Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, and it is very
desirable to me to put in your despatch of Feb-
ruary 1, to the Secretary of War, in which,
among other things, you say : "I fear now their
going back without any expression from any one
in authority will have a bad influence." I think
the dispatch does you credit, while I do not see
that it can embarrass you. May I use it?
A. Lincoln.
[Telegram.]
Washington, D. C, February 24, 1865.
Lieutenant-General Grant,
City Point, Virginia:
I am in a little perplexity. I was induced to
authorize a gentleman to bring Rogfer A. Pryor
here with a view of effecting an exchange of
him; but since then I have seen a despatch of
yours showing that you specially object to his
exchange. Meantime he has reached here and
reported to me. It is an ungracious thing for
me to send him back to prison, and yet inad-
missible for him to remain here long. Cannot
you help me out with it? I can conceive that
there may be difference to you in days, and I can
keep him a few days to accommodate on that
point. I have not heard of my son's reaching
you.
A. Lincoln.
36 LETTERS
[Telegram.]
Washington, February 25, 1865.
Lieutenant-General Grant,
City Point, Virginia :
General Sheridan's despatch to you, of to-day,
in which he says he "will be off on Monday,"
and that he "will leave behind about 2000 men/'
causes the Secretary of War and myself con-
siderable anxiety. Have you well considered
whether you do not again leave open the Shen-
andoah Valley entrance to Maryland and Penn-
sylvania, or, at least, to the Baltimore and Ohio
Railroad? A. Lincoln.
[ Telegram. ]
Washington, D. C., February 27, 1865.
Lieutenant-General Grant,
City Point, Virginia :
Subsequent reflection, conference with General
Halleck, your despatch, and one from General
Sheridan, have relieved my anxiety ; and so I
beg that you will dismiss any concern you may
have on my account, in the matter of my last
despatch.
A. Lincoln.
[ Telegram. ]
Washington, March 3, 1865. 12 p. m.
Lieutenant-General Grant :
The President directs me to say that he wishes
you to have no conference with General Lee un-
less it be for capitulation of General Lee's army,
or on some minor or purely military matter. He
instructs me to say that you are not to decide,
discuss, or confer upon any political questions.
Such questions the President holds in his own
GRANT, ULYSSES S. 37
hands, and will submit them to no military con-
ferences or conventions. Meanwhile you are to
press to the utmost your military advantages.
Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War.
Executive Mansion,
Washington, March 7, 1865.
Lieutenant-General Grant :
In accordance with a joint resolution of Con-
gress, approved December 17, 1863, I now have
the honor of transmitting and presenting to you,
in the name of the people of the United States
of America, a copy of said resolution, engrossed
on parchment, together with the gold medal
therein ordered and directed.
Please accept for yourself and all under your
command the renewed expression of my gratitude
for your and their arduous and well-performed
public service.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Washington, D. C., March 8, 1865.
Lieutenant-General Grant,
City Point, Virginia:
Your two despatches to the Secretary of W r ar,
one relating to supplies for the enemy going by
the Blackwater, and the other to General Single-
ton and Judge Hughes, have been laid before me
by him. * As to Singleton and Hughes, I think
they are not in Richmond by any authority, un-
less it be from you. I remember nothing from
me which could aid them in getting there, except
a letter to you, as follows, to wit :
[Here follows letter to Lieutenant-General Grant of
February 7, 1865.]
3°> LETTERS
I believe I gave Hughes a card putting him
with Singleton on the same letter. However this
may be, I now authorize you to get Singleton and
Hughes away from Richmond, if you choose, and
can. I also authorize you, by an order, or in
what form you choose, to suspend all operations
on the Treasury-trade permits, in all places
southeastward of the Alleghanies. If you make
such order, notify me of it, giving a copy, so
that I can give corresponding direction to the
Navy.
A. Lincoln.
Washington, D. C, March 9, 1865.
Lieutenant-General Grant,
City Point, Virginia :
I see your despatch to the Secretary of War,
objecting to rebel prisoners being allowed to take
the oath and go free. Supposing that I am re-
sponsible for what is done in this way, I think fit
to say that there is no general rule of action,
allowing prisoners to be discharged merely on
taking the oath. What has been done is that
members of Congress come to me, from time to
time, with lists of names, alleging that from
personal knowledge, and evidence of reliable per-
sons, they are satisfied that it is safe to discharge
the particular persons named on the lists, and I
have ordered their discharge. These members
are chiefly from the border States, and those they
gQt discharged are their neighbors and neighbors'
sons. They tell me that they do not bring to me
one-tenth of the names which are brought to
them, bringing only such as their knowledge or
the proof satisfies them about. I have, on the
same principle, discharged some on the represen-
GRANT, ULYSSES S. 39
tations of others than members of Congress ; as,
for instance, Governor Johnson, of Tennessee.
The number I have discharged has been rather
larger than I liked, reaching, I should think, an
average of fifty a day since the recent general
exchange commenced. On the same grounds,
last year, I discharged quite a number at differ-
ent times, aggregating perhaps a thousand Mis-
sourians and Kentuckians ; and their members,
returning here since the prisoners' return to their
homes, report to me only two cases of proving
false. Doubtless some more have proved false;
but, on the whole, I believe what I have done in
this way has done good rather than harm.
A. Lincoln.
[ Telegram. ]
Washington, D. C, March 20, 1865.
Lieutenant-General Grant,
City Point, Virginia:
Your kind invitation received. Had already
thought of going immediately after the next rain.
Will go sooner if any reason for it. Mrs. Lin-
coln and a few others will probably accompany
me. Will notify you of exact time, once it shall
be fixed upon.
A. Lincoln.
[Telegram.]
Executive Mansion,
Washington, March 23, 1865.
Lieutenant-General Grant,
City Point, Virginia:
We start to you at 1 p. m. to-day. May lie
over during the dark hours of the night. Very
small party of us.
A. Lincoln.
A/; 7 7;..
[Telegram.]
nt, April i, 1865. 5.45 p. m.
Lieutenant-General Grant :
Yours showing Sheridan's success of today is
just received, and highly appreciated. I
great deal to do here, 1 am still sending the sub-
stance of your despatches to the Secretary of
War.
A. Lincoln.
[Telegram.]
Headquarters Armies of the United States,
City Point, April 6, 1865, 12 m.
Lieutenant I Grant, in the Field:
Secretary Seward was thrown from hi-.
. and seriously injured. This, with
will take me to Washington
I was at I ay and I
when and where Judge Campbell, who was with
. J funter and St< p • bruary, •
on me, an- rations as induced
me to put in his hands an informal paper, re-
peating the pr< US in my letter of instruc-
,lr. Seward, which you remember, and
adding that if the war be now furthei
Is, confiscated property shall at the
least b additional cost, and thai
any State
ivhii 1) will ood faith with-
draw its troop orl from resistance
1<, 1 nt.
Judge ( 'ampb<-lJ though! ll tXOl 1 that
ire of Virginia would d-
Igl , I addressed
itzel, with permis-
GRAY, JOHN P. 41
sion to Judge Campbell to see it, telling him
(General Weitzel) that if they attempt this, to
permit and protect them, unless they attempt
something hostile to the United States, in which
case to give them notice and time to leave, and
to arrest any remaining after such time.
I do not think it very probable that anything
will come of this, but I have thought best to
notify you so that if you should see signs you
may understand them.
From your recent despatches it seems that you
are pretty effectually withdrawing the Virginia
troops from opposition to the government. Noth-
ing that I have done, or probably shall do, is to
delay, hinder, or interfere with your work.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Headquarters Armies of the United States.
City Point, April 7, 11 a. m., 1865.
Lieutenant-General Grant :
Gen. Sheridan says "If the thing is pressed I
think that Lee will surrender." Let the thing
be pressed.
A. Lincoln.
Gray, John P.
Executive Mansion,
Washington, September 10, 1863.
Dr. John P. Gray.
Sir: Dr. David M. Wright is in military cus-
tody at Norfolk, Virginia, having been by a mil-
itary commission tried for murder and sentenced
to death, his execution awaiting the order of the
42 LETTERS
major-general in command of that military de-
partment, or of the President of the United
States. The record is before me, and a question is
made as to the sanity of the accused. You will
please proceed to the military department whose
headquarters are at Fort Monroe, and take in
writing all evidence which may be offered on
behalf of Dr. Wright and against him, and any, in
addition, which you may find within your reach,
and deem pertinent ; all said evidence to be di-
rected to the question of Dr. Wright's sanity or
insanity, and not to any other questions; you
to preside with power to exclude evidence which
shall appear to you clearly not pertinent to the
question. When the taking of the evidence shall
be closed, you will report the same to me, to-
gether with your own conclusions as to Dr.
Wright's sanity both at the time of the homicide
and at the time of your examination. On reach-
ing Fort Monroe, you will present this letter to
the officer then commanding that department, and
deliver to him a copy of the same, upon which
he is hereby directed to notify Hon. L. J. Bowdcn
and lion. L. H. Chandler of the same; to desig-
nate some suitable person in his command to
appear for the government as judge-advocate or
prosecuting attorney ; to provide for the attend-
ance of all such witnesses before you as may be
desired by either party, or by yourself, and who
may be within convenient reach of you ; to fur-
nish you a suitable place, or places, for conduct-
ing the examination ; and to render you such
other reasonable assistance in the premises as you
may require. If you deem it proper, you will
examine Dr. Wright personally, and you may in
your discretion require him to be present during
GREELEY, HORACE 4S
the whole or any part of the taking of the evi-
dence. The military are hereby charged to see
that an escape does not occur.
Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Greeley, Horace.
Washington, June 27, 1848.
Friend Greeley : In the "Tribune" of yesterday
I discovered a little editorial paragraph in rela-
tion to Colonel Wentworth of Illinois, in which,
in relation to the boundary of Texas, you say :
"All Whigs and many Democrats having ever
contended it stopped at the Nueces." Now this
is a mistake which I dislike to see go uncor-
rected in a leading Whig paper. Since I have
been here, I know a large majority of such Whigs
of the House of Representatives as have spoken
on the question have not taken that position.
Their position, and in my opinion the true posi-
tion, is that the boundary of Texas extended
just so far as American settlements taking part in
her revolution extended ; and that as a matter of
fact those settlements did extend, at one or two
points, beyond the Nueces, but not anywhere near
the Rio Grande at any point. The "stupendous
desert" between the valleys of those two rivers,
and not either river, has been insisted on by the
Whigs as the true boundary.
Will you look at this? By putting us in the
position of insisting on the line of the Nueces,
you put us in a position which, in my opinion,
we cannot maintain, and which therefore gives
the Democrats an advantage of us. If the degree
of arrogance is not too great, may I ask you to
44 LETTERS
examine what I said on this very point in the
printed speech I send you.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Executive Mansion,
Washington, August 22, 1862.
Hon. Horace Greeley.
Dear Sir: I have just read yours of the 19th,
addressed to myself through the New York
Tribune. If there be in it any statements or
assumptions of fact which I may know to be
erroneous, I do not, now and here, controvert
them. If there be in it any inferences which I
may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not, now
and here, argue against them. If there be per-
ceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone,
I waive it in deference to an old friend whose
heart I have always supposed to be right.
As to the policy I "seem to be pursuing," as
you say, I have not meant to leave any one in
doubt.
I would save the Union. I would save it the
shortest way under the Constitution. The sooner
the national authority can be restored, the nearer
the Union will be "the Union as it was." If
there be those who would not save the Union
unless they could at the same time save slavery,
I do not agree with them. If there be those
who would not save the Union unless they could
at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree
with them. *"My paramount object in this strug-
gle is to save the Union, and is not either to save
or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union
without freeing any slave, I would do it ; and if
I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would
GREELEY, HORACE 45
do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and
leaving others alone, I would also do that. What
I do about slavery and the colored race, I do be-
cause I believe it helps to save the Union ; and
what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe
it would help to save the Union.4l shall do less
whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts
the cause, and I shall do more whenever I shall
believe doing more will help the cause. I shall
try to correct errors when shown to be errors,
and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall
appear to be true views.
I have here stated my purpose according to
my view of official duty; and I intend no modi-
fication of my oft-expressed personal wish that
all men everywhere could be free.
Yours,
A. Lincoln.
Washington, D. C, July 9, 1864.
Hon. Horace Greeley.
Dear Sir : Your letter of the 7th, with inci-
sures, received.
If you can find any person, anywhere, pro-
fessing to have any proposition of Jefferson Davis
in writing, for peace, embracing the restoration
of the Union and abandonment of slavery, what-
ever else it embraces, say to him he may come
to me with you ; and that if he really brings such
proposition, he shall at the least have safe con-
duct with the paper (and without publicity, if
he chooses) to the point where you shall have
met him. The same if there be two or more
persons.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
46 LETTERS
[Telegram.']
Executive Mansion,
Washington, July 15, 1864.
Hon. Horace Greeley, New York:
I suppose you received my letter of the 9th. I
have just received yours of the 13th, and am dis-
appointed by it. I was not expecting you to send
me a letter, but to bring me a man, or men. Mr.
Hay goes to you with my answer to yours of
the 13th.
A. Lincoln.
[Letter Carried by Major John Hay.]
Executive Mansion,
Washington, July 15, 1864.
Hon. Horace Greeley.
My dear Sir : Yours of the 13th is just received,
and 1 am disappointed that you have not already
reached here with those commissioners, if they
would consent to com< on being shown my letter
to you of the 9th instant. Show that and this
to them, and if they will come on the terms stated
in the former, bring them. I not only intend a
sincere effort for peace, but I intend that you
shall be a personal witness that it is made.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
[Telegram.]
Executive Mansion,
hington, August 6, 1864.
Hon. Horace Greeley, New York :
Yours to Major I lav aboul publication of our
correspondence received. With the suppression
GREELEY, HORACE 47
of a few passages in your letters in regard to
which I think you and I would not disagree, I
should be glad of the publication. Please come
over and see me.
A. Lincoln.
[Private, ]
Executive Mansion,
Washington, August 9, 1864.
Hon. Horace Greeley.
Dear Sir : Herewith is a full copy of the corre-
spondence, and which I have had privately
printed, but not made public. The parts of your
letters which I wish suppressed are only those
which, as I think, give too gloomy an aspect to
our cause, and those which present the carrying
of elections as a motive of action. I have, as you
see, drawn a red pencil over the parts I wish
suppressed.
As to the Alexander H. Stephens matter, so
much pressed by you, I can only say that he
sought to come to Washington in the name of
the "Confederate States," in a vessel of "the Con-
federate States navy," and with no pretense even
that he would bear any proposal for peace ; but
with language showing that his mission would be
military, and not civil or diplomatic. Nor has he
at any time since pretended that he had terms
of peace, so far as I know or believe. On the
contrary, Jefferson Davis has, in the most formal
manner, declared that Stephens had no terms of
peace. I thought we could not afford to give this
quasi-acknowledgment of the independence of the
Confederacy, in a case where there was not even
an intimation of anything for our good. Still, as
the parts of your letters relating to Stephens con-
48 LETTERS
tain nothing worse than a questioning of my
action, I do not ask a suppression of those parts.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
[See also Clay, Clement C]
Green, Duff.
Springfield, Illinois, May 18, 1849.
Dear General : I learn from Washington that a
man by the name of Butterfield will probably be
appointed Commissioner of the General Land
Office. This ought not to be. That is about the
only crumb of patronage which Illinois expects ;
and I am sure the mass of General Taylor's
friends here would quite as lief see it go east of
the Alleghanies, or west of the Rocky Mountains,
as into that man's hands. They are already sore
on the subject of his getting office. In the great
contest of 1840 he was not seen or heard of; but
when the victory came, three or four old drones,
including him, got all the valuable offices,
through what influence no one has yet been able
to tell. I believe the only time he has been very
active was last spring a year ago, in opposition
to General Taylor's nomination.
Now, cannot you get the ear of General Tay-
lor? Ewing is for Butterfield, and therefore he
must be avoided. Preston, I think, will favor
you. Mr. Edwards has written me offering to
decline, but I advised him not to do so. Some
kind friends think I ought to be an applicant, but
I am for Mr. Edwards. Try to defeat Butter-
field, and in doing so use Mr. Edwards, J. L. D.
Morrison, or myself, whichever you can to best
advantage. Write me, and let this be con-
fidential. A. Lincoln.
GREEN, DUFF 49
Springfield, Illinois, December 28, i860.
General Duff Green.
My dear Sir : I do not desire any amendment
of the Constitution. Recognizing, however, that
questions of such amendment rightfully belong
to the American people, I should not feel justi-
fied nor inclined to withhold from them, if I
could, a fair opportunity of expressing their will
thereon through either of the modes prescribed
in the instrument.
In addition I declare that the maintenance in-
violate of the rights of the States, and especially
the right of each State to order and control its
own domestic institutions according to its own
judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance
of powers on which the perfection and endurance
of our political fabric depend ; and I denounce
the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of
any State or Territory, no matter under what
pretext, as the gravest of crimes.
I am greatly averse to writing anything for
the public at this time ; and I consent to the pub-
lication of this only upon the condition that six
of the twelve United States senators for the
States of Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Lou-
isiana, Florida, and Texas shall sign their names
to what is written on this sheet below my name,
and allow the whole to be published together.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
We recommend to the people of the States we
represent respectively, to suspend all action for
dismemberment of the Union, at least until some
act deemed to be violative of our rights shall
be done by the incoming administration.
50 LETTERS
Grimes, James W.
Washington, D. C, October 29, 1863.
Hon. James W. Grimes.
My dear Sir: The above act of Congress was
passed, as I suppose, for the purpose of shutting
out improper applicants for seats in the House of
Representatives ; and I fear there is some danger
that it will be used to shut out proper ones.
Iowa, having an entire Union delegation, will be
one of the States [upon which] the attempt will
be made, if upon any. The Governor doubtless
has made out the certificates, and they are al-
ready in the hands of the members. I suggest
that they come on with them ; but that, for greater
caution, you and perhaps Mr. Harlan with you,
consult with the Governor, and have an additional
set made out according to the form on the other
half of this sheet ; and still another set, if you can,
by studying the law, think of a form that in your
judgment, promises additional security, and
quietly bring the whole on with you, to be used
in case of necessity. Let what you do be kept
still.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Grimes, William.
Springfield, Illinois, July 12, 1856.
William Grimes :
Yours of the 29th of June was duly received.
I did not answer it because it plagued me. This
morning I received another from Judd and Peck,
written by consultation with you. Now let me
tell you why I am plagued :
GRIMES, WILLIAM 51
1. I can hardly spare the time.
2. I am superstitious. I have scarcely known a
party preceding an election to call in help from
the neighboring States, but they lost the State.
Last fall, our friends had Wade, of Ohio, and
others, in Maine ; and they lost the State. Last
spring our adversaries had New Hampshire full
of South Carolinians, and they lost the State.
And so, generally, it seems to stir up more ene-
mies than friends.
Llave the enemy called in any foreign help?
If they have a foreign champion there, I should
have no objection to drive a nail in his track.
I shall reach Chicago on the night of the 15th,
to attend to a little business in court. Consider
the things I have suggested, and write me at
Chicago. Especially write me whether Browning
consents to visit you.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
To William Grimes.
Springfield, Illinois, August, 1857.
Dear Sir: Yours of the 14th is received, and I
am much obliged for the legal information you
give.
You can scarcely be more anxious than I that
the next election in Iowa should result in favor
of the Republicans. I lost nearly all the working-
part of last year, giving my time to the canvass ;
and I am altogether too poor to lose two years
together. I am engaged in a suit in the United
States Court at Chicago, in which the Rock Island
Bridge Company is a party. The trial is to com-
mence on the 8th of September, and probably will
last two or three weeks. During the trial it is not
52
LETTERS
improbable that all hands may come over and
take a look at the bridge, and, if it were possible
to make it hit right, I could then speak at Daven-
port. My courts go right on without cessation
till late in November. Write me again, pointing
out the more striking points of difference between
your old and new constitutions, and also whether
Democratic and Republican party lines were
drawn in the adoption of it, and which were for
and which were against it. If, by possibility, I
could get over among you it might be of some
advantage to know these things in advance.
Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Grimsley, Mrs. Elizabeth J.
Washington, D. C, June 6, 1863.
Mrs. Elizabeth J. Grimsley,
Springfield, 111. :
Is your John ready to enter the Naval school?
If he is telegraph me his full name.
A. Lincoln.
Gunn, Lewis C.
[See Chase, Salmon P., May 13, 1863.]
Gurney, Mrs. Eliza P.
Executive Mansion,
Washington, September 4, 1864.