UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
AT LOS ANGELES
THE
ARRANGEMENTS
WITH
CONSIDERED.
SECOND EDITION.
LONDON:
Printed for JOHN STOCKDALE,
OPPOSITE
BUKLINGTON HOUSE, PICCADILLY.
M,DC,LXXXr.
[ Price TWO SHILLINGS,]
Intend at Ztationfr's HaU
5242
A 7
THE
ARRANGEMENTS,
T.
H E fpirit of commerce, by making
; the many lefs dependent on the few, gradual-
ly overturned the mafly fabrick of the feu-
dral conflitutions. The progrefs of this
co fpirit has, even in the (hort period of the
2 prefent century, foftened the temper of
every European government. And it was
the filent prevalence of this fpirit, more per-
haps than the avowed operations of delign,
which, during late times, prompted fo many
requefts on the part of Ireland and dictated
fo many grants by Great Britain.
That much has been alkcd at different
; times and much has been given will not be
A 2 regretted
( 4 )
regretted by thofe, who wifh to fee fellow
fubjedts enjoy equal privileges; or by thofc,
who value above all things the bleffings of
domeflic quiet within a convulfed Empire.
It is only to be lamented, that what was at
laft done, was not decifively done, on the fair
principles of mutual advantage and lading
contentment.
If we briefly review the reftraints, which
had been impofed formerly by our mer-
cantile avarice more than by our political
jealoufy; if we fhortly coniider the relief
which has been given, during the laft feven
years, by our apprehenfions, more than by
our policy; if we compare the extent of what
Ireland actually enjoys with the little that is
now withheld; we ihall fee the truth of that
regret in the beft light, and probably deter-
mine, that there is now nothing in contdi
between thefifter kingdoms, which can pof-
fibly counter-balance the difagreeablenefs of
future altercation, the pleafures of promi-
fed concord, and the profit of equal iruiuflry,
directed to one common end.
Jn
( 5 )
In 1778, which may be regarded as the
period of rigour and the beginning of con-
ceffion, the produce of Ireland, except wool-
lens, cottons, and hats, glafs, hops, gun-
powder, and coals, were allowed to be ex-<-
portcd * to the Britim Colonies in America,
and to the Britim fettlements in Africa.
Iron too was permitted, on paying fpecified
duties. And foreign manufactures, which
had been imported through England into
Ireland for her own confnmption, were
equally allowed to be tranfported to the fame
diilant markets.
To enable us to judge of the value of
what was then given, or withheld, we ought
to recollcvft, that this act only reftored an-
cient rights, without conferring new ones.
AH this and more might have been lawful-'
ly done from the commencement of co-
lonization to the epoch of the reftora-
tion : All this was permitted to be done,
* By 18 Gco. III. ch. 25. But the articles, which
\vcre then excepted were allowed by the 20Geo.HI.
ch. 10, for opening the Colony Trade.
by
( 6 )
by the act of navigation itfelf *. Even the
law, which in the firft inftance, excluded Ire-
land from the unreftrained trade of our dif-
tant dominions, allowed fervants, horfes and
victuals to be fent from Ireland to our colo-
nies -f-; and to thefe articles linens were ad-
ded by the 3 and 4 of An. ch. 8. If we re-
flect, that the Irifh exports of proviiions
andlinenalone amounted yearly 103,250,0007
while the annual value of the wholeexported
products of Ireland was only 3,500,0007 J,
we hall not probably think, that many of
the reftraints on that efTential rit^ht of
o
every community, to make the moil of its
own advantages, were even then with-
drawn.
When the embargoes and embarraflments
of the war filled up at length the meafure of
Ireland's diftrerTes j when the Irifh afked
plainly for a free trade as an adequate relief
Sec 12 ch. 2. ch. 18.
f By 15 ch. 2. ch. 7.
J See Mr. Youn-'s tour in Ireland, Apcn. p. 144.
from
( 7 )
from commercial burdens, we relinqulmed
much, but did not grant a free trade.
In 1 779 indeed we had allowed the im-
portation of tobacco, being the growth of
Ireland, under the like duties and regula-
tions as American tobacco, when imported
into Britain. A regp.rd to our own manu-
factures more than to theirs had induced us
at the fame time to grant a bounty on the im-
port of Irifli hemp into this kingdom *.
But it was not till 1780, that after much
delay, without much confederation, we re-
ftored to Ireland an equal trade to the Bri-
tiih colonies in Africa and America -j-j in-
cluding the export of her woollens, which
it had been the object cf fo many laws to
prevent. We allowed too a direct com-
merce between Ireland and the Levant, by
per Tons free of the Levant Company. And
thegoldandfilvercoins, which the Irifhabfen-
tees were fuppofed to have brought into Eng-
land were now permitted to be fent back to
Ireland f .
* By 19 Ceo. III. ^.37.
j By 20 Gco. Ill, ch. 10.
i For ali which ic? 20 Gco, 111, ch, i2,
This
This thenisthe amount of what may be cal-
led Lord North'sconceflions to Ireland. What-
ever difad vantage may have refultedfrom them
to Britain he merits the blame : Whatever
good flowed from them to Ireland he equally
deferves her praife. Certain however it is,
that after all Ireland did not enjoy compleat-
Jy the plantation trade : For a people, who
cannot difpofe of the commodities, which
remain after domeftic confumption is fatis-
fied, cannot confume at the cheapeft rate ;
iince every ultimate difadvantage mutt be
confidered by the fupplier both in buying
.and felling: Now, Ireland was flill reflrain-
ed, by an a<5l* palled only eight years be-
fore, from fending out of her own ports tha
colony produce to Britain. The domef-
tic manufadures of Ireland continued ftill
to be loaded with many burdens, and her
traffick with foreign countries to be prevent-
ed by a thoufand obflrudions. To take
away with one hand what is given by the
i2Geo.HI. ch.55.
( 9 )
other, can never merit the praife of liberali-
ty, however it may be contemned as equally
inconfiftent with plain dealing as it is with
found policy.
Amidil her fubfequent cmbarraffements
Ireland thought, what no one who loves
freedom will blame her for thinking, that
me could manage beft her own affairs her
own way. With this view, me afked for
a free legiflature; for a parliament over
which no other parliament mould be para-
mount. And Mr. Fox propofed in 1782,
and caufed to be enacted a law * for repeal-
ing the ftatute of the 6th of Geo. I. which
fecured the dependency of Ireland. But,
with all his renown for promptitude and de-
cifivenefs he did not grant all that was afked,
or at leaft what was regarded in Ireland as
effectual to the end. And he once more
etfayed his legiflative talents, by carrying
through in the fubfequent year, an act -j-
for declaring, that the right clamed by the
people of Ireland to be bound by laws made in
III. ch. 53. f 23 Gco, III. ch. 28.
B their
their own Parliment, and to have 'all lawfuits
decided finally in their own courts, flail be ejla-
blifoedfor ever. The declaration made thus
to Ireland, tl at your legijlature Jh all in future
be free, though a fimple proportion, con-
tained many confequences, that were by no
means apparent to every one, and that were
perhaps not all forefeen, by the author of
the Irifh revolution. For,the energy of the
Britifh legiflature being thus withdrawn, all
Britifh a<5ts of legiflation ceafed to operate
in Ireland : Neither reftrictions nor facili-
ties, which had flowed from a fountain,
that no longer flowed, could any more ad-
minifter either good or evil to Ireland. If
any mifchief has refulted to Britain from
thefe meafures, Mr. Fox merits the blame :
whatever benefits have refulted to Ireland
he equally merits her commendations. We
mall probably find by no long inquiry, that
fome advantages and many inconveniencics
did refill t from the before mentioned mea-
fures y owing to a real want of forefight in
the authors of them, and to the confequent
want of fyftem, both in the objcft and the
means. The
( II )
The change itfelf may have indeed pro-
duced fome inconvenience to Ireland firft,
and to Britain afterwards. But, it was the
inadequatenefs of the inconfiderate modes
to the beforementioned ends, which gave
rife to the recent difputes and dangers, both
commercial and political. Lord North (as
we have feen) avowedley opened to Ireland
the trade to our Colonies : Mr. Fox virtual-
ly extended the Irim commerce with foreign
nations : yet, both thefe miniflers left the
trade and navigation between the Sifter
Kingdoms, which, confidering their rela-
tionmipand proximity, ought to be themoft
free, obnoxious to many difputes and liable
to fome cbftruclions. The Irim naturally
inferred, that when a thing is given, all muft
necefifarily be given, without which the
fame thing cannot be enjoyed. When they
found moreover their Portugal trade embar-
O
raffed, their jealoufy traced up the caufe to
the fame temper, which, after pretending
to give the whole had only given a part.
They feared, that the admitting freely into
.Britain without a duty the proviiions of Ire-
B 2 hud
( 12 )
land would operate as a tax upon their own
confumption. They complained, that the
prohibiting by high duties the importation
of their woollens and other fluffs intoBritain,
while they excluded from their markets
foreign goods of the fame kind, mewed a
difpoiition to opprefs, without benefitting
the oppreflbrs themfelves : and that the al-
lowing of drawbacks on the export of Briti/h
refined fugars, failcloth and cottons, amount-
ed to a tax on their inconfiderable manufac-
tures of the lame kind. To quiet thefe
complaints, by removing or obviating the
chief caufe of them, no provifion feems to
have been made either by Lord North, or
Mr. Fox ; fince no inquiries were certainly
made by either of them into the real ilate
of the manufactures of both countries, in
order to remove the jealoufies of tradefinen,
by putting the manufactures and buiin^ls of
all upon an equitable footing; ami by
Betting in reiurn fome fccurity for future
fat is faction.
To the bcforementioned caufcs may be
truly icfcrred the deiire of protecting duties
and
( '3 )
and equalizing drawbacks, which have been
infilled on, together with alfociations of non-
importation of Britifh manufactures, which
were actually executed with no fmall effect,
when legal modes of redrefs had been de-
nied. And while Britain began to enjoy all
the bleffings of returning peace, Ireland fell
back into an abyfs of deeper diffractions, and
ieemed ready to feek relief even from the
mileries of civil war.
The disturbances of Ireland, which thus
plainly arofe from large conceffions without
previous concert, and from a politive admif-
lion of independence without any agreement
of future aid, were bequeathed with other
fimilar legacies by the late miniflers to the
preterit. Of this flate the whole nation
felt the unhappinefs, and every one wifhed
for an invefligation of the true caufes of
thofe diforderSj that effectual remedies might
be fought. The willies of the public were
doublefs complied with, by much inquiry
firfl, and by much confideration afterwards.
Were we to judge from actual effects more
than from public report, we may infer, that
thofe
( H )
thofe perfons who knew befl the affairs of
Ireland and were intruded with her inte-
refts, have been confulted with regard to
the origin of the difeafe as well as to the
efficacy of the cure.
Of the Irim Paliament it cannot be afTer-
ted, as of the American Congrefs, that
when oppreiled by their grievances they
declined to trace up their fufFerings to the
true fource, to avovv their real object, and
to point out plainly fuch means as would be
fully adequate to the end of removing real
diilrefs and preventing after jealoufie ^ To
juflify this remark it is unnccefTary to re-
capitulate the addreffes of the Iriih Parlia-
ment, during the lafl f^ven years. It is fuf-
' O J
ficient to mention the F ctulvcs, which were
entered into, on the ~th of February, 178^,
by the Iriih Commons, with fuch apparent
iincerity and zeal, for encour^ing and extend-
m? the trade between Great Britain and Ire-
V J
land, and J or fettling the bitercourfe and cow-
mcrce between tbtm en permanent and equit-
able principles, in order to promts //-v mutual
benefit f 'f both countries*
*/ *>
Whether
( is )
Whether thefe are objects of the higheft
importance to the general intereft of the
Britifti Empire, what unprejudiced per-
fon can doubt? As the Parliamentary Re-
folutions of a fitter kingdom, they merit the
higheft attention; as propofals directed to
the moft ufeful end, they deferve the moil
candid difcufiion; and as meafures which
lead directly to the peaceful fettlement of
a diftracted Empire upon a digefted plan
of fyftematic government, thefe propofals
ought to be fupported by every wife and
good man, were they lefs juft in their prin-
ciple and lefs falutary in their means.
Though the fpecifick propofals of the
Irifli Parliament have been detailed, for the
fake of perfpicuity, into ten refolutions,
they may be confidered under three diftincT:
heads : ift, As they tend to affect our do-
medic manufactures ; 2dly, As they will
probably enlarge or diminifh the foreign
trade of both ; and 3dly, as the public bur-
then may be lightened at prefent, or leflened
in future, were thefe refolves fubflantially
j
Adopted. It is propofed to fpeak briefly of
each
each of thefe points, according to the forc-
going arrangement.
i. Whether admitting the products and
manufactures of the fitter kingdoms mutually
in to each other, without paying any other
duty than theloweft duty, which maybe paya-
ble on importation in either country, except
where an internal duty may have already been
impofed on the fame article of the importing
country, is doubtiefs a queflion of great im-
portance, which merits ferious difcuffion.
The general propofal plainly is, that the
products and manufactures of both king-
doms {hall be mutually imported and con-
fumed, with as little burthen, and as equally
as poiiible. And to this it is objected :
^T/jat the advantage of cheap provt/ions, low
ivagcs, and no taxes, mujl enable the Irt/h ma-
nufacturer to underjel the Eng///h at every
market, not excepting cur own, -particularly in
woollens. The objector evidently borrowed
his documents from Lord Sheffield's Gb-
Jer vat ions on the IrlJJj Trade, without advert-
ing, how clearly the noble author hath pro-
ved, tbt.it at the time Ireland, on t/jj opening
tf
( '7 )
tf her ports for exportation of
made an effort to fend the grcatefl quantity to
foreign markets, fie Increafed her Imports of
woollens from England : That Ireland is hardly
in a filiation to agree to t bat propofal > as Gredt
Britain could underfell her in mojl manufactures ;
fuch is the predominancy of fupreme Jkill, in-
duf.ry and capitals, over low priced labour, and
comparatively very few taxes.* The queftion
then is anfvvered, as far as Lord Sheffield
may be allowed to anfwer it<
But let us attend to the reafon of the
thing. It is unnecefiary on this occafion, to
revive the famous controverfy ; Whether
a poor country, where raw materials and pro-
vifions are cheap, and wages low, canfupplant
the trade of a rich manufacturing country,
where raw materials and provifions are dear 9
and the price of labour high: This point has
been fo decidedly fettled in favour of the rich
manufa&uring country by Dean Tucker,
that it can be now only brought forward
by ignorance, or intereft, or faction. Let
C us
* Sseobfervations on the Irifli Trade, p, 13, 19.
( '8 )
us -only con fidier die cafe, of two individual
-Mianufacturers- fettled in the fame neigh-
bourhood, a rich one and a poor one : The
rich one, being already poffefled of capital,,
credit, and cuftomers, can plainly buy his
materials at the cheapeft rate, work them
up in the heft manner, becaufe he can give
the belt wages to the heft workmen, and
difpofe of his finiihed goods more readily
r.nd lower than the poor one: If the rich
manufacturer employs a capital of . 2000,
and' the poor one only . 200,. the rich ma-
nufacturer, by gaining ten per Cent, or
/, 200 a year, can live comfortably ^
but the poor tradefman mud gain 20 per
Cent, or . 40 a year, before he can live
nt all : Confequently the rich manufacturer
r i7iuft be always able to underlet the poor
one 10 per Cent, on every article. Every
manufacturer, hov/ever opulent and efta-
bli flied he may now be, muft remember the
many difficulties he had to encounter in his
yourh, when he met his richer neighbour
in every inirket, whether in buying his
nutcrul-', in employing the molt expcr:
workmen,
( '9 )
workmen, or in felling his goods: And Iv6
may recoiled: perhaps with pleafure, that it
required a life of patience, attention, and in-
duftry, to furmount every difficulty, attend-
ing a too powerful competition, and to be-
come himfelf rich.
A manufacturing town is compofed of
iuch individuals, whofe acliv<e competitions
promote the profperity and riches of thei*
neighbourhood. A fimilar competition may
prevail between a rich manufacturing town
and a poor one: But, has Bolton yet over-
come Manchefter? Has Roachdale over-
powered Leeds? Or, has Walfal eclipfed the
fkill, and induftry, and opulence of Bir-
mingham ? It is on the other hand known
and underftood, that all the little towns,
which ftand within a ten miles circle of Man-
chefter, Leeds, and Birmingham, are the
mere inftruments belonging to thefe capitals
of their refpective manufatftures.
Of fuch towns and villages is a manufactu-
ring province or kingdom compofed ; who
may in the fame manner, as a province or
kingdom, enter into competition with each
C 2 other
( 20 )
Other. But, has Wales or Scotland, not-
withftanding their fuppofed advantages of
cheap materials and low-priced labour, yet
carried away the Woollen Manufacture from
England ? The truth is, England was and
is in polTeffion (a point of great confequence.
in every thing) of fuperior wealth, which
flic had gained, not by war, or by mines of
gold andfilver, but by ages of attention and
induftry; of ef tab limed credit and extenfive
correfpondences; of the fkill and experience,
that refulted from all thefe; and of the di-
viiion of labour, which naturally takes place
in the progrefs of manufacture ; and which
enables the workmen not only to labour
Skillfully but to fell cheaply.
Of all thefe advantages Ireland isdoubtlefs
in fome degree poflcft. But, the nature of
the queftion fuppofes a great inferiority,
otherwife there would be no reafon for ap-
prehenfion. Of the ftate of Ireland, in ref-
pect of lownefs of labour, habits of induilry,
cheapnefs of living, and extent of capital,
it may be proper however to inquire a
little more minutely.
if
If it is allowed, that there arc two millions
and a half of people in Ireland; it will be
equally admitted that the two millions are
Roman Catholics, and that the half million
are Proteftants. The Proteftantsreiide chiefly
in the North and are principally employed in,
carrying on the Linen Manufactures. It
is a remarkable fact in the ceconomy of thefc
tradefmen, that each occupies a little farm,
which he cultivates in due fsafon, though
he may be obliged to flop the loom, in or-
der to follow the plough. And his capital
and his time are confequently directed to a
different employment from his real bufinefs.
He is therefore neither fo good a farmer,
nor manufadturer, as if he employed his un-
divided attention and money to one object.
This fact alone evinces, that induilry has
not arifen to that ffote of improvement, even
among the moft induftrious of the Irifh ma-
nufacturers, which reiults from the divilion
of labour; confiding as this happy circum-
flance does, in the workmen applying at-
tentively to one bufinefs only and even fole-
ly to one branch of this buiincfs. But, no
cheapnefs
( 22 )
cheapnefs of labour can ccmpenfate for the
before-mentioned diftradtion of employ-
ment: And no attention and ikill can enter
into conteft for cheapnefs with the ma-
chines which have been introduced into
England; as we may learn from the decifive
fuccefs of the great works for the fpinning
of cotton. The price of wages have rifen
about one fourth *, during the laft twenty
years, in both kingdoms; which remark-
able fact fufficiently evinces, that both hold
an equal pace in improvements and in
wealth. Common labour is little more
than one third of what it is in England ; yet
it is very extraordinary, that Mafons, Carpen-
ters, Thatchers, and fuch artizans mould be
paid nearly as much in Ireland as in Eng-
land; though it muft be acknowledged, that
the wages of manufacture is a good deal
lower in Ireland than in England; while the
rates of living are in the firft country to the
laft as eleven to fourteen. But, in forming
fuch eitimates we ou<rht always to confjder
b
* Mr. Young's tour, Apen.
whether
whether fuperior fkill and induftry are not
an ample compenfation for higher wages.
The common ditcher of Norfolk would be
a cheaper labourer at eighteen-pence a day,
than the ftouteft Patagonian at two- pence. If
Ireland, from whatever caufe, mould in fu-
ture advance in her trade and manufactures
with quicker fteps than Britain, the price
of wages will rife in the fame propor-
tion ; becaufe it is not the actual wealth in
any country which raifes the value of la-
bour; but the greater demand for labour
from more frequent employments. The
competition, which will foon arife between
the linen and woollen manufacturers, between
the workers in filk and workers in cotton,
mu ft necessarily raife the price of every
kind of labour : For, workmen never fail
to purfue that bufmefs, which brings them
the grcateft wages. Two very important
truths ought however never to be forgotten,
in forming fuch companions : the general
induilry of no people can ever exceed what
their capital can employ : no regulation of
commerce can any where incre.iie the ouan-
titv
tity of induftry, beyond what the capital of
the country can maintain ; though fuch a
regulation may divert the employment of it
to a bufinefs lefs advantageous than that to
which it would have naturally gone ; feve-
ral examples of which may be found in
Ireland.
The foregoing reafonings and facts apply
chiefly to the manufacturing proteftants of
Ireland. With regard to the great body of
the Irim people, the Roman Catholicks, it
has been juftly remarked, that the whole
tenor of the Irifli law ncccffarily tended not
fo much to convert them from their errors,
as to bes^ar their fortunes ; to deprefs them.
OO 1
by a fenfe of hopelefs penury ; and to render
them indolent and inattentive by putting
them in conflant remembrance, that they
could not better their condition by any ef-
forts* But, the prevalence of liberality
hath induced the legislatures of both kino;-
o o
doms to relax a little in their favour. And
the Roman catholicks of Ireland may now
take leales, or buy lands, though not even
now with the freedom of proteftants. The
deli re
dcfire of every man to become an owner of a
portion of his country is the great realizer
of mercantile capital. Whether the late
freedom, which has been juftly given to the
Roman catholicks, will therefore promote
the advantage of agriculture, or theinterefts
of manufacture, in Ireland, may admit of
fome doubt. A very competent judge has
certainly determined * after great inquiry,
that money laid out upon the improvement
of the unimproved lands of Ireland would
yield from fifteen to twenty per cent profit,
befides other advantages. jBut, amidft the
prefent competitions of the mercantile
world, what merchant or manufacturer, can
expect to make more then ten per cent, by
his bufinefs ? It would however require
(according to the fame judge) five pounds
Sterling to be expended on every acreEnglifh,
amounting to 88,341,136!. to built, fence,
drain/plant and improve Ireland, in the fame
manner as the face of England is improved.
It would require twenty millings an acre
more, amounting to above twenty millions,
to flock the farms of Ireland, like thofe of
D Eng-
* Air, A, Young's Tour in Ireland, Apcnl, p. 20.
England. Here then is a permanent drain,
which may carry off the whole accumula-
tions of the mercantile capital of Ireland and