Alice Bertha Gomme.

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is, to the interests of our people as a whole.
Unquestionably these business interests will
best be served if together with fixity of
principle as regards the tariff we combine
a system which will permit us from time
to time to make the necessary reapplication
of the principle to the shifting national
needs. We must take scrupulous care that
the reapplicatiou shall be made in such a
way that it will not amount to a disloca-
tion of our system, the mere threat of
which (not to speak of the performance!
would produce paralysis in the business
energies of the community. Ine first con-
sideration in making these changes would,
of course, - he to ' preserve the principle
which underlies our whole tariff system
that is, the principle of putting American
business interests at least on a full equality
with interests abroad, and of always allow-
ing a sufficient rate of duty to more than
cover the difference between the labor cost


here and abroad. The well-being of the
wage worker, like the well-being of the
tiller of the soil, should bo treated as an
essential in shaping our whole economic
policy. T'hefe must never be any change
which will jeopardize the standard of com-
fort, the standard of wages of the Amer-
ican wage worker.


One way in which the readjustment
sought can be reached is by reciprocity
treaties. It is greatly to be desired that
such treaties may be adopted. They can
be used to widen our markets and to give
a greater field for the activities of our
producers on the one hand, and on the
other baud to secure in practical shape the
lowering of duties when they are no longer
needed for protection among our own peo-
ple or when the minimum of damage uone
may be disregarded for the sake of the
maximum of good accomplished. If it prove
impossible to ratify the pending treaties
and if there seem to be no warrant for the
endeavor to execute others or to amend
the pending treaties so that they can be
ratified, then the same end to secure reci-
procity should be met by direct legislation,

Wherever the tariff conditions are such
that a needed change cannot with advan-
tage be made by the application of the
reciprocity idea then it can be made out-

right by a lowering of duties on a given
product. If possible such change should
be made only after the fullest considera-

tion by practical experts, who should ap-
proach the subject from a business stand-
point, having in view both the particular
interests affected and the commercial well-
being of the people as a whole. The ma-
chinery for providing such careful investi-
gation can readily be supplied. The execu-
tive department has already at its disposal
methods of collecting facts and figures, and
if the congress desires additional consid-
eration to that which will be given the
subject by its own committees then a com-
mission of business experts can bs ap-
pointed whose duty it should be to recom-
mend action by the congress after a
deliberate and scientific examination of the
various schedules as they are affected by
the changed and changing conditions. The
unhurried and unbiased report of this com-
mission would show what changes should
be made in the various schedules and how
far these changes could go without also
changing the great prosperity which this
country is now enjoying or upsetting its
fixed economic policy.

The cases in which the tariff can produce
a monopoly are so few as to constitute an
inconsiderable factor in the question. But
of course if in any case it be found that a
given rate of duty does promote a monopoly
which works ill no protectionist would ob-
ject to such reduction of the duty as would
equalize competition.

In my judgment the tariff on anthracite
coal should lie removed and anthracite put
actually, where it now is nominally, on the
free list. This would have no effect at all
save in crises, but in crises it might be of
service to the people.


Interest rates are a potent factor in busi-
ness activity, and in order that these rates
may be equalized to meet the varying needs
nf the seasons and of widely separated
communities, and to prevent the recurrence
of financial stringencies which injuriously

affect legitimate business, it is necessary
that there should be an element of elas-
ticity in our monetary system. Banks are
the natural servants of commerce and. upon
them should be placed, as far as practica-
ble, the burden of furnishing and main-
taining a circulation adequate to supply
the needs of our diversified industries and
of our domestic and foreign commerce, and
the issue of this should be so regulated
that a sufficient supply should be always
available for the business interests of the

It would be both unwise and unnecessary
at this time to attempt to reconstruct our
financial system, whieh has been the
growth of a century, but some additional
legislation is, I think, desirable. The mere
outline of any plan sufficiently comprehen-
sive to meet these requirements would
transgress the appropriate limits of this 1
communication. It is suggested, however,
that all future legislation on the subject
should be with the view of encouraging the
use of such instrumentalities as will auto-
matically supply every legitimate demand
of productive industries and of commerce,
not only in the amount but in the character
of circulation, and of making all kinds of
money interchangeable and at the will of
the holder convertible into the established
gold standard.

I again call your attention to the need
of passing a proper immigration law cov-
ering the points outlined in my message
to you at the first session of the present
congress. Substantially such a bill has al-
ready passed the house.


How to secure fair treatment alike for
labor and for capital, how to hold in check
the unscrupulous man, whether employer
or employe, without weakening individual
initiative, without hampering and cramping
the industrial development of the country,
is a problem fraught with great difficulties
and one which it is of the highest im-
portance to solve on lines of sanity and
far-sighted common sense as well as of
devotion to the right. This is an era of fed-
eration and combination. Exactly as busi-
ness men find they must often work through
corporations and it is a constant ten-
dency of these corporations to grow larger,
so it is often necessary for laboring men to
work in federations, and these have become
important factors of modern industrial life.
Both kinds of federation capitalistic and
labor can do much good, and as a necessary
corollary they can both do evil. Opposition
to each kind of organization should take the
form of opposition to whatever is bad in the
conduct of any given corporation or union;
not .of attacks upon corporations as such
nor upon unions as such, for some of the
most far-reaching beneficent work for our
people has been accomplished through both
corporations and unions. Kach must re-
frain from arbitrary or tyrannous int-erfer-
ence with the righta of others. Organized
capital and organized labor alika should
remember that in the long run the interest
of each must be brought into harmony with
the Interest of the general public, and the
conduct of each must conform to the fun-
damental rules of obedience to the l-'<w, of
individual freedom and of justice and fair
dealing toward all. Kacli should remember
that in addition to power it must strive'
after the realization of heal t by, lofty and
genci-Miis ideals. F.very employer, every wage
worker, must be guaranteed his liberty and



bis right to do aa he likes with his prop-
erty or his labor so long as he does not
infringe upon the rights of others. It is
of the highest importance that employer
and employe alike should endeavor to ap-
preciate each the viewpoint of the other and
the sure disaster that will come upon both
in the long run if either grows to take as
habitual an attitude of sour hostility aud
distrust toward the other.

Few people deserve better of the country
than those representatives both of capital
and labor and Chere are many such-^who
work continually t<> bring about a good un-
derstanding of this kind based upon wisdom
and upon broad and kindly sympathy be-
tween employers and employed. Above all,
we need fo remember that any kind of class
animosity in the political world is, if pos-
sible, even more wicked, even more de-
structive to national welfare, than sectional,
race or religious animosity. We can get
good government only upon condition that
we keep true to the principles upon which
this nation was founded and judge" each
man not as a part of a class but upon his
individual merits. All that we have a right
to ask of any man, rich or poor, whatever
his creed, his occupation, his birthplace or
his residence, is that he shall act well and
honorably by his neighbor and by his coun-
try. We are neither for the rich man as
such nor for the poor man as such we
are for the upright man, rich or poor. So
far as the constitutional powers of the
national government touch these matters
of general and vital moment to the nation
they should be exercised in conformity
with the principles above set forth.

It is earnestly hoped that a secretary of
commerce may be created, with a seat in
the cabinet. . The rapid multiplication of
questions affecting labor and capital, the
growth and complexity of the organizations
through which both labor and capital now
find expression, the steady tendency toward
the employment of capital in huge corpora-
tions and the wonderful strides of this
country toward leadership in the interna-
tional business world justify an urgent de-
mand for the creation of such a position.
Substantially all the leading commercial
bodies in this country have united in re-
questing its creation. It is desirable that
some such measure as that which has
already passed the senate be enacted into
law. The creation of such a department
would in itself be an advance toward deal-
ing with an exercising supervision over
the whole subject of the great corporations
doing an interstate business; and with this
end in view the congress should endow
the department with large powers, which
could be increased as experience might
show the need.


I hope soon to submit to the senate a
reciprocity treaty with Cuba. On May 20
last the United States kept its promise
to the island by formally vacating Cuban
soil and turning Cuba over to those whom
her own people had chosen as the lirst
officials of the new republic.

Cuba lies at our doors and whatever
affects her for good or for ill afffVts us
also. So much have our people felt this
that in the Platt amendment w definitely
took the ground that Cuba must hereafter
have closer political relations with us than
with any other power. Thus in a sense
Cuba has become a part of our interna-

tional political system. This makes it nec-
essary that in return she should be given
some of the benefits of becoming a part
of our economic system. It is, from our
own standpoint, a short-sighted and mis-
chievous policy to fail to recognize this
need. Moreover, it is unworthy of a
mighty aud generous nation, itself the
greatest and most successful republic in
history, to refuse to stretch out a helping
baud to a young and weak sister republic
just entering upon its career of independ-
ence. We should always fearlessly insist
upon our rights in the face of the strong,
and we should with ungrudging hand do our
generous duty by the weak. I urge the
adoption of reciprocity with Cuba not only
because it is eminently for our own inter-
ests to control the Cuban market and by
every means to foster our supremacy in the
tropical lauds and waters south of us but
also because we of the giant republic of the
north should make all our sister nations
of the American continent feel that when-
ever they will permit it we desire to show
ourselves disinterestedly and effectively
their friend.


A convention with Great Britain has been
concluded, which will be at once laid be-
fore the senate for ratification, providing
for reciprocal trade arrangements between
the United States aud Newfoundland on
substantially the lines of the convention
formerly negotiated by the secretary of
state, Mr. Elaine. I believe reciprocal
trade relations will be greatly to the ad-
vantage of both countries.

As civilization grows warfare becomes
less and less the normal condition of for-
eign relations. The last century has seen
a marked diminution of wars between civ-
ilized powers. Wars with uncivilized pow-
ers are largely mere matters of interna-
tional police duty essential for the welfare
of the world. Wherever possible arbitra-
tion or some similar method should be em-
ployed in lieu of war to settle difficulties
between civilized, nations, although as yet
the world has not progressed sufficiently to
render it possible or necessarily desirable
to invoke arbitration in every case. The
formation of the international tribunal
which sits at The Hague is an event of
good omen from which great consequences
for the welfare of all mankind may flow.
It is. far better, where possible, to invoke
such a permanent tribunal than to create
special arbitrators for a given purpose.

It is a matter of sincere congratulation
to our country that the United States and
Mexico should have been the first to use the
good offices of The Hague court. This was
done last summer with most satisfactory
results in the case of a claim at issue
between us and our sister republic. It Is
earnestly to be hoped that this first case
will serve as a precedent for others in
which not only the United States but for-
eign nations may take advantage of the
machinery already in existence at The

I commend to the favorable consideration
of the congress the Hawaiian fire claims,
which were the subject of careful investi-
gation during the last session.


The congress has wisely provided that
we shall build at once an isthmian canal,
if possible at Panama. Th- attorney-gen-



oral reports that we can undoubtedly ac-
quire good title from the French I'anania
Canal company. Negotiations are now
pending \vilh Colombia to secure her assent
to our building the canal. This canal will
be one of the greatest engineering feats
of the twentieth century a greater en-
gineering feat than has yet been accom-
plished during the history of mankind. The
work should be carried out as a continuing
policy without regard to change in admin-
istration, and it should be begun under
circumstances which will make it a matter
of pride for all administrations to con-
tinue the policy.

The canal will be of great benefit to
America and of importance to all the
world. It will be an advantage to us in-
dustrially and also as improving our mili-
tary position. It will be of advantage to
the countries of tropical America. It 18
earnestly to be hoped that all of these
countries will do as some of them have
already done with signal success and will
invite to their shores commerce and im-
prove their, material conditions by recog-
nizing that stability and order are the pre-
requisites of successful development. No
independent nation in America need have
the slightest fear of aggression from the
United States. It behooves each one to
maintain order within its own borders and
to discharge its just obligations to for-
eigners. When this is done they can rest
assured that, be they strong or weak,
they have nothing to dread from outside
interference. More and more the increas-
ing interdependence and .complexity of in-
ternational political and economic relations
render it incumbent on all civilized and
orderly powers to insist on the proper
policing of the world.


During the fall of 1901 a communication
was addressed Jx> the secretary of state
asking whetherpermission would be granted
by flie president to a corporation to lay
a cable from a point on the California
coast" to the Philippine islands by way of
Hawaii. A statement ol conditions or
terms upon which such corporation would
undertake to lay and operate a cable was

Inasmuch as the congress was shortly to
convene and Pacific cable legislation had
been the subject of consideration by the
congress for several years it seemed to
me wise to defer action upon the applica-
tion until the congress had first an oppor-
tunity to act. The congress adjourned
without taking any action, leaving the mat-
ter in exactly the same condition in which
it stood when the congress convened.

Meanwhile it appears_that the Commer-
cial Pacific Cable company had promptly
proceeded with preparations for laying its
cable. It also made application to the pres-
ident for access to and use of soundings
taken by the United States steamship
Nero for the purpose of discovering a
practicable route for a trans-Pacific cable,
the company urging that with access to
these soundings it could complete its cable
much sooner than if it were required to
take soundings upon its own account.
Pending consideration of this subject it
appeared important and desirable to attach,
certain conditions to the permission to
examine and use th"e soundings if it should
be granted.

In consequence of this solicitation of the
cable company certain conditions were form-

ulated upon which the president was
willing to allow access to these soundings
and to consent to the landing and laying
of the cable, subject to any alterations or
additions thereto imposed by the congress.
This was deemed proper, especially as it
was clear that a cable connection of some
kind with Cbjna, a foreign country, was
a part of the company's plan. This course
.was, moreover, in accordance with a line
of precedents, Including President Grant's
action in the case of the first French cable,
explained to the congress in his annual
message of December, 1875. and the instance
occurring in 1879 of the second French ca-
ble, from Brest to St. Pierre, with a
branch to Cape Cod.

These conditions prescribed, among other
things, a maximum rate for commercial
messages and that the company should con-
struct a line from the Philippine islands to
China, there being at present, as is. well
known, a British line from Manila to Hong-

The representatives of the cable company
kept these conditions long under consider-
ation, continuing in the meantime to pre-
pare for laying the cable. They have, how-
ever, at length acceded to them and an ail-
American line between our Pacific coast
and the Chinese empire, by way of Hono-
lulu and the Philippine islands, is thus pro-
vided for and is expected within a few
months to be ready for business.

Among the conditions is one reserving
the power of the congress to modify or
repeal any or all of them. A copy of the
conditions is herewith transmitted.

Of Porto Rico it is only necessary to say
that the prosperity of the island and the
wisdom with which it has been governed
have been such as to make it serve as an
example of all that is best in, insular ad-

On July 4 last, on the 126th anniversary
of the declaration of our independence,
peace and amnesty were promulgated in
the Philippine islands. Some trouble has
since from time to time threatened with
the Mohammedan Moros, but with the late
insurrectionary Filipinos the war has en-
tirely ceased. Civil government has now
been introduced. Not only does each Fil-
ipino enjoy such rights to life, liberty and
the pursuit of happiness as he has never
before known during the recorded history
of the islands, but the people, taken as a
whole, now enjoy a measure of self-gov-
ernment greater than that granted to any
other orientals by any foreign power and
ereater than that enjoyed by any other
orientals under their own government save
the Japanese alone. We have not gone
too far in granting these rights of lib-
erty and self-government, but we have cer-
tainly gone to the limit that in the inter-
ests of the Philippine people themselves it
was wise or just to -/>. To hurry mat-
ters, to go faster than we are now going,
would entail calamity on the people of the
islands. No policy ever entered into by
the 'American people has vindicated itself
in more signal manner than the policv of
holding the Philippines. The triumph of
our arms, above all the triumph of our
laws and principles, has come sooner than
we had any right to expect. Too much
praise cannot be given to the army for
what it has done in the Philippines, both in
warfare and from an administrative stand-
point, in preparing fhe way for civil- gov-
ernment; and similar credit belongs to the
civil authorities for the way in which they



have planted the seeds of self-government
in the ground thus made ready for them.
The courage, the unflinching endurance,
the high Soldierly efficiency and the general
kind-hearteduess and humanity of our
troops have been strikingly manifested.
There now remain only some 15,000 troops
in the islands. All told, over 100.000 have
been sent there Of course there have
been individual instances of wrong-doing
among them. They warred under fearful
difficulties of climate and surroundings, and
under the strain of the terrible provoca-
tions which they continually received from
their foes occasional instances of cruel re-
taliation occurred. Every effort has been
made to prevent such cruelties and finally
these efforts have been completely success-
ful. Every effort has also been made to
detect and- punish the wrongdoers. After
making all allowance for these misdeeds it
remains true that few indeed have been
the instances in which war has been waged
by a civilized power against semiclvilized
or barbarous forces where there has been so
little wrongdoing by the victors as In the
Philippine islands. On the other hand, the
amount of difficult, important and benefi-
cent work which has been done is well-
nigh incalculable.

Taking the work of the army and the
civil authorities together it may be ques-
tioned whether anywhere else in modern
times the world has seen a better example
of real constructive statesmanship than our
people have given in the Philippine islands.
High praise should also be given those Fil-
ipinos, in the aggregate _very numerous, who
have accepted the new conditions and
joined with our representatives to work
with hearty good will for the welfare of the
Islands. THE ARMY.

The army has been reduced to the mini-
mum allowed by law. It is very small for
the size of the nation and most certainly
should be kept at the highest point of effi-
ciency. The senior officers ecre given scant
chance under ordinary conditions to exer-
cise commands commensurate with their
rank under circumstances which would fit
them to do their duty in time of actual war.
A system of maneuvering our army in bod-
ies of some little size has been begun and
should be steadily continued. Without such
maneuvers it is folly to expect that in the
event of hostilities with any serious toe
even a small army corps could be handled
to advantage. Both our officers and en-
listed men are such that we can take
hearty pride in them. No better material
can be found. But they must be thoroughly
trained, both as individuals and in the
mass. The marksmanship of the men must
receive special attention. In the circum-
stances of modern -warfare the man must
act far more on his own individual respon-
sibility than ever before and the high in-
dividual efficiency of the unit is of the
utmost importance. Formerly this unit was
the regiment. It is now not the regiment,
not even the troop or company; it is the
individual soldier. Every effort must be
made to develop every workmanlike antf
soldierly quality in both the officer and the
enlisted man.

I urgently call your attention to the
need of passing a bill providing for a gen-
eral staff and for the reorganization of
the supply departments on the lines of the
bill proposed by the secretary of war last
year. When the young officers enter the
army from West Point they probably stand

;tli\e their compeers in any other military
service. Every effort should be made by
training, by reward of merit, by scrutiny

Online LibraryAlice Bertha GommeChicago daily news national almanac for .. (Volume 1903) → online text (page 55 of 89)