the poor black man than we have in Illinois.
This was done under military protection, directed
by me, in the belief, still sincerely entertained,
that with such a nucleus around which to build
we could get the State into position again sooner
than otherwise. In this belief a general promise
of protection and support, applicable alike to
Louisiana and other States, was given in the last
annual message. During the formation of the
new government and constitution they were sup-
ported by nearly every loyal person, and opposed
by every secessionist. And this support and this
HURLBUT, S. A. 157
opposition, from the respective standpoints of the
parties, was perfectly consistent and logical.
Every Unionist ought to wish the new govern-
ment to succeed ; and every disunionist must de-
sire it to fail. Its failure would gladden the heart
of Slidell in Europe, and of every enemy of the
old flag in the world. Every advocate of slavery
naturally desires to see blasted and crushed the
liberty promised the black man by the new Con-
stitution. But why General Canby and General
Hurlbut should join on the same side is to me
incomprehensible.
Of course, in the condition of things at New
Orleans, the military must not be thwarted by
the civil authority ; but when the Constitutional
Convention, for what it deems a breach of privi-
lege, arrests an editor in no way connected with
the military, the military necessity for insulting
the Convention and forcibly discharging the
editor, is difficult to perceive. Neither is the
military necessity for protecting the people
against paying large salaries fixed by a legisla-
ture of their own choosing very apparent.
Equally difficult to perceive is the military neces-
sity for forcibly interposing to prevent a bank
from loaning its own money to the State. These
things, if they have occurred, are, at the best,
no better than gratuitous hostility. I wish I could
hope that they may be shown to not have oc-
curred. To make assurance against misunder-
standing, I repeat that in the existing condition
of things in Louisiana, the military must not be
thwarted by the civil authority ; and I add that
on points of difference the commanding general
must be judge and master. But I also add that
in the exercise of this judgment and control, a
153 LETTERS
purpose, obvious and scarcely unavowed, to
transcend all military necessity, "in order to crush
out the civil government, will not be overlooked.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Hurlbut, Mrs. S. A.
Springfield. 111., October 29, i860.
My dear Madam: Your good husband, who is
making speeches for us in this county, has de-
sired me to write you that he is well, which I
take great pleasure in doing. I will add, too,
that he is rendering us very efficient service.
Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Hughes, John.
Washington, D. C, October 21, 1861.
Archbishop Hughes.
Right reverend Sir : I am sure you will pardon
me if in my ignorance I do not address you with
technical correctness. I find no law authorizing
the appointment of chaplains for our hospitals ;
and yet the services of chaplains are more needed,
perhaps, in the hospitals than with the healthy sol-
diers in the field. With this view, I have given
a sort of quasi appointment (a copy of which I
inclose) to each of three Protestant ministers,
who have accepted and entered upcn the duties.
If you perceive no objection, I will thank you
to give me the name or names of one or more
suitable persons of the Catholic Church, to whom
I may with propriety tender the same service.
Many thanks for your kind and judicious let-
HUIDEKOPER, h. C. 159
ters to Governor Seward, and which he regularly
allows me both the pleasure and the profit of
perusing. With the highest respect,
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Huidekoper, H. C.
Executive Mansion,
Washington, D. C, September 1, 1864.
Colonel H. C. Huidekoper,
Meadville, Pennsylvania.
Sir: It is represented to me that there are at
Rock Island, Illinois, as rebel prisoners of war,
many persons of Northern and foreign birth who
are unwilling to be exchanged and sent South,
but who wish to take the oath of allegiance and
enter the military service of the Union. Colonel
Huidekoper, on behalf of the people of some
parts of Pennsylvania, wishes to pay the bounties
the government would have to pay to proper
persons of this class, have them enter the service
of the United States, and be credited to the locali-
ties furnishing the bounty money. He will there-
fore proceed to Rock Island, ascertain the names
of such persons (not including any who have at-
tractions Southward), and telegraph them to the
Provost-Marshal-General here, whereupon direc-
tion will be given to discharge the persons named
upon their taking the oath of allegiance ; and
then upon the official evidence being furnished
that they shall have been duly received and mus-
tered into the service of the United States, their
number will be credited as may be directed by
Colonel Huidekoper.
Abraham Lincoln.
160 LETTERS
Ide, Dr., and Others.
Executive Mansion,
Washington, May 30, 1864.
Rev. Dr. Ide, Hon. J. R. Doolittle, and Hon. A.
Hubbell, Committee.
In response to the preamble and resolutions of
the American Baptist Home Mission Society,
which you did me the honor to present, I can only
thank you for thus adding to the effective and
almost unanimous support which the Christian
communities are so zealously giving to the coun-
try and to liberty. Indeed, it is difficult to con-
ceive how it could be otherwise with any one
professing Christianity, or even having ordinary
perceptions of right and wrong. To read in the
Bible, as the word of God himself, that "In the
sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread," and to
preach therefrom that, "In the sweat of other
mens faces shalt thou eat bread," to my mind
can scarcely be reconciled with honest sincerity.
When brought to my final reckoning, may I have
to answer for robbing no man of his goods ; yet
more tolerable even this, than for robbing one of
himself and all that was his. When, a year or
two ago, those professedly holy men of the South
met in the semblance of prayer and devotion, and,
in the name of him who said, "As ye would all
men should do unto you, do ye even so unto
them," appealed to the Christian world to aid
them in do'm^ to a whole race of men as they
would have no man do unto themselves, to my
thinking thev contemned and insulted God and
his church far more than did Satan when he
tempted the Saviour with the kingdoms of the
earth. The devil's attempt was no more false,
IRWIN, JAMES S. 161
and far less hypocritical. But let me forbear, re-
membering it is also written, "Judge not lest ye
be judged."
A. Lincoln.
Illinois Central Railroad.
[See Brayman, M. ; and Dubois, Jesse K., Dec. 21,
1857J
Ingalls, R.
Washington, D. C,
May 6, 1863. 1.45 p. m.
Colonel Ingalls :
News has gone to General Hooker which may
change his plans. Act in view of such con-
tingency.
A. Lincoln.
Irwin, James S.
Springfield, November 2, 1842.
Jas. S. Irwin, Esq. :
Owing to my absence, yours of the 22d,
ult. was not received till this moment.
Judge Logan and myself are willing to
attend to any business in the Supreme Court
you may send us. As to fees, it is impossible to
establish a rule that will apply in all, or even, a
great many cases. We believe we are never
accused of being unreasonable in this particular ;
and we would always be easily satisfied, pro-
vided we could see the money — but whatever
fees we earn at a distance, if not paid before,
we have noticed, we never hear of after the work
is done. We, therefore, are growing a little sensi-
tive on that point.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
162 LETTERS
Jacob, R. T.
[ Telegram. ]
Executive Mansion,
Washington, January 18, 1865.
Hon. Richard T. Jacob.
Sir: You are at liberty to proceed to Ken-
tucky, and to remain at large so far as relates
to any cause now past. In what I now do, I
decide nothing as to the right or wrong of your
arrest, but act in the hope that there is less lia-
bility to misunderstanding among Union men
now than there was at the time of the arrest.
Respectfully,
A. Lincoln.
James, B. F.
Springfield, November 17, 1845.
Friend James : The paper at Pekin has nom-
inated Hardin for governor; and, commenting
on this, the Alton paper indirectly nominated
him for Congress. It would give Hardin a great
start, and perhaps use me up, if the Whig papers
of the district should nominate him for Congress.
If your feelings toward me are the same as when
I saw you (which I have no reason to doubt),
I wish you would let nothing appear in your
paper which may operate against me. You un-
derstand. Matters stand just as they did when
I saw you. Baker is certainly off the track, for
I fear Hardin intends to be on it.
In relation to the business you wrote me of
some time since, I suppose the marshal called
on you; and we think it can be adjusted at court
to the satisfaction of you and friend Thompson.
A. Lincoln.
JAMES, B. F. 163
Springfield, November 24, 1845.
Friend James : Yours of the 19th was not re-
ceived till this morning. The error I fell into
in relation to the Pekin paper I discovered myself
the day after I wrote you. The way I fell into
it was that Stuart (John T.) met me in the court,
and told me about a nomination having been
made in the Pekin paper, and about the comments
upon it in the Alton paper; and without seeing
either paper myself, I wrote you. In writing to
you, I only meant to call your attention to the
matter ; and that done, I knew all would be right
with you. Of course I should not have thought
this necessary if at the time I had known that
the nomination had been made in your paper.
And let me assure you that if there is anything
in my letter indicating an opinion that the nom-
ination for governor, which I supposed to have
been made in the Pekin paper, was operating or
could operate against me, such was not my mean-
ing. Now that I know that nomination was made
by you, I say that it may do me good, while I do
not see that it can do me harm. But, while the
subject is in agitation, should any of the papers
in the district nominate the same man for Con-
gress, that would do me harm ; and it was that
which I wished to guard against. Let me assure
you that I do not for a moment suppose that
what you have done is ill-judged, or that any-
thing that you shall do will be. It was not to
object to the course of the Pekin paper (as I
thought it), but to guard against any falling into
the wake of the Alton paper, that I wrote.
You perhaps have noticed the Journal's article
of last week upon the same subject. It was
written without any consultation with me, but I
1 64 LETTERS
was told by Francis of its purport before it was
published. I chose to let it go as it was, lest it
should be suspected that I was attempting to
juggle Hardin out of a nomination for Congress
by juggling him into one for governor. If you,
and the other papers a little more distant from
me, choose to take the same course you have, of
course I have no objection. After you shall have
received this, I think we shall fully understand
each other, and that our views as to the effect
of these things are not dissimilar. Confidential,
of course.
Yours as ever,
A. Lincoln.
Springfield, January 14, 1846.
Friend James : Yours of the 10th was not re-
ceived until this morning. I cannot but be
pleased with its contents. I saw Henry's com-
munication in your paper, as also your editorial
remarks, neither of which, in my opinion, was in
any way misjudged, — both quite the thing. I
think just as you do concerning the dictation of
the course of the Alton paper, and also con-
cerning its utter harmlessness. As to the propo-
sition to hold the convention at Petersburg, I will
at once tell you all I know and all I feel. A good
friend of ours there — John Bennett — wrote me
that he thought it would do good with the Whigs
of Menard to see a respectable convention con-
ducted in good style. They are a little disin-
clined to adopt the convention system; and Ben-
nett thinks some of their prejudices would be
done away by their having the convention
amongst them. At his request, therefore, I had
the little paragraph put in the "J ourna l-" This is
JAMES, B. F. 165
all I know. Now as to what I feel. I feel a
desire that they of Petersburg should be grati-
fied, if it can be done without a sacrifice of the
wishes of others, and without detriment to the
cause — nothing more. I can gain nothing in the
contest by having it there. I showed your letter
to Stuart, and he thinks there is something in
your suggestion of holding it at your town. I
should be pleased if I could concur with you in
the hope that my name would be the only one
presented to the convention ; but I cannot. Har-
din is a man of desperate energy and persever-
ance, and one that never backs out; and, I fear,
to think otherwise is to be deceived in the char-
acter of our adversary. I would rejoice to be
spared the labor of a contest; but "being in,"
I shall go it thoroughly, and to the bottom. As
to my being able to make a break in the lower
counties, I tell you that I can possibly get Cass,
but I do not think I will. Morgan and Scott
are beyond my reach ; Menard is safe to me ;
Mason, neck and neck ; Logan is mine. To make
the matter sure, your entire senatorial district
must be secured. Of this I suppose Tazewell
is safe ; and I have much done in both the other
counties. In Woodford I have Davenport,
Simons, Willard, Bracken, Perry, Travis, Dr.
Hazzard, and the Clarks and some others, all
specially committed. At Lacon, in Marshall, the
very most active friend I have in the district (if
I except yourself) is at work. Through him
I have procured their names, and written to three
or four of the most active Whigs in each precinct
of the county. Still I wish you all in Tazewell
to keep your eyes continually on Woodford and
Marshall. Let no opportunity of making a mark
166 LETTERS
escape. When they shall be safe, all will be safe,
I think.
The Beardstown paper is entirely in the hands
of my friends. The editor is a Whig, and per-
sonally dislikes Hardin. When the Supreme
Court shall adjourn (which it is thought will be
about the 15th of February), it is my intention
to take a quiet trip through the towns and neigh-
borhoods of Logan County, Delevan, Tremont,
and on toand through the upper counties. Don't
speak of this, or let it relax any of your vigi-
lance. When I shall reach Tremont, we will talk
over everything at large.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Springfield, January 16, 1846.
Dear James: A plan is on foot to change the
mode of selecting the candidate for this district.
The movement is intended to injure me, and, if
effected, most likely would injure me to some
extent. I have not time to give particulars now ;
but I want you to let nothing prevent your get-
ting an article in your paper of this week, tak-
ing strong ground for the old system under which
Hardin and Baker were nominated, without seem-
ing to know or suspect that any one desires to
change it. I have written Dr. Henry more at
length, and he will probably call and consult with
you on getting up the article ; but whether he
does or not, don't fail, on any account, to get
it in this week.
A. Lincoln.
Springfield, January 27, 1846.
Dear James : Yours, inclosing the article from
JAMES, B. F. 167
the "Whig" is received. In my judgment, you
have hit the matter exactly right. I believe it
is too late to get the article in the "Journal" of
this week; but Dickinson will understand it just
as well from your paper, knowing as he does
your position toward me. More than all, I wrote
him at the same time I did you. As to sugges-
tions for the committee, I would say appoint the
convention for the first Monday of May. As to
the place, I can hardly make a suggestion, so
many points desiring it. I was at Petersburg
Saturday and Sunday, and they are very anxious
for it there. A friend has also written me desir-
ing it at Beardstown.
I would have the committees leave the mode of
choosing delegates to the Whigs of the different
counties, as may best suit them respectively. I
would have them propose, for the sake of uni-
formity, that the delegates should all be instructed
as to their man, and the delegation of each
county should go as a unit. If, without this,
some counties should send united delegations and
others divided ones, it might make bad work.
Also have it proposed that when the convention
shall meet, if there shall be any absent delegates,
the members present may fill the vacancies with
persons to act under the same instructions which
may^ be known to have been given to such ab-
sentees. You understand. Other particulars I
leave to you. I am sorry to say I am afraid I
cannot go to Mason, so as to attend to your busi-
ness; but if I shall determine to go there, I will
write you.
Do you hear anything from Woodford and
Marshall? Davenport, ten days ago, passed
through here, and told me Woodford is safe;
i68 LETTERS
but, though in hope, I am not entirely easy about
Marshall. I have so few personal acquaintances
in that county that I cannot get at [it] right.
Dickinson is doing all that any one man can do ;
but it seems like it is an overtask for one. I sup-
pose Dr. Henry will be with you on Saturday. I
got a letter from him to-day on the same subject
as yours, and shall write him before Saturday.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Jameson, E. H. and E.
War Department,
Washington, D. C, November 13, 1863.
E. H. & E. Jameson, Jefferson City, Mo. :
Yours saying Brown and Henderson are
elected senators is received. I understand this is
one and one. If so it is knocking heads together
to some purpose.
A. Lincoln.
Jayne, William.
Executive Mansion,
Washington, February 26, 1864.
Hon. W. Jayne.
Dear Sir: I dislike to make changes in office
so long as they can be avoided. It multiplies my
embarrassments immensely. I dislike two ap-
pointments when one will do. Send me the name
of some man not the present marshal, and I will
nominate him to be Provost Marshal for Dakota.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
JOHNSON, ANDREW 169
Johnson, Andrew.
[ Telegram. ]
War Department, April 27, 1862.
Governor Andrew Johnson,
Nashville, Tennessee :
Your despatch of yesterday just received, as
also, in due course, was your former one. The
former one was sent to General Halleck, and we
have his answer, by which I have no doubt he
(General Halleck) is in communication with
you before this. General Halleck understands
better than we can here, and he must be allowed
to control in that quarter. If you are not in
communication with Halleck, telegraph him at
once, freely and frankly.
A. Lincoln.
[Telegram in Cipher.]
Washington, June 4, 1862.
Hon. Andrew Johnson,
Nashville, Tennessee:
Do you really wish to have control of the ques-
tion of releasing rebel prisoners so far as they
may be Tennesseeans ? If you do, please tell us
so. Your answer not to be made public.
A. Lincoln.
[ Telegram. ]
Washington, June 7, 1862.
Governor Johnson,
Nashville, Tennessee:
The President has received your two despatches
of the 5th instant. He approves your proceedings
of reprisal against the secessionists.
170 LETTERS
In regard to the release of the rebel prisoners,
he holds the question as to the time when execu-
tive clemency shall be exercised under considera-
tion. It has always been the design of the gov-
ernment to leave the exercise of that clemency
to your judgment and discretion whenever the
period arrives that it can properly be exercised.
Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War.
[Telegram in Cipher.]
Washington, June 9, 1862.
Hon. Andrew Johnson,
Nashville, Tennessee :
Your despatch about seizing seventy rebels to
exchange for a like number of Union men was
duly received. I certainly do not disapprove the
proposition.
A. Lincoln.
[ Telegram. ]
War Department, July 11, 1862.
Hon. Andrew Johnson.
My dear Sir : Yours of yesterday is received.
Do you not, my good friend, perceive that what
you ask is simply to put you in command in
the West? I do not suppose you desire this.
You only wish to control in your own localities ;
but this you must know may derange all other
posts. Can you not, and will you not, have a
full conference with General Halleck? Tele-
graph him, and meet him at such place as he
and you can agree upon. I telegraph him to
meet you and confer fully with you.
A. Lincoln.
[See also Halleck, Henry W., July 11, 1862.]
JOHNSON, ANDREW 1 7 1
[ Telegram. ]
War Department, October 31, 1862.
Gov. Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tenn., via
Louisville, Ky. :
Yours of the 29th received. I shall take it
to General Halleck, but I already know it will
be very inconvenient to take General Morgan's
command from where it now is. I am glad to
hear you speak hopefully for Tennessee. I sin-
cerly hope Rosecrans may find it possible to do
something for her. David Nelson, son of the
M. C. of your State, regrets his father's final de-
fection, and asks me for a situation. Do you
know him? Could he be of service to you or
to Tennessee in any capacity in which I could
send him? A. Lincoln.
[ Telegram. ]
War Department, November 14, 1862.
Gov. Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee :
Your despatch of the 4th, about returning
troops from western Virginia to Tennessee, is
just received, and I have been to General Hal-
leck with it. He says an order has already been
made by which those troops have already moved,
or soon will move, to Tennessee.
A. Lincoln.
[Telegram.']
Executive Mansion.
Washington, December 8, 1862.
Governor Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tenn. :
Jesse H. Strickland is here asking authority
to raise a regiment of Tennesseeans. Would you
advise that the authority be given him?
A. Lincoln.
172 LETTERS
[Telegram.]
Executive Mansion,
Washington, January 8, 1863.
Governor Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee :
A despatch of yesterday from Nashville says
the body of Captain Todd, of the Sixth Ken-
tucky, was brought in to-day.
Please tell me what was his Christian name,
and whether he was in our service or that of
the enemy. I shall also be glad to have your
impressions as to the effect the late operations
about Murfreesborough will have on the pros-
pects of Tennessee. A. Lincoln.
[ Telegram. ]
Executive Mansion,
Washington, January 10. 1863.
Governor Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee:
Yours received. I presume the remains of
Captain Todd are in the hands of his family and
friends, and I wish to give no order on the sub-
ject; but I do wish your opinion of the effects
of the late battles about Murfreesborough upon
the prospects of Tennessee. A. Lincoln.
[Private.]
Executive Mansion,
Washington, March 26, 1863.
Hon. Andrew Johnson.
My dear Sir: I am told you have at least
thought of raising a negro military force. In
my opinion the country now needs no specific
thing so much as some man of your ability and
position to go to this work. When I speak
of your position, I mean that of an eminent citi-
JOHNSON, ANDREW 173
zen of a slave State and himself a slaveholder.
The colored population is the great available and
yet unavailed of force for restoring the Union.
The bare sight of fifty thousand armed and drilled
black soldiers upon the banks of the Mississippi
would end the rebellion at once ; and who doubts
that we can present that sight if we but take
hold in earnest? If you have been thinking of
it, please do not dismiss the thought.
Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
[ Telegram. ]
Washington, May 29, 1863.
Governor Andrew Johnson, Louisville, Kentucky :
General Burnside has been frequently informed
lately that the division under General Getty can-
not be spared. I am sorry to have to tell you
this, but it is true, and cannot be helped.
A. Lincoln.
[ Telegram. ]
Executive Mansion,
Washington, September 8, 1863. 9.30 a. m.
Hon. Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee:
Despatch of yesterday just received. I shall
try to find the paper you mention and carefully
consider it. In the meantime let me urge that
you do your utmost to get every man you can,
black and white, under arms at the very earliest
moment, to guard roads, bridges and trains, al-
lowing all the better trained soldiers to go for-
ward to Rosecrans. Of course I mean for you
to act in co-operation with, and not independ-
ently of, the military authorities.