[Autobiographical Memorandum given to the
Artist Hicks.]
I was born February 12, 1809, in then Hardin
County, Kentucky, at a point within the now
county of La Rue, a mile, or a mile and a half,
from where Hodgen's mill now is. My parents
being dead, and my own memory not serving, I
know no means of identifying the precise local-
ity. It was on Nolin Creek.
A. Lincoln.
June 14, i860.
HICKS, THOMAS H. 121
Hicks, Thomas H., and Mayor Brown.
Washington, April 20, 1861.
Governor Hicks and Mayor Brown.
Gentlemen : Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dob-
bin, and Brune is received. I tender you both
my sincere thanks for your efforts to keep the
peace in the trying situation in which you are
placed.
For the future troops must be brought here,
but I make no point of bringing them through
Baltimore. Without any military knowledge my-
self, of course I must leave details to General
Scott. He hastily said this morning in the pres-
ence of these gentlemen, "March them around
Baltimore, and not through it." I sincerely hope
the general, on fuller reflection, will consider
this practical and proper, and that you will not
object to it. By this a collision of the people
of Baltimore with the troops will be avoided, un-
less they go out of their way to seek it. I hope
you will exert your influence to prevent this.
Now and ever I shall do all in my power for
peace consistently with the maintenance of the
government.
Your obedient servant,
Abraham Lincoln.
Hicks, Thomas H.
[ Telegram. ]
Washington, April 20, 1861.
Governor Hicks :
I desire to consult with you and the mayor of
Baltimore relative to preserving the peace of
Maryland. Please come immediately by special
122
LETTERS
train, which you can take at Baltimore ; or, if
necessary, one can be sent from here. Answer
forthwith.
Lincoln.
Department of State, April 22, 1861.
His Excellency Thomas H. Hicks,
Governor of Maryland.
Sir : I have the honor to receive your com-
munication of this morning, in which you inform
me that you had felt it to be your duty to advise
the President of the United States to order else-
where the troops then off Annapolis, and also
that no more may be sent through Maryland ; and
that you have further suggested that Lord Lyons
be requested to act as mediator between the con-
tending parties in our country, to prevent the
effusion of blood.
The President directs me to acknowledge the
receipt of that communication, and to assure you
that he has weighed the counsels it contains with
the respect which he habitually cherishes for the
chief magistrates of the several States, and espe-
cially for yourself. He regrets, as deeply as any
magistrate or citizen of this country can, that
demonstrations against the safety of the United
States, with very extensive preparation for the
effusion of blood, have made it his duty to call
out the forces to which you allude.
The force now sought to be brought through
Maryland is intended for nothing but the defense
of the capital. The President has necessarily
confided the choice of the national highway which
that force shall take in coming to this city to
the lieutenant-general commanding the army of
the United States, who, like his only predecessor.
HICKS, THOMAS H.
123
is not less distinguished for his humanity than
for his loyalty, patriotism, and distinguished pub-
lic services.
The President instructs me to add that the
national highway thus selected by the lieutenant-
general has been chosen by him, upon consulta-
tion with prominent magistrates and citizens of
Maryland, as the one which, while a route is
absolutely necessary, is farthest removed from
the populous cities of the State, and with the
expectation that it would therefore be the least
objectionable one.
He cannot but remember that there has been a
time in the history of our country when a gen-
eral of the American Union, with forces designed
for the defense of its capital, was not unwelcome
anywhere in the State of Maryland, and certainly
not at Annapolis, then, as now, the capital of that
patriotic State, and then also one of the capitals
of the Union.
If eighty years could have obliterated all the
other noble sentiments of that age in Maryland,
the President would be hopeful, nevertheless,
that there is one that would forever remain there
and everywhere. That sentiment is, that no do-
mestic contention whatever that may arise among
the parties of this republic ought in any case to
be referred to any foreign arbitrament, least of
all to the arbitrament of a European monarchy.
I have the honor to be, with distinguished con-
sideration, your Excellency's most obedient
servant,
William H. Seward.
124 LETTERS
Hodges, A. G.
Executive Mansion,
Washington, April 4, 1864.
A. G. Hodges, Esq.,
Frankfort, Kentucky.
My dear Sir : You ask me to put in writing the
substance of what I verbally said the other day
in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and
Senator Dixon. It was about as follows :
"I am naturally antislavery. If slavery is not
wrong, nothing is wrong. I cannot remember
when I did not so think and feel, and yet I have
never understood that the presidency conferred
upon me an unrestricted right to act officially
upon this judgment and feeling. It was in the
oath I took that I would, to the best of my ability,
preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution
of the United States. I could not take the office
without taking the oath. Nor was it my view
that I might take an oath to get power, and break
the oath in using the power. I understand, too,
that in ordinary civil administration this oath
even forbade me to practically indulge my
primary abstract judgment on the moral ques-
tion of slavery. I had publicly declared this
many times, and in many ways. And I aver that,
to this day, I have done no official act in mere
deference to my abstract judgment and feeling
on slavery. I did understand, however, that
my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best
of my ability imposed upon me the duty of pre-
serving, by every indispensable means, that gov-
ernment — that nation, of which that Constitution
was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the
nation and yet preserve the Constitution? By
HODGES, A. G. 125
general law, life and limb must be protected, yet
often a limb must be amputated to save a life ; but
a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt
that measures otherwise unconstitutional might
become lawful by becoming indispensable to the
preservation of the Constitution through the pres-
ervation of the nation. Right or wrong, I as-
sumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not
feel that, to the best of my ability, I had even
tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save
slavery or any minor matter, I should permit the
wreck of government, country, and Constitution
all together. When, early in the war, General
Fremont attempted military emancipation, I for-
bad§. it, because I did not then think it an indis-
pensable necessity. When, a little later, General
Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the
arming of the blacks, I objected because I did not
yet think it an indispensable necessity. When,
still later, General Hunter attempted military
emancipation, I again forbade it, because I did
not yet think the indispensable necessity had
come. When in March and May and July, 1862,
I made earnest and successive appeals to the
border States to favor compensated emancipa-
tion, I believed the indispensable necessity for
military emancipation and arming the blacks
would come unless averted by that measure.
They declined the proposition, and I was, in my
best judgment, driven to the alternative of either
surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitu-
tion, or of laying strong hand upon the colored
element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I
hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this, I
was not entirely confident. More than a year
of trial now shows no loss by it in our foreign
126 LETTERS
relations, none in our home popular sentiment,
none in our white military force — no loss by it
anyhow or anywhere. On the contrary it shows
a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand
soldiers, seamen, and laborers. These are palpa-
ble facts, about which, as facts, there can be no
caviling. We have the men ; and we could not
have had them without the measure.
"And now let any Union man who complains
of the measure test himself by writing down in one
line that he is for subduing the rebellion by force
of arms; and in the next, that he is for taking
these hundred and thirty thousand men from the
Union side, and placing them where they would
be but for the measure he condemns. If he can-
not face his case so stated, it is only because he
cannot face the truth."
I add a word which was not in the verbal con-
versation. In telling this tale I attempt no com-
pliment to my own sagacity. I claim not to have
controlled events, but confess plainly that events
have controlled me. Now, at the end of three
years' struggle, the nation's condition is not what
either party, or any man, devised or expected.
God alone can claim it. Whither it is tending
seems plain. If God now wills the removal of a
great wrong, and wills also that we of the North,
as well as you of the South, shall pay fairly for
our complicity in that wrong, impartial history
will find therein new cause to attest and revere
the justice and goodness of God.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
HOFFMAN, H. W. 127
Hoffman, H. W.
Executive Mansion,
Washington, October 10, 1864.
Hon. Henry W. Hoffman.
My dear Sir: A convention of Maryland has
framed a new constitution for the State ; a public
meeting is called for this evening at Baltimore
to aid in securing its ratification by the people,
and you ask a word from me for the occasion. I
presume the only feature of the instrument about
which there is serious controversy is that which
provides for the extinction of slavery. It needs
not to be a secret, and I presume it is no secret,
that I wish success to this provision. I desire it
on every consideration. I wish all men to be
free. I wish the material prosperity of the al-
ready free, which I feel sure the extinction of
slavery would bring. I wish to see in process of
disappearing that only thing which ever could
bring this nation to civil war. I attempt no argu-
ment. Argument upon the question is already
exhausted by the abler, better informed, and more
immediately interested sons of Maryland herself.
I only add that I shall be gratified exceedingly
if the good people of the State shall, by their
votes, ratify the new constitution.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Hoffman, Ogden.
Executive Mansion, December 15, 1863.
Hon. Ogden Hoffman,
U. S. District Judge,
San Francisco, Cal. :
The oath in the proclamation of December 8
is intended for those who may voluntarily take
128 LETTERS
it, and not for those who may be constrained to
take it in order to escape actual imprisonment
or punishment. It is intended that the latter class
shall abide the granting or withholding of the
pardoning power in the ordinary way.
A. Lincoln.
Holcombe, James B.
[See Clay, Clement C]
Holt, Joseph.
Executive Mansion,
September 12, 1861.
Hon. Joseph Holt.
Dear Sir : Yours of this day, in relation to the
late proclamation of General Fremont, is re-
ceived. Yesterday I addressed a letter to him
by mail on the same subject, and v/hich is in-
tended to be made public when he receives it.
I herewith send you a copy of that letter, which,
perhaps, shows my position as distinctly as any
new one I could write. I will thank you to not
make it public until General Fremont shall have
had time to receive the original.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Hooker, Joseph.
[Jan. 19, 1861 : See Mansfield, J. K. F. Nov. 5,
1862 : See McClellan, George B. Jan. 25, 1863 : See
Burnside, Ambrose E.]
Executive Mansion,
Washington, D. C., January 26, 1863.
Major-General Hooker.
General: I have placed you at the head of the
HOOKER, JOSEPH 129
Army of the Potomac. Of course I have done
this upon what appear to me to be sufficient
reasons, and yet I think it best for you to know
that there are some things in regard to which I
am not quite satisfied with you. I believe you to
be a brave and skilful soldier, which of course
I like. I also believe you do not mix politics with
your profession, in which you are right. You
have confidence in yourself, which is a valuable
if not an indispensable quality. You are ambi-
tious, which, within reasonable bounds, does good
rather than harm; but I think that during Gen-
eral Burnside's command of the army you have
taken counsel of your ambition and thwarted him
as much as you could, in which you did a great
wrong to the country and to a most meritorious
and honorable brother officer. I have heard, in
such a way as to believe it, of your recently
saying that both the army and the government
needed a dictator. Of course it was not for this,
but in spite of it, that I have given you the com-
mand. Only those generals who gain successes
can set up dictators. What I now ask of you is
military success, and I will risk the dictatorship.
The government will support you to the utmost
of its ability, which is neither more nor less
than it has done and will do for all commanders.
I much fear that the spirit which you have aided
to infuse into the army, of criticising their com-
mander and withholding confidence from him,
will now turn upon you. I shall assist you as far
as I can to put it down. Neither you nor Napo-
leon, if he were alive again, could get any good
out of an army while such a spirit prevails in it;
and now beware of rashness. Beware of rash-
i 3 o LETTERS
ness, but with energy and sleepless vigilance go
forward and give us victories.
Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
[Indorsement on General J. Hooker's Plan of
Campaign against Richmond.]
April ii, 1863.
My opinion is that just now, with the enemy
directly ahead of us, there is no eligible route
for us into Richmond ; and consequently a ques-
tion of preference between the Rappahannock
route and the James River route is a contest
about nothing. Hence our prime object is the
enemy's army in front of us, and is not with or
about Richmond at all, unless it be incidental to
the main object.
What then ? The two armies are face to face,
with a narrow river between them. Our com-
munications are shorter and safer than are those
of the enemy. For this reason we can, with equal
powers, fret him more than he can us. I do not
think that by raids toward Washington he can
derange the Army of the Potomac at all. He has
no distant operations which can call any of the
Army of the Potomac away ; we have such oper-
ations which may call him away, at least in part.
While he remains intact I do not think we should
take the disadvantage of attacking him in his
intrenchments ; but we should continually harass
and menace him, so that he shall have no leisure
nor safety in sending away detachments. If he
weakens himself, then pitch into him.
HOOKER, JOSEPH 131
[ Telegram. ]
Washington, D. C, April 12, 1863.
Major-General Hooker:
Your letter by the hand of General Butter-
field is received, and will be conformed to. The
thing you dispense with would have been ready
by midday to-morrow.
A. Lincoln.
[ Telegram. ]
Washington, D. C.,
April 14, 1863. 5.30 p. m.
Major-General Hooker :
Would like to have a letter from you as soon
as convenient.
A. Lincoln.
[ Telegram. ]
Washington, D. C.,
April 15, 1863. 10-15 P- m -
Major-General Hooker :
It is now 10.15 P- m - An hour ago I received
your letter of this morning, and a few moments
later your despatch of this evening. The latter
gives me considerable uneasiness. The rain and
mud of course were to be calculated upon. Gen-
eral S. is not moving rapidly enough to make the
expedition come to anything. He has now been
out three days, two of which were unusually fair
weather, and all three without hindrance from
the enemy, and yet he is not twenty-five miles
from where he started. To reach his point he
still has sixty to go, another river (the Rapidan)
to cross, and will be hindered by the enemy. By
arithmetic, how many days will it take him to
do it? I do not know that any better can be
13a LETTERS
done, but I greatly fear it is another failure
already. Write me often. 1 am very anxious.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
[Telegram.]
Washington, D. C,
April 27, 1863. 3.30 p. m.
Major-General Hooker :
How does it look now ?
A. Lincoln.
[Telegram.]
Washington, D. C,
May 4, 1863. 3.10 p. m.
Major-General Hooker:
We have news here that the enemy has reoc-
cupied heights above Fredericksburg. Is that so ?
A. Lincoln.
[Telegram.]
Washington, D. C.,
May 6, 1863. 12.25 p. m,
Major-General Hooker:
We have through General Dix the contents of
Richmond papers of the 5th. General Dix's
despatch in full is going to you by Captain Fox
of the navy. The substance is General Lee's de-
spatch of the 3d (Sunday), claiming that he had
beaten you, and that you were then retreating
across the Rappahannock, distinctly stating that
two of Longstreet's divisions fought you on
Saturday, and that General [E. F.] Paxton was
killed, Stonewall Jackson severely wounded, and
Generals Heth and A. P. Hill slightly wounded.
HOOKER, JOSEPH 133
The Richmond papers also stated, upon what au-
thority not mentioned, that our cavalry have been
at Ashland, Hanover Court House, and other
points, destroying several locomotives and a -good
deal of other property, and all the railroad
bridges to within five miles of Richmond.
A. Lincoln.
[Telegram.]
Washington, D. C,
May 6, 1863. 12.30 p. m.
General Hooker:
Just as I had telegraphed you contents of Rich-
mond papers showing that our cavalry had not
failed, I received General Butterfield's of n a.
m. yesterday. This, with the great rain of yes-
terday and last night securing your right flank,
I think puts a new face upon your case ; but you
must be the judge.
A. Lincoln.
[ Telegram. ]
Washington, D. C,
May 8, 1863. 4 p. m.
Major-General Hooker :
The news is here of the capture by our forces
of Grand Gulf — a large and very important
thing. General Willich, an exchanged prisoner
just from Richmond, has talked with me this
morning. He was there when our cavalry cut the
roads in that vicinity. He says there was
not a sound pair of legs in Richmond, and that
our men, had they known it, could have safely
gone in and burned everything and brought in
Jeff Davis. We captured and paroled 300 or
400 men. He says as he came to City Point
134 LETTERS
there was an army three miles long (Long-
street's, he thought) moving toward Richmond.
Milroy has captured a despatch of General
Lee, in which he says his loss was fearful in his
last battle with you.
A. Lincoln.
Headquarters Army of the Potomac,
May 7, 1863.
Major-General Hooker:
My dear Sir: The recent movement of your
army is ended without effecting its object, except,
perhaps, some important breakings of the ene-
my's communications. What next? If possible,
I would be very glad of another movement early
enough to give us some benefit from the fact of
the enemy's communication being broken; but
neither for this reason nor any other do I wish
anything done in desperation or rashness. An
early movement would also help to supersede the
bad moral effect of the recent one, which is said
to be considerably injurious. Have you already
in your mind a plan wholly or partially formed ?
If you have, prosecute it without interference
from me. If you have not, please inform me, so
that I, incompetent as I may be, can try and as-
sist in the formation of some plan for the army.
Yours as ever,
A. Lincoln.
[Telegram.]
Washington, D. C.,
May 13, 1863. 1 p. m.
Major-General Hooker:
If it will not interfere with the service, nor per-
HOOKER, JOSEPH 135
sonally incommode you, please come up and see
me this evening.
A. Lincoln.
Executive Mansion,
Washington, D. C, May 14, 1863.
Major-General Hooker, Commanding.
My dear Sir : When I wrote on the 7th, I had
an impression that possibly by an early move-
ment you could get some advantage from the
supposed facts that the enemy's communications
were disturbed, and that he was somewhat de-
ranged in position. That idea has now passed
away, the enemy having reestablished his com-
munications, regained his positions, and actually
received reinforcements. It does not now appear
probable to me that you can gain anything by an
early renewal of the attempt to cross the Rappa-
hannock. I therefore shall not complain if you
do no more for a time than to keep the enemy
at bay and out of other mischief by menaces and
occasional cavalry raids, if practicable, and to
put your own army in good condition again.
Still, if in your own clear judgment you can re-
new the attack successfully, I do not mean to
restrain you. Bearing upon this last point, I
must tell you that I have some painful intima-
tions that some of your corps and division com-
manders are not giving you their entire con-
fidence. This would be ruinous, if true, and you
should therefore, first of all, ascertain the real
facts beyond all possibility of doubt.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
136 LETTERS
[Telegram.]
Washington, May 2J, 1863. 11 p. m.
Major-General Hooker:
Have you Richmond papers of this morning?
If so, what news?
A. Lincoln.
[ Telegram. ]
Washington, June 5, 1863. 4 p. m.
Major-General Hooker:
Yours of to-day was received an hour ago.
So much of professional military skill is requisite
to answer it, that I have turned the task over to
General Halleck. He promises to perform it
with his utmost care. I have but one idea which
I think worth suggesting to you, and that is, in
case you find Lee coming to the north of the
Rappahannock, I would by no means cross to the
south of it. If he should leave a rear force at
Fredericksburg, tempting you to fall upon it, it
would fight in intrenchments and have you at
disadvantage, and so, man for man, worst you at
that point, while his main force would in some
way be getting an advantage of you northward.
In one word, I would not take any risk of being
entangled upon the river, like an ox jumped half
over a fence and liable to be torn by dogs front
and rear without a fair chance to gore one way
or kick the other. If Lee would come to my side
of the river, I would keep on the same side, and
fight him or act on the defense, according as
might be my estimate of his strength relatively
to my own. But these are mere suggestions
which I desire to be controlled by the judgment
of yourself and General Halleck.
A. Lincoln.
HOOKER, JOSEPH 337
[ Telegram. ]
Washington, D. C, June 9, 1863.
Major-General Hooker:
I am told there are 50 incendiary shells here
at the arsenal made to fit the 100-pounder Par-
rott gun now with you. If this is true would
you like to have the shells sent to you?
A. Lincoln.
[Telegram.]
Washington, June 10, 1863. 640 p. m.
Major-General Hooker :
Your long despatch of to-day is just received.
If left to me, I would not go south of the Rappa-
hannock upon Lee's moving north of it. If you
had Richmond invested to-day, you would not be
able to take it in twenty days ; meanwhile your
communications, and with them your army, would
be ruined. I think Lee's army, and not Rich-
mond, is your true objective point. If he comes
toward the upper Potomac, follow on his flank
and on his inside track, shortening your lines
while he lengthens his. Fight him, too, when
opportunity offers. If he stays where he is, fret
him and fret him.
A. Lincoln.
[Telegram in Cipher.]
Executive Mansion,
June 13, 1863.
Major-General Hooker:
I was coming down this afternoon [to try the
incendiary shells], but if you would prefer I
should not, I shall blame you if you do not
tell me so. A. Lincoln.
138 LETTERS
[ Telegram. ]
Washington, June 14, 1863. 11.55 p. m.
Major-General Hooker:
Yours of 11.30 [11.15] J ust received. You
have nearly all the elements for forming an
opinion whether Winchester is surrounded that
I have. I really fear — almost believe — it is. No
communication has been had with it during the
day, either at Martinsburg or Harper's Ferry.
At 7 p. m. we also lost communication with Mar-
tinsburg. The enemy had also appeared there
some hours before. At 9 p. m. Harper's Fer-
ry said the enemy was reported at Berryville
and Smithfield. If I could know that Long-