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map opposite p. 86, Helmolt, History, places it at Albistan. He thus


tribute of horses and mules, of gold and silver, and so the
country was handed over to him in the hope, vain as it
proved, that a buffer state could here be made against
Phrygia. In this way, too, an excuse could be found for an
attempted control of Tyana itself. That city, even then
probably an important religious and political center, com-
manded the great cross road which ran from Tarsus through
the Cilician Gates past Pteria and on to Sinope on the Black
Sea. When Matti no longer was faithful. Tuna came under
the direct control of the Assyrians. ^^

The next year, 717, we find an expedition against Car-
is forced to deny any connection between Tuna and Tyana. But such
a location likewise has serious topographical difficulties. To reach
Albistan, he must pass Mar'ash or Malatia, and both were yet uncon-
quered. Tuna also cuts in between the city from which Kammanu took
its name and its capital Meliddu. Furthermore, in the second cam-
paign against Tuna,- mentioned only in Prism B. and therefore probably
unnoticed by Winckler when he made this identification, we have first
Tuna and then Hilakku attacked, although Malatia and Mar'ash are
still unconquered, and the road between Albistan and Mazaka was not
easy. On the other hand, if we still allow Tuna to be Tyana, we have
identification with a well-known later site and we have a gradual and
natural advance from a natural base in Tarsus, along one of the most
famous and important war routes of the ancient world, and are naturally
led on to Mazaka around which Hilakku must be placed. Billerbeck,
in his general map of the east, Ency. Bibl., still clings to Tyana. Both
Professor Sterrett and Professor Ramsay believe Tyana to be the most
inviting site for excavations in Asia Minor. Professor Sterrett states
that the Mar'ash-Albistan and Malatia-Albistan roads are extremely diffi-
cult and notes that Albistan is decidedly off the main lines of travel.

" Cf. Ramsay, op. cit., 228. For the whole chapter, I have found this
work of Ramsay of the utmost value. The best map of Asia Minor is
that by J, G. Anderson, 1905, which, though on a comparatively small
scale, has contour lines, and the Roman roads, and thus makes the
topography capable of being understood. I am not personally acquainted
with the country, but this is to be the less regretted, as I have been able
to utilize the detailed knowledge of the whole of eastern Asia Minor
which Professor J. R. S. Sterrett has obtained in his numerous and
fruitful expeditions for the exploration of that part of the East.


chemish undertaken.^^ Why it had been so long spared by
the Assyrians we can only surmise. Probably it was, like
the Phoenician cities, predominantly mercantile, perfectly
willing to pay tribute so long as it could trade, and careless
as to the political changes going on about it. During the
period of Assyrian decline, it seems to have been left in
peace to its own devices and naturally resented the loss of
freedom and especially the tribute inflicted by Tiglath Pi-
leser, since it probably was forced to make up arrears.^^
Pisiris, who had held the throne since at least 740, was at
last induced by Midas to throw off completely the Assyrian

The loss of Carchemish was serious. It commanded the
great high road to Asia Minor and to Egypt, and its posses-
sion by a foreign power blocked the way to the west for
both caravans and armies. Furthermore, as an advanced
post for Midas it was dangerously near the old capital of
Mesopotamia, Harran. Add to this the fact that Carchemish
was the great commercial rival of Kalhu, and it may be seen
that the commercial classes of Assyria would be bitterly
opposed to passing over this revolt.

In spite of the evident importance of the site, neither
Rusash nor Midas gave adequate support. A good fight
was made, but the city was at length captured, Pisiris de-
throned, and the country made a regularly organized Assy-

"Gargamish in the Assyrian. Johns, Deeds, III. 525, suggests that
Gar here is only a West Semitic form of Kar, " fortress." But the
whole make-up of the word Gargamish is Asianic, not Semitic.

"Sargon only uses the form Pisiri but Tiglath Pileser shows that
Pisiris was used. This s is clearly the nominal ending. We must
compare the ss of Asianic place names and the curious T-shaped
sign = j^ on the Lygdamis inscription from Halicarnassus. It is inter-
esting to find that in certain forms of modem Greek 5J or even j
before i is pronounced sh, W. M. Leake, Morea, 1830, I. XI.





rian province/^ From this time on, so long as the empire
itself lasted, Assyria held the great western road.^*

As might be expected, the sack of so great a city, perhaps
the most important trading city of its time in the world,
produced enormous booty. According to the official ac-
counts, perhaps not to be entirely trusted, the value of the
precious metals alone amounted to the huge sum of eleven
talents of gold and twenty-one hundred of silver. Among
other valuables carried off and laid up in Kalhu against the
day when they should adorn Dur Sharrukin were bronze,
ivory, and elephant hides. Carchemish, like other mercan-
tile cities, had her army, perhaps all mercenaries. These
were taken over in a body and added to the new standing

While the danger to Assyria from a free Carchemish was
thus great and its capture correspondingly important, the
effect of its loss on the Hittite peoples has been much exag-
gerated.^^ No doubt, it was their greatest commercial
city and the transfer of commercial supremacy from an
allied to a purely alien race made a difference. But we
must remember that the " Hittite Empire," whatever it
really was, had long been a thing of the past and that there
was no organic union between the petty Hittite states which
had taken its place. The allies had been, not these little
states, but the greater rulers. Some were brought under
Assyrian control, others never were, but all retained enough
individuality to influence considerably the later peoples.

"A governor of Carchemish occurs already in 691, Johns, Deeds, III.

^*A. 46 ff.

" N. 21. This inscription seems to have been erected especially to
commemorate the fall of Carchemish. Cf. also XIV. 42 ff. ; A. 49. As
the Maganubba charter shows, actual work on Dur Sharrukin was
begun in 714.

" Especially by Maspero, Empires, 240.


If Carchemish was actually destroyed after the siege, it
did not long remain in ruins, for it had too important a
situation. Sargon himself rebuilt portions, as we now
know,^^ while under his successors it became, as the relative
rank of its governors shows, one of the greatest cities in
the empire. Even though many of its inhabitants had been
deported, it still retained a large Hittite element, and this
mixing with Mesopotamian and Aramaean elements, pro-
duced a new race of which we should gladly know more.
In many ways this new race must have improved upon the
old. In art, for example, if we can judge from the exquisite
stele of the mother goddess.^^ We have here the same phe-
nomenon which we see later in Asiatic or Egyptian art of
the Greco-Roman period, the old religious conceptions pre-
served and reproduced, but with a temperance and a skill
of technique which show superior artistic ability. As a
center of commerce its influence was greatest. It is a sig-
nificant proof of this, that, throughout the entire period of
the later Assyrian empire, the most important commercial
documents were reckoned according to the "mina of Car-
chemish." ^

The fall of Carchemish put out of the way a dangerous
enemy in the rear of the governor of Cilicia.^^ It was, there-

" The excavations carried on here in 1880 revealed a room in the
northwest of the acropolis, where two large Hittite slabs were found
in situ. Here were also found bricks built in bearing Sargon's name.
These excavations have not, so far as I know, been further published,
at least I know only the account in the London Graphic, Dec. 11, 1880,
582, abstracted also in Perrot and Chipiez, History of Art in Sardinia,
etc., 1890, n. 279 ff.

^* I owe my knowledge of this to a fine photograph taken by the
Wolfe expedition to Babylonia, and loaned me by Professor Sterrett.

"Cf. Johns, Expositor, Nov., 1899, 398, and Deeds, H. 268 ff. He
believes that this Carchemish mina of one half the Assyrian weight,
was a sort of an actual coin.

^ The reference in A. 372 to the governor of Que makes it probable
that all these campaigns were under him.


fore, possible for another advance to be made here. The
Tyana road was, for the time at least, passed over. Instead,
an attempt was to be made (716),^^ directly on Iconium
where Midas himself seems to have had his capital.^^ Midas
called Rusash to his aid.^^ A battle was fought near the sea-
coast, near the mouth of the Calycadnus, and Sargon claims
the victory. As a result, several towns long held by Midas
were conquered and added to the province.^* But the main
object, the gaining of the road to Iconium, was not se-
cured.^^ The inhabitants of Cilicia Trachaea have always
been wild and difficult to conquer, and so the war dragged
on until at least 709.^^

^ The Annals has this under 715 but Prism B., if I have arranged it
correctly, places it in 716.

^A battle where mountain and sea are close together must have
been fought along the coast road to the southwest of Tarsus. If so,
only two roads are possible. One would be the road which continues
along the coast, around Cilicia Trachaea, and so to Pamphilia. This
road is easily defended and little used and the villages along its line,
even in Roman times, were probably of little importance. The other
ran up the Calycadnus river along the line of the one Roman road
through Cilicia Trachaea. At its end is one of the greatest cities of
eastern Asia Minor, Iconium. If this really was the objective, who
but Midas would be likely to hold it? Our data seem to indicate that
Midas had his headquarters not far from the actual seat of operations.
Our scanty notices of Phrygia in the Greek sources seem to bear this
theory out. Iconium is the last town of Phrygia according to Xen.,
Anab., I. 2. 19. Here also, according to Steph. Byz., 5. v. Ikonion,
and Suidas, s. v. Nannakos, ruled the prehistoric Phrygian king and hero
Nannakos. If these mean anything at all, do they not imply a vague
idea that Iconium once had been the capitol of Phrygia? If so, where
is a better time than the one we are dealing with ?

^ So Prism B.

'*The names of Harrua, Ushnanish, Ab-?-a-? are preserved. None
have been identified.

*A. 92-94, 99-100. The Annals is badly mutilated here. Winckler,
Sargon, XXV n.", connects C. 21, the pacification of Que.

'A. 372.


In 714" Sargon definitely took up the question of advance
in this region. Once more, as in 718, the road through the
CiHcian Gates was taken. Matti of Tyana had recognized
the real meaning of the Assyrian policy and had gone over
to Midas.2 He was now attacked and deposed.

Sargon moved on to the north and attacked the Tabal
clan of Bit Buritash.^ Here a certain HulH had ruled in
the days of Tiglath Pileser.^ On his death Sargon recog-
nized his son, Ambaris,^^ as his successor and, to bind him
more closely to his cause, gave him his daughter, Ahata-
bisha.^2 He also granted to him Hilakku (Cilicia), which at
this time was north of the Taurus, about where the later

^^ I have followed the date of Prism B. Annals gives one year later.

^* Prism B. S. 2022 II Matti of Atuna trusted [Mita] the Musician.

^ The forms are Bit Buritash and Burutash. P. Jensen, Hittiter und
Armenier, 1898, 117, compares the Soruth and Voruth of Hiibschmann's
list, Festgruss an Rudolf Roth, 1893, 100, as well as the Uorodes of the
Parthians. None are probable, and the possibility rests on the Iranian
character of the Hittites. The location is clearly on the Tyana-Mazaka
road and between the two, cf. the modern Bor. Winckler, Forsch., II.
121, makes Bit Buritash to have the hegemony over all Tabal. This is

^ Clay inscription, Rev. 15. For Hulli names, cf. Johns, Deeds, III.
460. Halevy, Rev. Semitique, 1893, 132, compares the Ollis of the in-
scriptions and Olymbros, " 01 is king," found, however, not in Hesychius,
but in Steph. Byz., ^. v., Adana. Cf. the 01 names of Asia Minor
cities. Jensen, Hittiter, 116, identifies it with the Glak of Hiibsch-
mann's list, but a reference to the introduction prefixed to the translation
of Zenob of Glag in V. Langlois, Historiens de I'Armenie, 1880, I. 335,
shows that Glag is not Armenian at all.

" The name occurs as Ambaris, Amris, Ambaridi. Jensen, op. cit.,
82, finds here two separate stems. The real name is Am-ba-ri-is. In
Amris, the sign ba was omitted by mistake. In Ambaridi, the di is
simply is with the last half of the ri repeated by dittography. Pro-
fessor Sterrett compares the place name Ambar Arasii.

"^ So Winckler, Forsch., I. 365 n.'. Ahat abisha is a princess of
Tabal who sends news to Sargon through her steward, K. 181. She
would now be queen mother.


strategeia of Cilicia was situated,^^ although it is quite
possible that he simply gave him the privilege of conquering
it, if he could.

The royal lady seems to have been unable to keep her
husband true. He, too, went over to Midas and Rusash.^"*
But, as usual, they proved broken reeds to lean upon, for
Ambaris was captured and carried off with all his father's
house. One hundred chariots were impressed into the royal
army, the leading citizens were deported, and prisoners from
other quarters settled in their place. Then, after Tabal had
been thoroughly ravaged, a governor was placed over it,
and the country was made an Assyrian province.^^

This campaign had opened up the Tarsus-Tyana-Mazaka
road to the Halys River, which would thus form the northern
boundary of the province to be established. Along the west,

*^ The identity of Hilakku with Cilicia is proved by the coins bearing
the legend HLK issued by the Persian satraps of Cilicia, cf. B. Head,
Historia Nummorum, 1887, 613. For the earlier location of Cilicia
north of the Taurus, see Herod. I. 72 ; V. 52 ; Strabo XIV. 5. 24, and
cf. the note by Niese, in Jensen, Hittiter, 195 f. For the later
strategeia of Cilicia, in Cappadocia, cf. Ramsay, op. cit., 303. Its
location is well shown by K. 11490 = Knudtzon 60 where the Tabalai
ana Hilikai are about to invade Que, the Cilicia of later times. It is
not necessary with Winckler, Forsch., II. 12, to assume a former
Assyrian conquest of Cilicia. Rulers often give away what they do
not possess.

^ According to the Assyrian scribe, Rusash had been dead a year.
Does this mention of him here imply a slip on the part of the scribe,
betraying what we know from Haldian sources, the fact that Rusash
was still alive?

"'A. 168 ff.', D. 29 if. What Bit Buritash sha Bit Akukanina means
is not clear. Winckler, Forsch., 1. 366, believes that the new province
was not united to Que. But such a connection of Cilicia, which be-
longs rather to Syria than to Asia Minor, with a legion across the
Taurus is against the analogy drawn from later history. It is true
that we have no mention of such a province elsewhere, but this is not
strange, for the Assyrian hqldings in Cappadocia seem to have been
soon lost.


Lake Tatta would serve as a boundary, but to the south of
that the ground would be debatable. To the east, the Eu-
phrates would naturally be taken, for Haldia had now with-
drawn behind that river. Thus the new province could be
given, on nearly every side, a boundary which might be
truly called " scientific." It was to the securing of this fron-
tier that the operations of the next year were directed.

The greater part of this coveted territory was known as
Kammanu. Its name was derived, no doubt, from the old
sacred city of Comana, which was situated in the bare desert
cleft in the western part of this region.^^ At present, the
capital was Meliddu, which has always been, both as the
classical Melitene and the Malatia of modern times, the
center of a great road-complex and therefore a position of
importance.^^ Some time before this, a certain Gunzinanu
had been deposed,^* and Tarhunazi had taken his place.^^

^ The earliest reference to Kammanu is to be found, with Winckler,
Gesch., 246, in the Qumani of Tiglath Pileser I, Prism, V. 82. Since
Delattre, L'Asie, 65, this has been seen to be connected with Comana.
Winckler and Billerbeck on their maps confine Kammanu to the region
about Comana. If Meliddu really is the capital of Kammanu, then
it must have extended much further to the east. While Comana
has not easy communications with the east, still the extension of the
name would be in this direction rather than to the west where we
have the huge Mt. Argaeus completely blocking the way, as Professor
Sterrett points out to me.

^^ Meliddu is the Milidia of Tiglath Pileser I, Prism V. 34. For the
Greek Melitene, see Ramsay, Hist. Geog., 313 ; for the Haldian Helita,
Sayce, XXXIII, 16, etc.; for the Arab Malatiyah, Le Strange, East.
Caliph., 120; for recent change of site, J. R, S. Sterrett, Epigraphical
Journey, 1888, 300. 83-1-18, 41 = H. 375, also Harper, Amer. Jour.
Sem. Lang., 1897, is a horse tablet from Nabu shum iddin, and refers
to horses from the land of Melitai.

^* Jensen, op. cit., compares the Kuntsik of Hiibschmann's list, 105,
and, for the latter part, the -nesis in Syennesis, etc.

^ Cf. the Tarhunazi of K. 301 = J. 308, who lived in the reign of
Ashur bani pal. The first part is clearly the god Tarhu. For the Greek


Sargon had recognized, if not encouraged, the change, and
had added some lands. When Ambaris revolted, Tarhunazi
seems to have followed his example, at least so far as to
withhold his tribute. The advance on Meliddu seems to
have been made from Amida as a base. Kammanu was
devastated and the capital taken. Tarhunazi fled westward
to his strong fortress of Tulgarimmu, the Biblical Togor-
mah,*** where he was besieged and forced to surrender. He
was cast into chains, and, with wife, children, and five
thousand troops, carried off to Ashur, where the party was

The required lines had now been secured, at least after a
fashion, and the subjugation of the less important interior
might be left to time. The frontier itself needed fortifica-
tion. First Tulgarimmu was rebuilt with Meliddu. Then
three forts were erected on the west against Midas, two on
the north as protection against the barbarians, and five along
the Euphrates on the Haldian frontier.'*^ The space thus

Tarko names, cf. Sachau, Zeitschr. f. Assyr., 1892, 90 if.; for a con-
nection with the Biblical Terah, Jensen, ib., 1892, 70; for the Kashshite
Turgu, Hilprecht, ib., 1892, 317 n. Nazi is frequent in Kashshite,
Hilprecht, /. c, cf. also Tarmanazi, Tiglath Pileser III, A. 144. Jensen,
Hittiter, 202, curiously enough, refuses to see Hittite names at all in
Tarhunazi and Tarhulara.

*" Halevy, Rev. Critique, 1881, 483, has made this identification and
it has generally been followed. Professor Sterrett points out to me
that Derende, the classical Dalanda, cf. Ramsay, Hist. Geog., 309, where
we have a fine and almost impregnable castle of later date, see Sterrett,
Epig. Jour., 301, would be a fine site. It would be on a natural line
up the Tokhma Su, Professor Sterrett himself followed this road,
is due west of Melitene, and is on the way to, and not far from, Gurun,
the classical Guraina, cf. Ramsay, op. cit., 309, the Guriana of the
letters, Sayce, Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 1903, 148. Winckler and
Billerbeck, on their maps, place Tulgarimmu at Gurun itself.

"A. 178 ^.; D. 78 if.

" The location of these forts is very important, as by their aid we can
gain a very definite idea of the boundary at this time. Usi, the Uesi


enclosed, a wedge thrust forward between Haldia and
Phrygia, was made a province under the usual forms of
administration and settled by captives from various parts of
the empire, the last instalment of Sute not arriving until
after the capture of Babylon (710).*^

of the letters, is probably the Euaissai, Avisai of Notitiae III, X, XIII,
quoted Ramsay, op. cit., 283, the Euaisse of the Notitia published by
Gelzer, Milnchen Abhandl. Philos.-phil. Classe, 1901, 551, and the
Euaisenoi to whom Basil of Caesarea sent Epistle CCLI. Cf. also the
Uschi of the Holy Legend, Jan. 31, quoted by Mordtmann, Zeitschr.
Deutsch. Morg. GeselL, 1877, 423, Ramsay, op. cit., 305 identifies it
with Yogounnes. This is rather far north of the Halys, but is not
entirely out of the question. The Usi-ilu of Winckler's edition should
be read Usian, the Uasaun of K. 181. It is clearly the Osiana of the
Antonine Itinerary, 206. Ramsay, op. cit., 295, sees in the name only
a corruption of Soanda which he places at Nev Sheher. But Kiepert,
both in his wall map of Asia Minor, 1888, and in his Atlas Antiquus,
places Osiana to the northwest of Soanda, and this separate existence
seems to be proved by this Assyrian form. In Uargin, we probably
have a form akin to Argaios or Argos, Steph. Byz., s. v., which Ramsay,
op. cit., 353, believes to be the word for mountain in the native dialect.
I would locate this, not at the better known Mt. Argaios, the present
Arjish, but rather in the Mt. Argaios, the modern Hassan Dagh, south-
east of Lake Tatta. This would be half way between Tyana and Osiana
and would furnish a very good frontier line. I cannot make any sug-
gestion as to the two forts, Ellibir and Shindarara, erected on the north
boundary. On the east boundary, the Euphrates must have been be-
tween the new province and Haldia. Luhsu might be the Leugaisa of
Ptol. V. 6. 21, but this is inland and to the southwest of Melitene. I
rather prefer Dagusa of the same section which was on the Euphrates
and north of Melitene. Delta for lambda is a common error, while
a guttural g would naturally be represented in Assyrian by h. It is
only fair to state, however, that Dagusa may be an error for Daskusa.
Budir, Anmurru, and Anduarsalia are unknown. With the place Ki ,
we may compare the Kiakis of Ptol., /. c, the Ciaca XVIII m. p. north
of Melitene of the Antonine Itinerary. Uargin is identified with
Guraina by Jensen, Zeitschr. Deutsch. Morg. GeselL, 1894, 47 1> and
Winckler, Forsch., II. 135, but there is no phonetic basis, and Guraina
must be reserved for Guriana.

"Jensen, Rec. de Trav., 1896, 116, restores A. 195 a\di {mat) nagi
Isha limitsu ana'\ Mutallu Qummuhai addin, " with the surrounding


The next year an opportunity came for securing the most
important site in the interior still unconquered. At Mar-
regions, I gave to Mutallu of Qummuh." The addin, " I gave " is
extremely doubtful on the original ; in fact, no definite reading can be
given. The use of addin can therefore only be defended by appealing
to its naturalness in the light of other events. But it is very unlikely
that Sargon gave lan^ to one who is so clearly an enemy as Mutallu.
It is more probable that the Mutallu began a new paragraph, the re-
mainder of which was on the lost slab between A. 195 and A. 196, cf.
Winckler, Sargon, 33 n. In the text, I have followed what seems
the natural order of events. According to this view, Meliddu is the
capital of Kammanu. Gunzinanu, the former king, A. 188 if.; D. 83,
according to whose quota the new province was taxed, seems to have
been the predecessor of Tarhunazi. According to XIV. 9-10; P. IV.
23-27, he was deposed and carried off from Meliddu, his royal city.
This is probably true. The further statement, however, that a governor
was appointed, cannot stand in the face of A. 180 f., where it is said
that he granted this land to Tarhunazi. Winckler, Sargon, XXIX,
on the other hand, argues that Tarhunazi, ruler of Meliddu, drove out
Gunzinanu of Kammana and annexed Kammanu to Meliddu. In this,
he is followed by Maspero, Empires, 252 n. i, and Rogers, History,
II. 168. Yet Winckler still translates A. 180 as before, Forsch., II.
132, and this states that Sargon himself deposed Gunzinanu and placed
Tarhunazi on the vacant throne. Nor do I see that D. 83 and A. 189
to which he appeals, prove his case. They simply prove that there

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