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Cecil had written that these barques " will be sorry to see Mary
pass." "^^ If Mary had succeeded in disarming Elizabeth's anger,
she did not know it ; she had sailed before Elizabeth's answer was
received Mary had sent a message to Scotland, averring that she
would start later than she really meant to do. This news would
reach England, and throw dust in English eyes. From a letter of
Lethington to Cecil, of August 15, it is plain that the wily secretary
was at once perplexed and irritated by Mary's manoeuvres, and by
the English negligence in not kidnapping his sovereign. " Why
declare yourself enemies to those you cannot offend ? " "^

On August 14 Mary said an eternal farewell to the Cardinal and
the Due de Guise. She set sail with her four Maries (Mary Seton,
Mary Beaton, Mary Livingstone, and Mary Fleming — there was
no Mary Hamilton), and an escort of French and Scottish gentle-
men. For long she had been " weeping, night and day." ^'^ Never
had woman better cause to weep than Mary Stuart as she set forth
on that path where her sorrows were to be. A girl of nineteen, she
left the fair land of France, her kindly nurse, and the gentlemen of
her blood who had loved and cherished her youth. She passed to
a bleak shore where scarce three men were to be true to her ; where
her faith was daily and brutally insulted ; where her advisers were
the hirelings of her rival ; where her every step would be commented
on by the eloquent and charitable Knox. Over her devoted head



were to break the thunders of a ruining world ; her weapons were
but a fair face, and a subtle tongue, and an indomitable courage.
No conduct could have saved Mary from some " strange tragedy,"
but the passions that slept within her were to add dishonour to her
predestined fall. The details of the voyage are dim as the sea mist
which, earlier or later, fell on Mary's galleons, — the protection of
heaven, said her friends ; the warning of an angry God, said Knox.
On August 19 she arrived at Leith, accompanied by Brantome,
d'Elboeuf, d'Aumale, and the Grand Prior : Mr Froude adds, " a
passionate Chatelar sighing at her feet." He says that the Enghsh
fleet was on her track, and " if the admiral " (what admiral ?) had
sunk her ship, Elizabeth " would have found it afterwards well
done."*"' M. Philippson makes it clear that, by Cecil's orders of
August 5 and 8, Mary was to be detained if she touched at an
English port.^^ But, on the whole, and though a vessel of the
cortege was detained, it seems that no effort was made to stop the
queen. That she did not write the pretty Hnes, " Adieu, plaisant
pays de France," but that they were the mystification of a journalist,
Meusnier de Querlon, 1765, is averred by that destroyer of tradition,
M, Edouard Fournier.^^


^ Hill Burton, iii. 377 ; Fcedera, vol. xv., May 12, 1560. M. Philippson, in his
' Marie Stuart,' equally condemns the refusal of Mary to acknowledge Elizabeth.

^ Keith, i. 294. ^ Philippson, i. 190.

^ Hume Brown, Knox, ii. 87, note; Teulet, i. 606, 607.

^ Tytler, vi. 195 ; vi. 227 (1S37). ^ Keith, i. 306.

" Keith, i. 303. ^ Keith, i. 317. ^ Act. Pari., ii. 15.

^^ Hume Brown, Knox, ii. 86; Calendar, i. 455, 456; Tytler, vi. 176; vi. 206

" Calendar, i. 458. ^^ Keith, i. 300. ^^ Calendar, i. 456.

1'* Hume Brown, Knox, ii. 87. 1^ Act. Pari., ii. 525, 526.

^® For. Cal. Eliz., iii. 152 note. ^^ Knox, ii. 89-92.

18 Randolph, August 10. Calendar, i. 458.

1* September 7. Calendar, i. 477, 47S. -" Knox, ii. iiS, 119.

'-' Knox, ii. 128. Spottiswoode, Willock, Douglas, and Row were the other

"^ Mitchell, The Scottish Reformation, 100-102.

"^ Maitland to Cecil, August 18. Calendar, i. 465.

-■' Act. Pari., ii. 534, 535. -5 Lesley, p. 537.

2« For. Cal. Eliz., iv. 387. 27 Kgith, i. 323-325.

'^ Keith, iii. 4-7, and iii. 128, note.


'•^ Keith, iii. 4-12. Maitland to Cecil, September 6, For. Cal. Eiiz., iii. 278.

^ For. Cal. Eliz., iii. 259. This is how I understand Randolph.

^' Knox, vi. 13. •*- Mitchell, The Scottish Reformation, p. 127 and note.

3^ Knox, iv. 179, 182. ^^ Mitchell, p. 143, note i.

^^ Narratives of Scottish Catholics, pp. 73, 75. '^ Knox, ii. 202.

^'' Mitchell, p. 155. •** Latimer's Sermon of the Plou,'h, Froude, iv. 355.

=** Knox, ii. 128. ^ Knox, ii. 130. *^ Kno.x, ii. 233.

■*- Hume Brown, Knox, ii. 1 1 5.

''■' Hume Brown, Life of Knox, ii. 116, 117.

** Hume Blown, Life of Knox, ii. 121, note.

^ Privy Council Register, i. 246, 247.

■*® Forbes Keith, Narratives of Scottish Catholics, 63-79.

*'■ Keith, iii. 424, 425. *^ Leslie, pp. 538-540.

"^ Laing's Knox, vi. 153. Winzet's works are most easily accessible in the
Appendix to Keith, vol. iii. : they also exist in the Maitland Club book of 1835,
and in an edition by the Scottish Text Society.

*" Life of Knox, ii. 178, note 2. ^^ On the affair, see Froude, vi. 414-433.

*^ See Mr Gairdner, Historical Review, i. 235 ei seq.

^^ Teulet, i. 623-629. ^^ September iS, 1560.

'^ Teulet, i. 635 ; Throckmorton's account of the negotiations. For. Cal. Eliz.,
iii. 246.

56 Froude, vi. 336. s7 Teulet, i. 63S, 639.

®^ For. Cal. Eliz., iii. 410. ®* ii. 134.

«« For. Cal. Eliz., iii. 486. «i Knox, ii. 137.

*2 For. Cal. Eliz., iii. 531-534 ; Teulet. ii. 160. January 23 — De I'lsle's In-
structions. See Mary's Lettres Patentes of January. She especially wanted
advice as to fin.ince and the appointment of a treasurer. Her envoys were
"small barons" — Preston of Craigmillar, Ogilvy of Findlater, Lumsden of
Blanern, and Lesley of Auchtermuchty. Labanoff, i. 80-88.

^* For. Cal. Eliz., iii. 415, 416. " Lesley, p. 532.

^ Tytler, vi. 221 ; vi. 257 (1837). Philippson, Marie Stuart, i. 297-299.

«s For. Cal. Eliz., iv. ^-j. ^ For. Cal. Eliz., iv. 76.

*^ For. Cal. Eliz., iv. 158. ^^ Knox, ii. 161-163, note 2.

"» Knox, ii. 167. " Yox. Cal. Eliz., iv. 187.

" For. Cal. Eliz., iv. 187, note. ''^ For. Cal. Eliz., iv. 199.

"^^ " King Henry " is an error of the summary- of Throckmorton's letter in the
Calendar. See Hay Fleming, p. 246.

"^ Calendar, i. 536. ^^ Calendar, i. 543 ; Philippson, i. 318.

" For. Cal. Eliz., iv. 250. ^* Tytler, vi. 230, note 2 ; vi. 269 (1837).

''^ Tytler, vi. 400, 401.

*" Languet, July 13, 1561. Schiern's Bothwell, p. 24, note.

*^ Froude, vi. 511.

*- Hist. MSS. Commission, xii. ; Appendix iv., i. 73. Philippson, i. 337.

^^ L'Esprit dans I'Histoire, pp. 1S1-187 ; Schiern, Bothwell, p. 41 1 ; Hay
Flemmg, pp. 250-252.

The Lord James.

Tytler accuses Lord James of having " betrayed " to Throckmorton, in Paris,
what was said by Mary to himself. Dr Hay Fleming ('Mary, Queen of Scots,'
p. 235) combats this view, which is also that of ^L Philippson. Lord James,
though he went "secretly" to Throckmorton, told Mary that he had paid the

NOTES. 103

visit (Philippson, iii. 438). But did he tell Mary what passed between him and
Throclcmorton ? Throckmorton's letter is of April 29 ('For. Cal. Eliz.,' iv. 84).
Wliatever Lord James did or did not say to Throckmorton, according to M.
Philippson, he lied. Lord James said that Mary " would not suffer him to accom-
pany her to Nancy, in Lorraine, whereby he gathers that there is something there
in hand that she would be loath he should be privy to." But Keith (iii. 210)
prints^ in English and French, a letter of Mary's to Throckmorton of April 22,
1562, which she dates from Nancy, where she says that Lord James is "with
her," il y est venue. Why did Mary say he was with her, if he was not?
Why, if he was with her at Nancy, did Lord James deny the fact to Throckmorton,
and throw suspicion on his sister? It is on questions like this that we expect light
from the minute researches of Dr Hay Fleming. "To make Tytler's charges
good," he says (he does not mention Philippson's charges), "one of two things
must be established — either that Mary had revealed her secret intentions to
her brother, or that he believed she had. Tytler and Hosack prove neither."
What do facts prove, as far as facts can be obtained from what Throckmorton
said that Lord James said? He "declared all that passed" between himself
and Mary. What passed ?

1. Mary would not let him go to Nancy with her. Mary tells Throckmorton

that he did go to her to Nancy, and was with her as she was writing.

2. That she would not ratify the treaty of June 6 till she was in Scotland, and

had the advice of her Estates.
So Mary herself later told Elizabeth.

3. That she desired to dissolve the league between England and the Scots.
Can any one deny that this luas her "secret intention," and public intention, for
that matter ?

4. Lord James gave the gossip of Guise's Master of the Horse, to the effect

that Mary had said that she would never marry Arran.
A brother reports, to an English ambassador, a "horse-master's" talk about his
own sister !

5. That she will try to get the consent of the Estates to her marriage with

a foreign prince.
Either Mary said so, truly or falsely, or Lord James, falsely or truly, said that
she did.

6. She cares as little for the friendship of France as of England, and has

ordered that the Estates shall not meet, or any matter of importance

be settled, till her return.
This contradicts Buchanan's tale, that Lord James brought a commission for the
sitting of Parliament. As to the friendship of France, the question is not. Did
Mary express her "secret intentions"? but, Did Lord James tell Throckmorton
all that he could gather from her about them? He could do no more, and he
did that, or he fabled.

7. That she meant to return by sea.

Nobody can be sure what she then intended ; but that was what she did,

8. That she pays little attention to the suit of the King of Denmark.

9. Murray revealed the talk of Mary and Cardinal Guise about Elizabeth's

own religion, crucifix, and candles.
Etifin, Lord James either told all that he could tell about Mary's intentions,
or he concealed or falsified them. If Lord James did not believe that what he
revealed were Mary's "secret intentions " he ought to have warned Throckmorton
to that effect. Did he?




The history of Scotland after Mar}''s landing is so rich in political
events, and in social and personal interest, that a concise treat-
ment must leave much untouched. Before leaving France, Mary
had defined her attitude towards theology. " For my part," she
had told Throckmorton, " you may perceive that I am none of
these that will change my religion every year ; and ... I mean to
constrain none of my subjects, but would wish that they were all
as I am, and I trust they should have no support to constrain me."^
In this provisional attitude she remained. Her desire, doubtless,
was to make Scotland a stepping - stone to higher things. She
might marry Don Carlos, she might make good her claim to the
English throne, she might recover both countries for the Church.
Meanwhile if she could secure freedom of conscience for herself,
and attend her mass in private, that was the minimum to which
she had a human right, and that was the fine edge of the wedge.
She might, and she did, win her lords to insist on her recognition
as heiress of the English crown, failing Elizabeth and her issue.
Her lords were thus no longer mere adherents of Elizabeth. For
a beginning this was enough.

Mary's arrival was darkened by the morose climate, and by pre-
parations incomplete, because she was unexpected. "Was never
seen a more dolorous face of the heaven. . . . That forewarning
God gave unto us," says Knox. The queen remained in Leith
till some rooms were made ready in Holyrood. On her way
thither the artisans met her. They were under excommunication
for a May-day riot and celebration of Robin Hood. " Because
she was sufficiently instructed that all they did was done in despite


of religion, they were easily pardoned." - Religion had Tittle to do
with Robin Hood. He and his merry men, and May revels, had
been put down before the Reformation, probably because it was
usual to ask for money, perhaps with violence. If the craftsmen
deliberately acted "in despite of religion," the new creed had not
sunk very deep, and we see many symptoms that the Edinburgh
populace was not steadily Protestant.

All night bonfires blazed, and there was music, probably both
sacred and secular. All went well, the lords flocking to salute
the queen, till Sunday (Knox is too consistent to say " Sabbath "),
August 24. Preparations were made for the mass in the chapel
royal attached to the palace, not in the Abbey Church, now a
picturesque and dreary ruin.^ For this private mass Lord James
had stipulated. The Master of Lindsay, with the fanatics of Fife,
bawled against the " idol," crying " the idolatrous priest should die
the death," contrary even to the penal statutes. Lord James, who
never lacked courage, held the chapel door, and, after service, his
brothers, Robert and John, conveyed the priest to his chambers,
" and so the godly departed with great grief of heart," thirsting for
clerical blood. On the following day the Privy Council decreed
that none should molest her servants or French companions.
Mary announced her hope to " take a final order," as to religion,
by advice of the Estates. Arran publicly protested that idolaters
must be put to death, and he retired from Court, but the other
lords fell under " some enchantment whereby men are bewitched." *
Next Sunday Knox, of course, denounced the mass from the
pulpit. One mass was more terrible to him than an invading
army of 10,000 men. Mary sent for Knox, probably expecting
her enchantments to act.

But, though fond of a pretty young face, Knox was of adamant
now. Mr Carlyle says "he is never in the least ill-tempered
with her Majesty," but Mr Carlyle's ideas of temper were peculiar.
Knox reports his own remarks in several hundred lines ; Mary's
part in the drama has but thirty lines. Mary objected that
Knox raised rebellion against her mother. She alluded to his
tract, ' The Monstrous Regiment of Women.' She said that he
had caused slaughter in England, and was reported to be a
necromancer. Mary appears, from a later charge against Ruthven,
to have been a believer in black magic. She asked if he admitted
her "just authority." He then lectured on the Republic of
Plato, and said that, if the country found no harm in feminine


rule, he could be as content under it " as Paul was to live
under Nero." The logic was curious : Nero was not a woman,
and the fault of Mary was that her sex was not that of the Roman
despot. As to causing trouble in England, he disproved that,
and he could prove that he actually preached against magic and
magicians. This is interesting, as before the Reformation we have
found so very little about witch-burnings. They soon became
common, as they had long been in Catholic Europe. Mary then
put it to Knox that he taught subjects to receive a religion not
permitted by their princes. Now God commands subjects to obey
their princes. Knox replied that if the Israelites had been of the
Pharaohs' faith, where would religion be ? The apostles and
Daniel did not worship with Nero and Nebuchadnezzar — nay,
Daniel refused to do so. " But none of them," said Mary, " raised
the sword against their princes."

" God, madam, had not given them the power and the means."

God had, in fact, given Peter the means, but his conduct with
his sword did not secure the approval of his Master. Knox then
likened the position of subjects with a Catholic prince to that of
children whose father is suffering from homicidal mania. This
was a commonplace of the opponents of Government : it constantly
occurs in their arguments. Mary was silent for more than fifteen
minutes. Lord James asked what ailed her.

" I perceive," she said to Knox, " that my subjects shall obey
you and not me."

Knox said that both should be subjects "to God and his troubled

" Yea, but you are not the Kirk that I will nourish. I will
defend the Kirk of Rome, for I think it is the true Kirk of God."

" Your will, madam, is no reason," said Knox, adding that her
Kirk was a harlot : a good-tempered observation.

Mary did not reply that his Kirk was a harridan, but said, " My
conscience is not so."

Knox remarked that conscience requires knowledge, and he
feared that right knowledge she had none.

So the discussion went on, Mary observing that Scripture was
variously interpreted. Knox then adopted the logic of the Con-
fession of Faith, chapter xviii., which is reasoning in a vicious circle.

" You are too hard for me," said the fair theologian of eighteen ;
" but if they were here that I have heard, they would answer you."


But Ninian Winzet was not there. Knox said that Papists
could only answer by fire and sword. That was not the way of
the unanswered Winzet. Mary was now called to dinner, and
Knox said farewell with courtesy.

" I pray God, madam, that you may be as blessed within the
commonwealth of Scotland, if it be the pleasure of God, as ever
Deborah was in the commonwealth of Israel."^

He, unlike some of the godly, as he tells us, was without
hope of Mary's conversion. " She is patient to hear, and bears
much," wrote Randolph to Cecil. Lethington "wishes Mr Knox
would deal more gently with her, being a young princess un-
persuaded." ^ " In her comporting with him, she doth declare a
wisdom far exceeding her age." On the other hand, " Mr Knox's
prayer is, that God will turn her heart, obstinate against God and
His truth, or, if the Holy Will be otherwise, to strengthen the hands
of His holy and elect stoutly to withstand the rage of all tyrants."
Mary had neither tyrannised nor raged ; it was Knox who called
her Church a harlot. It is usual to defend Knox's conduct towards
his young queen. Randolph and Lethington did not approve of it :
it was calculated to exasperate the humblest spirit, and Mary's spirit
was high.

On Tuesday, September 2, she entered Edinburgh in state and
among pageants. The town made her a present of a very heavy
Bible, and of a beautiful piece of plate. The children in the cart
"made some speech concerning the putting away of the mass."^
Even the children must lecture the queen ! Some say that a
priest in effigy was burned, others that Korah, Dathan, and Abiram
were burned, as a protest against idolatry.^ Other insults were
heaped on the queen's religion. She went to Perth, St Andrews,
and Dundee ; riots and insults were mingled with pageants and
presents.^ Meanwhile Lethington had been at the Court of
Elizabeth. He was instructed to say that any discourtesy of
Elizabeth's to Mary would be resented by Mary's subjects.^'' It
is also plain that Lethington was to propose that Elizabeth should
recognise Mary as her heir, failing herself and her issue.^^ Elizabeth
did not consent, but she found that Mary had put a new spirit into
the Scots. She sent Sir Peter Mewtas as an ambassador, and Mary
and she made friendly professions.

In Edinburgh was trouble. The newly elected magistrates re-
issued an insulting proclamation, expelling " monks, friars, priests,


nuns, adulterers, and all sic filthy persons." The queen imprisoned
the provost and bailies, and ordered a new election. In this muni-
cipal coiip d'etat Knox says that she was backed by Lethington and
Lord James.^- The autumn and winter after Mary's return from
her progress were spent in the weaving of diplomatic cobwebs, and
in the pleasures of a young and lively Court. " In farces, in mask-
ing, and other prodigalities, fain would fools have counterfeited
France.'"' D'Elboeuf had not yet returned home, and he was a
wanton reveller, not ill-mated with Bothwell. The Court was
much subject to the passion of love. Lord James had practised a
" lang courting," as the Scots say, of the Earl Marischal's daughter.
A previous adventure of his displeased the ungodly ; he had jilted
a lady, but retained her lands. His brother, Lord John, lay prior
of Coldingham, " is Hke to marry Lord Bothwell's sister." Unlike
Hippocleides in Herodotus, Lord John was dancing himself into,
not " out of, a marriage." He " has not least favour with his leap-
ing and dancing." " Lord Robert," of Holyrood, another brother,
"consumes with love of the Earl of Cassilis's sister." Arran
held aloof, first as a stern Protestant ; next, because Bothwell,
who had vainly challenged him during the Regency, was likely
to renew the quarrel,-^^ which arose out of Bothwell's stopping
Ormistoun with English gold for the rebels against Mary of

Pastimes were boldly pursued on Sundays, indeed on a Sun-
day the town of Edinburgh feasted the queen. It appears that
the primitive Reformers of the first generation had no idea of
making Sunday a day of penitential gloom. Knox did not even,
like his descendants, call Sunday "Sabbath," as we have already
noted. Still, they could not approve of a Sunday " running at the
rings," with six competitors disguised as women; six "in strange
masking garments." ^* Such were Court pleasures : perhaps the eyes
of Mary Fleming were already softening the heart of Lethington.
Certainly he and Lord James took the queen's part as far as they
dared. Mary held the usual services of her Church on Hallowmas
or All Saints' Day. The Reformation never succeeded in obliterat-
ing Hallowe'en and its rustic survivals, but the celebration of All
Saints was bitterly resented. The ministers beat the pulpit cushions
in denunciation. The nobles were induced to meet, but " affection "
caused some to doubt " whether subjects might put out their hand
to suppress the idolatry of their prince." Lord James, Lethington,


Morton, and the Earl Marischal were of a Turkish tolerance, the
principal preachers were on the other side. It was decided to
consult Calvin, that oracle. Knox offered to write, but Lethington
observed that " there stood much in the information " — that is, in
the way of stating the case. Thus Lethington put the question by,
but Knox, "though he does not say so in his History," remarks
Dr Hay Fleming, "did write to Calvin on this very point," and
he had written a week at least before the meeting (October 24).
He informed Calvin that at Court Lord James alone opposed
"impiety," but, like the rest, "is afraid to overthrow that idol by
violence." It is not easy to see why Knox offered to write, when
he had written already.^^

Meanwhile diplomatists, studying for peace with England, dwelt
on a hope that Elizabeth would meet Mary, and, as Knox might
have said, would convert her from the errors of the Church of
Rome to those of the Church of England. Elizabeth had declared
herself a Catholic to de Quadra, the Spanish Ambassador : Knox
said that she was neither Protestant nor Papist. Her creed was
negative : she was an anti-Puritan. But Lethington thought that
Elizabeth " would be able to do much with Mary in religion," if
they met in a friendly way.^^ Their theological dialogue would have
been curious to hear. In Paris, Throckmorton thought that, if the
French could not detach Mary from Elizabeth, they would pur-
chase Arran and Chatelherault, working on their claim to the
throne, with such Catholics as Huntly and Home.^'^ A nocturnal
panic at Court may have been caused by suspicion of Arran. Lord
James had gone to the Border, to hang some score of Teviotdale
reivers. Simultaneously the Archbishop of St Andrews, with other
prelates and Catholics, entered Edinburgh. On a Sunday night in
November a terror fell among the courtiers. Next day Arran was
said to have arrived with a force, to carry off the queen. The
report is said by Randolph to have been untrue, but it led to the
formation of a kind of amateur bodyguard for Mary. Never did
woman need protection more than she. The Catholics themselves
were greatly dissatisfied : the prelates were trying to be assured in
their estates. ^^

Another brawl was caused by an insulting visit of d'Elbceuf and
Bothwell to a pretty girl who was thought to be Arran's mistress.
Slogans rose and swords clashed in street and wynd, and Mary,
reading, or at needlework, or talking with her ladies, heard danger


in every echoing sound of horses' hoofs. A General Assembly was
held in December, but the rift between the lords and the preachers
was widening. Lord James and Lethington led les politiques, as
against the severe sectaries, the bitterly godly. "Some began to

Online LibraryAndrew LangA history of Scotland from the Roman occupation (Volume 2) → online text (page 12 of 60)