in the Derud

"Whether the Medes, the "mighty" Medes, the "distant" Medes,
and the " Medes of the region of the eastern Arabs " are all of the
same race is not certain.

^ We have again mention of the upper and lower canals of Bit
Sangibuti which takes the place of the Bit Ramatua of the other list,
of Upparia which stands for Uriakku, of Sikris, of Shuparda, A. 83-84.
Another list, A. 85-86, gives the cities of Kaqunakinzarbara, of
Halbuknu, of Shu . . . al, of Anzaria, a region on the lower canal.
Upparia, the Niparia of Tiglath Pileser, Slab II, 22; Clay Tablet, 31,
is placed by Billerbeck, op. cit., 90, south of the Gabe rud and east of
Shaho Dagh. It occurs in Prism A. as Uppuria. Shuparda would
appear to be the Sapardai of Knudtzon 11, mentioned with the Mannai


shown in the bas-rehefs which once adorned the palace of
Sargon. On one-^ we see Kindau, a town with high walls
around a great central tower. It is situated in a swamp
across which a causeway leads to the town. On another^^
we see Gauguhtu, a city on a hill with double walls against
which mining operations are being carried on. A third^^
shows us Kisheshlu with its double wall around a rocky hill
surrounded by water, with three battering rams working
against them. These cities, once taken, were given Assy-
rian names and formed into Assyrian municipalities.^* Kar
Sharrukin was again strengthened against the Medes, who
still remained dangerous, even if twenty-two chiefs did send

Indeed, the operations continued the next year, 715. The

as well as with the Persian Sparda which has generally been identified
with the Sepharad of Obadiah, 20.

^Botta I. 61.

^ Botta II. 28. Billerbeck, op. cit., 102, compares the Ginhuhtu of
Shamshi Adad. III. 58, but this is in the north.

^^ Botta, II, 147. These places are located northeast and east of
Shehrizor, Billerbeck, op. cit., 102.

^* These were Kisheshlu, Kinddau, Auzaria, Bit Bagaia (var. Bit
Gabaiia), their names being changed to Kar Nabu, Kar Siu, Kar Adad,
Kar Ishtar. We have sculptures of Ganguhtu, ?ambarukur( ?), Sinn,
?ikrakka, Kindau, Kisheshlu, Bit Bagaia. Rost, op. cit., 86 n. i, com-
pares the Persian Bagaios of Herod. Ill, 128. Does the variation
between Bagaia and Gabaia indicate confusion caused by an Aramaean
scribe accustomed to write from right to left?

^A. 89, cf. D. 66. The campaign ended with the capture of twenty-
five hundred men from Kimirra, a city of Bit Hamban. A Bit
Su-?-za(?) is also mentioned. Bit Hamban or Habban is in the Hurin
valley northwest of Zohab, Billerbeck, op. cit., 14. These references
to Bit Hanban, Namri, Hashmar in the introductions are probably not
to be taken seriously, as they seem to be only learned touches. Biller-
beck, op. cit., 104, sees in the whole series of movements a reconnaissance
in force of the passes along the Susian border in preparation for a
Susian campaign. I believe my reconstruction much more nearly
represents the truth.


Mannai and Elli were once more forced to pay tribute, as
well as certain princelets who had never done the like to the
kings, his fathers.^^ The main event of the year, however,
was the defeat of Mitatti of Zikirtu,-^ who had twice con-
spired to raise a revolt among the Mannai. At last, an
attempt was made thoroughly to root out the Zikirtai.
Their three strong places, their twenty-four towns, even
their capital, Parda, was taken, plundered, and burned.
Mitatti was forced to flee, and " his place of abode was not
found." ^^ A few years later Zikirtai was once more in

Thus far we seem to be dealing only with the unknown
governor of Parsuash. In 714 we learn of the operations of
Sharru emur ani, the governor of LuUume.^^ As a result
of the troubles of 717, Karalla had been made part of the

^A. loi if. Only Ziziragala is mentioned by name.

" The identification of Zikirtu with the Persian clan Sargartioi,
Herod. I. 125, is now accepted.

^*A. 107, paraphrased by Maspero, Empires, 24,7, "disappeared from
the pages of history." Just below, A. 106, adi is " samt," not '"de-
serted by" as Maspero, /. c. Billerbeck, op. cit., 103, places here D. 70.
We may note in this place the Zikirtian town of Ki- ?-bi of the
sculptures. The list of Median princelings in Prism A. has been placed
in various years by various authors. On that prism it occurs just
after the Dalta episode. If we may trust that document, and I thinly
we may, I do not see where else we can place it than here, for we
have a suitable tribute of the Medes and the main Dalta story just
previous. The list has been so well studied by Rost, Mitth.
Vorderasiat. Gesellsch., 1897, 2, iii if., that I shall merely refer to it and
not repeat the names. The identifications with places mentioned in
Ptolemy and other classical authors are numerous. Where the list
throws light on other matters, it is quoted. On Luh barbari, however,
cf. also Johns, Deeds, III. 413, where it is explained "jackal's jaw."
A comparison there given of various place names from a root Ih' is
more valuable perhaps.

^ Prism B. states that this region was handed over to the governor
of Lullume who was Sharru emur anni, as Johns, Deeds^ III. 188,
shows. He was eponym in 712.


province.^^ Under Amitashshi, the brother of the unfor-
tunate Ashur liu, the natives rose and drove out their As-
syrian oppressors. Sharru emur ani returned with an army,
and a battle was fought on the mountain called Ana.^^ The
people of Karalla were defeated and Amitashshi, bound
hand and foot, was carried off to Assyria, while two thou-
sand of his troops were forced to take service in the royal
armv.^2 Bit Daiukku and the surrounding lands were
raided and plundered, and the whole of the newly-conquered
region added to the Lullume province.^^

At about the same time operations were carried on along
the Elli frontier, perhaps by Sharru emur ani, more prob-
ably by Ishtur Duri, the governor of Arapha.^* Dalta^'' had

^ The passage in A. 68 is mutilated, but this formation of a province
is proved by A. 140 ff.

^^ The name of the mountain is written An-a. This is probably the
correct reading, but one suspects the possibility of some folk etymology
connected with the other values of An, shatnu, " heaven," then a
" mountain heaven high " or ilu, " god," a " mountain of the gods."
Both are unlikely.

'^A. 141 ff. Sculp., i., VIII. 17, B, 14.

^ This Bit Daiukku of A. 140 has clear affinities with Deiokes, as does
the Daiukku already discussed, cf. chap. V. n. 24. Winckler, Unter-
such., 117, accepts the connection with the latter, but not with the
former. A. 140-57 seems to fall into three sections corresponding to
the Elli, Bit Daiukku, and Karalla of A. 139-40. As A. 140-43
belongs to the last and 152-57 to the first, the remainder must belong
to the other. These lines are too mutilated for Winckler to translate.
We have here a plunder of the land of Mapatira, a reference to Elli,
and something done to or for Azuk. In the version of Hall V, we
have references to the land of Mi-?-ku, of ?-me- ?melu-hal, and two
others, and to the city of Hubahme. In Prism B. we have Rakkairi
and Irakka who seem to be some sort of foreign officials sent with the
tribute of Amitashshi. The land was handed over to the governor of
Lullume and tribute inflicted on Kirhi, Karalla, and Namri.

^For full account of Elli, see Billerbeck, op. cit., 157 ff. The name
is written Ellipi or EUibi, but this last part is only the plural sign,
Billerbeck, /. c.

^'' Dalta is interpreted by Justi, Nanienhuch, s. v., as the " supporter


now changed his poUcy ; for the revolt of five of his border
districts, seemingly to the Elamitish ruler, had forced him
to invite the Assyrians to assist him. The Assyrians ac-
cepted gladly and secured the districts in question, but there
is no proof that they were ever returned to Dalta. Elli
was now brought fairly within the Assyrian sphere of in-
fluence, and only the death of Dalta was needed to produce
actual intervention.^^

In this connection we are told of tribute received by the
governor of Parsuash. This was probably not all taken in
one year. It must rather represent the relations of that
official with the tribes to the east during the interval for
which we have no other history. Certain it is that we can-
not see here actual expeditions in the field. Among the

of the state." If this is correct, then we have a Median ruling race
among the old Anzanitish peoples, Billerbeck, op. cit., 162.

^A. 152 if. is badly mutilated, D. 70 ff. is less full, the Prisms add
a little. In both, he is called malik or " prince." There seems to be
a reference to the princes of Haldini. Or should we read Haldinishe
and see in the last sign the Haldian nominative? He took upon him-
self the ilqu or feudal obligation of [Rusash], but when Sargon came,
took to a high mountain from which he was brought down, K. 560 =
H. 227 is a letter from Nergal etir, perhaps the well-known astrologer,
concerning a messenger from Dalta who has come before the king on
business apparently connected with horses. This has already been
referred to Sargon by Johns, Deeds, II. 149. In K. 526 =: H. 226 =
Delitzsch, Beitr. z. Assyr., I, 202 if., the same official states that a man
detailed from the body guard came on the sixth of Airu and the horses
were brought on the next day. The two seem to go together. Biller-
beck, op. cit., 105, who thinks that all troubles here were connected
with Susa, makes this an attempt of the Assyrian general staff to learn,
by a reconnaissance in force, the practicability of certain passes leading
into Elam. But local conditions sufficiently explain all the movements.

K. 665 = H. 194 a letter from Naid ilu refers to D]alta in an un-
certain connection. The writer refers to the collecting of Bit Ukanai,
if the name is to be so read, and asks that a letter be sent regarding
Sharru emur anni, the eponym of 712, who was governor of Lullume
and as such charged with the pacification of this region, cf. n. 29.


tribes which sent presents were those of the Bikni^' or
Demavend region, clearly near the Caspian and as clearly
in a region where no Assyrian army ever penetrated.^*
These were next neighbors to the somewhat mysterious
Arabs of the east^^ and of the land of Nagira**' of the

^ These were the city of Erishtana, the Diristanu of D. 67, with the
towns around it in the land of Ba'it ili, a region of Media in the land
of EUi, according to Sayce, Records of the Past^V. 153, the country about
Bisutun, but better taken with Billerbeck, op. cit., 106 n. i, as the
region about Kirmanshah ; the lands of Absahutti ; Parnuatti ; Utirna ;
Uriakki ; Rimanuti, a region of Uppuria, Uiadane ; Bustus, also Tiglath
Pileser, Clay Tablet, 31 ; Slab, II. 22, according to Billerbeck, /. c.
Takht i Bostan or rather the region to the south of it about Bisutun
for which see Steph, Byz., s. v., Bagisiana ; Azazi, according to Rost,
op. cit., 83, the Azaza of Ptol. VI. 2. 8, but Billerbeck, op. cit., 105,
places Azazi and Uaidame about Kirmanshah and the rich region of
Dinaver and Kasr i Shirin ; Ambanda, according to Justi, Beitr. zur
Alien Geog. Persiens, 1869, I. 23, quoted Billerbeck, op. cit., 105 n. 2,
is the Achaemenian Kampanda, the present Chamabadan on the upper
Gamas ab, but according to Billerbeck, op. cit., 106 n. 3, it is about
Nehavend where there are important ruins ; Dananu the Zangun south-
east of Doletabad, Billerbeck, op. cit., 106 n. 4; these last three are
distant regions bordering on the "eastern Arabs." A. 158 if. D. 67 if.

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