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1 Browne, iv. 89-90.



' 18th Oct 1751.

' I shall be glad to see you when you can find a
fit place, but to know where your friend is is neces-
sary unfit. Would Waters's house be a good place ?
Would Md Talmont's, mine is not, neither can I
go privately in a hackney coach, my own footman
would dogg me, here Stepan knows you well since
Vienna.' (Stepan was the Tartar valet.)

It is clear that Charles was now near Paris, and
that the Ambassador of Prussia was in communica-
tion with him. What did the English Government
know of this from their regular agents ?

On October 9, Albemarle wrote from Paris that
Charles was believed to have visited the town. His
' disguises make it verv difficult ' to discover him.
Albemarle gives orders to stop a Dr. Kincade at
Dover, and seize his papers. He sends a list of
traffickers between England and the Prince, including
Lochgarry, ' formerly in the King's service, and very
well known ; is now in Scotland.'' ' The Young-
Pretender has travelled through Spain and Italy in
the habit of a Dominican Fryar. He is expected
soon at Avignon. He was last at Berlin and Dant-
zich, and has nobody with him but Mr. Goring.'
This valuable information is marked ' Secret ! ' l

On October 10, Albemarle writes that Foley,
a Jacobite, is much with the Earl Marischal. On

1 S. P. France, 455.


October 30, Dr. Kincaid had not yet set out. But
(December 1) Dr. Kincaid did start, and at Dover
' was culled like a flower.' On St. Andrew's Day
(November 30) there was a Jacobite meeting at
St. Germains. Albemarle had a spy present, who
was told by Sullivan, the Prince's Irish friend, that
Charles was expected at St. Germains by the New
Year. The Earl Marischal would have kept St.
Andrew's Day with them, but had to go to Versailles.
Later we learn that no papers were found on Dr.
Kincaid. On January 5, 1752, Albemarle mentions
trafficking^ with Ireland. On August 4, 1752, Mann
learns from a spy of some consequence in Eome that
the Prince is in Ireland. His household in Avignon
is broken up — which, by accident, is true. ' Some-
thing is in agitation '■ — valuable news !

The English Government, it is plain, was still in
the dark. But matters were going ill for Charles.
In February 1752, Waters, respectfully but firmly,,
declined to advance money. Charles dismissed in
March all his French servants at Avignon, and sold
the coach in which Sheridan and Stafford were wont
to take the air. Madame de Talmond was still
jealous of Mademoiselle Luci. Money came in by
mere driblets. 'Alexander' provided 300/., and
'Dixon,' in England, twice sends a humble ten
pounds. Charles transferred his quarters to the
Netherlands, residing chiehy at Ghent, where he was
known as the Chevalier William Johnson.

The English Government remained unenlightened.


The Duke of Newcastle, on January 29, 1752, had
' advice that the Pretender's son is certainly in Silesia,'
and requests Sir Charles Hanbury Williams to make
inquiries 1

On April 23, 1752, when Charles was establish
ing himself at Ghent, and trying to raise loans in
every direction, the egregious Sir Charles hears that
the Prince is in Lithuania, with the Radzivils. On
April 27, Williams, at Leipzig, is convinced of this,
and again proposes to waylay and seize the papers
of a certain Bishop Lascaris, as he passes through
Austrian territory on his way to Eome. In Lithu-
ania the Prince might safely have been left. He could
do the Elector of Hanover no harm anywhere, except
by such Fenian enterprises as that which Pickle was
presently to reveal. The anxious and always help-
less curiosity of George II. and his agents about
the Prince seems especially absurd, when they look
in the ends of the earth for a man who is in the

At Ghent, May 1752, Charles to all appearances
was much less busied with political conspiracies than
with efforts to raise the wind. Dormer, at Antwerp,
often protests against being drawn upon for money
which he does not possess, and Charles treated a
certain sum of 200/. as if it were the purse of
Fortunatus, and inexhaustible. ' Madame La Grande-
main' writes on May 5 that she cannot assist him,
and le Philosophe (Montesquieu), she says, is out oi

1 S. P. Poland, No. 79.


town. On May 12 the Prince partly explains the
cause of his need of money. He has taken, at Ghent,
« a preti house, and room in it to lodge a friend,' and
he invites Dormer to be his guest. The house was
near the Place de l'Empereur, in 'La Eue des
Varnsopele ' (?). He asks Dormer to send ' two
keces of Books : ' indeed, literature was his most
respectable consolation. Old Waters had died, and
young Waters was requested to be careful of Charles's
portrait by La Tour, of his ' marble bousto ' by
Lemoine, and of his ' silver sheald.' To Madame La
Grandemain he writes in a peremptory style : ' Malgre
toute votre repugnance je vous ordonne d'executer
avec toutes les precautions possibles ce dont je vous
ai charge.' What was this commission ? It con-
cerned 'la demoiselle.' 'You must overcome your
repugnance, and tell a certain person [Goring] that I
cannot see him, and that, if he wishes to be in my
good graces, he must show you the best and most
efficacious and rapid means of arriving at the end for
which I sent him to you. I hope that this letter will
not find you in Paris.'

I have little doubt that the ' repugnances ' of
' Madame La Grandemain ' were concerned with the
bringing of Miss Walkinshaw to the Prince. The
person who is in danger of losing the Prince's favour
is clearly Goring, figuring under the name of ' Stouf,'
and, at this moment, with ' Madame La Grandemain '
in the country.

The facts about this Miss Walkinshaw, daughter


of John Walkinshaw of Barowfield, have long been
obscure. We can now offer her own account of her
adventures, from the archives of the French Foreign
Office. 1 In 1746 (according to a memoir presented
to the French Court in 1774 by Miss Walkinshaw's
daughter, Charlotte) the Prince first met Clementina
Walkinshaw at the house of her uncle, Sir Hugh
Paterson, near Bannockburn. The lady was then
aged twenty : she was named after Charles's mother,
and was a Catholic. The Prince conceived a passion
for her, and obtained from her a promise to follow
him ' wherever providence might lead him, if he failed
in his attempt.' At a date not specified, her uncle,
' General Graeme,' obtained for her a nomination as
chanoinesse in a chapitre noble of the Netherlands.
But ' Prince Charles was then incognito in the Low
Countries, and a person in his confidence [Sullivan,
tradition says] warmly urged Miss Walkinshaw to
go and join him, as she had promised, pointing out
that in the dreadful state of his affairs, nothing could
better soothe his regrets than the presence of the lady
whom he most loved. Moved by her passion and her
promise given to a hero admired by all Europe,
Miss Walkinshaw betook herself to Douay. The
Prince, at Ghent, heard news so interesting to his
heart, and bade her go to Paris, where he presently
joined her. They renewed their promises and re-
turned to Ghent, where she took his name [Johnson],
was treated and regarded as his wife, later travelled

1 Angleterre, 81, f. 94, 1774.


with him in Germany, and afterwards was domiciled
with him at Liege, where she bore a daughter,
Charlotte, baptized on October 29, 1753.' 1

So runs the memoir presented to the French
Court by the Prince's daughter, Charlotte, in 1774.
Though no date is assigned, Miss Walkinshaw
certainly joined Charles in the summer of 1752.
' Madame La Grandemain ' and Goring were very
properly indisposed to aid in bringing the lady to
Charles. The Prince thus replies to the remon-
strances of Goring (' Stouf ').

To M. Stouf.

' June 6, 1752.

' It is not surprising that I should not care to have
one in my Family that pretends to give me Laws
in everything I do, you know how you already
threatened to quit me If I did not do your will and
pleasure. What is passed I shall forget, provided
you continue to do yr. Duty, so that there is
nothing to be altered as to what was settled. Do
not go to Lisle, but stay at Coutray for my farther
orders. As to ye little man [an agent of Charles] he
need never expect to see me unless he executes
ye Orders I gave him. I send you 50 Louisdors so
that you may give ye Frenchman what is necessary.'

' The little man ' is, probably, Beson, who was

1 Pichot, in his Vie de Charles Edouard, obviously cites this
document, which is quoted from him by the Sobieski Stuarts in Tales
of the Century. But Pichot does not name the source of his state-


also recalcitrant. Goring replies in the following-
very interesting letter. He considered his errand
unworthy of a man of honour.

From Stouf.

' I did not apprehend the money you sent by
Dormer was for me, but thought, as you write in yours,
to furnish the little man for the journey to Cambray,
and that very reasonably, for with what he had of
me he could not do it. On his refusing to go I sent
it back. He says he has done what lays in his power,
as Sullivan's letter testifies, that his desires to serve
you were sincere, for which you abused him in a
severe manner. Believe me, Sir, such commissions
are for the worst of men, and such you will find
enough for money, but they will likewise betray you
for more. Virtue deserves reward and you treat it
ill, I can only lament this unfortunate affair, which
if possible to prevent, I would give my life with

'You say nothing is to be altered in regard
to the plan. Pray Sir reflect on Lady P. [Primrose]
who will expect the little man. 1 He was introduced
to her, and told her name. What frights will she
and all friends be in, when they know you sent him
away, for fear he should come over [to England] and
betray them ! I assure you all honest men will act

1 A French agent, Beson probably, whom Charles desired to dis-
miss, because a Frenchman.


as we have done, and should you propose to all who
will enter into yr. service to do such work, they
will rather lose their service than consent. Do you
believe Sir that Lrd. Marischal, Mr. Campbell, G.
Kelly, and others would consent to do it ? Why
should you think me less virtuous ? My family is as
antient, my honour as entire. ... I from my heart
am sorry you do not taste these reasons, and must
submit to my bad fortune . . . for as to my going
to Courtray nobody will know it, and if any accident
should happen to you by the young lady's means
[Miss Walkinshaw], I shall be detested and become
the horrour of Mankind, but if you are determined to
have her, let Mr. Sullivan bring her to you here, or
any where himself. The little man will carr} T your
letter to him, as he has done it already I suppose he
wont refuse you.

' You sent a message for the pistols yourself, and
as you had not given him the watch, he sent it, lest
he should be accused of a design to keep it. We
have no other Messages to send, since you have
forbid us coming near you . . . for God's sake Sir let
me have an audience of you ; I can say more than I
can write.'

Thus, from the beginning, Charles's friends fore-
boded danger in his liaison. Miss Walkinshaw had a
sister, 'good Mrs. Catherine Walkinshaw, the Princess
dowager's bed-chamber woman.' Lady Louisa Stuart
knew her, and described to Scott ' the portly figure
with her long lace ruffles, her gold snuff-box, and her

From a miniature in the possession of Mrs. Wedderburn Ogilvie, of Rannagi i


double chin.' l The English Jacobites believed that
Clementina was sent as a spy on Charles, communi-
cating with her sister in London. In fact, Pickle
was the spy, but Charles's refusal to desert his
mistress broke up the party, and sealed his ruin. So
much Goring had anticipated. The 'Lady P.' refer-
red to as ' in a fright ' is Lady Primrose. An English
note of May 1752 represents ' Miss Fines ' as about
to go to France, where ' Lady P.' or ' Lad} 7 P. E.'
actually arrived in June. The Prince answered
Goring thus :

The Prince to Stouf in reply.

' I hereby order you to go to Lisle there to see a
Certain person in case she has something new to say,
and Let her know that Everything is to be as agreed
on, except that, on reflection, I think it much better
not to send ye French man over, for that will avoid
any writing, and Macnamara can be sent, to whom
one can say by word of mouth many things further.
As I told you already nothing is to be chenged, en
your Side, and you are to be anywhere in my Neiborod
for to be ready when wanted. . . . Make many kinde
Compliments from me to her and all her dear family.

' Burn this after reading.'

Charles also wrote to ' Lady P. E. ' in a concilia-
tory manner. Goring met ' the Lady ' at Lens : she
was indignant at the dismissal of ' the little French-
man,' merely because he was no Englishman. ' It

1 Scott's Letters, ii. 208. June 29, 1824.


would be unjust to refuse that name to one who had
served you so faithfully.' Goring was still (June 18)
' at Madame La Grandemain's.' ' The Lady ' in this
correspondence may be Miss Walkinshaw or may be
Lady Primrose, probably the latter. Indeed, it is bv
no means absolutely certain that the errand which
Goring considered so dishonourable was connected
with Miss Walkinshaw alone. The Elibank plot
must have been maturing, though no light is thrown
on it by the papers of the summer of 1752. Did
Goring regard that plot as ' wicked,' or did he object
to escorting Miss Walkinshaw ?

There were clearly two difficulties. One con-
cerned Miss Walkinshaw, the other, Lady Primrose.
She, as a Jacobite conspirator, had been used to see-
ing 'the little man,' a Frenchman, whom Charles
threatens to dismiss. If dismissed, he would be
dangerous. Charles's hatred and distrust of the
French now extended to * the little man.' It is
barely conceivable that Miss Walkinshaw had left
England under Lady Primrose's escort, of course
under the pretext of going to join her chapter of
canonesses in the Low Countries. If she announced,
when once in France, her desire to go to Charles as
his mistress, Lady Primrose's position would be most
painful, and Goring might well decline to convoy
Miss Walkinshaw. But the political and the amatory
plot are here inextricably entangled. As to the
wickedness of the Elibank plot, if Goring hesitated
over that, Forsyth, in his ' Letters from Italy,' tells a


curious tale accepted by Lord Stanhope. Charles, on
some occasion, went to England in disguise, and was
introduced into a room full of conspirators. They
proposed some such night attack on the palace as
Murray's, but Charles declined to be concerned in
it, unless the personal safety of George II. and his
family was guaranteed. Charles certainly always did
discountenance schemes of assassination ; we shall see
a later example. But, if Pickle does not lie, in a
letter to be cited later, Lord Elibank, a most reput-
able man, saw no moral harm in his family plot.
Was Goring more sensitive ? All this must be left
to the judgment of the reader.

In October 1752 a very sad event occurred.
* Madame La Grandemain ' had to announce the
death of her ' sister : ' the Prince, in a note to a
pseudonymous correspondent, expresses his concern
for ' poor Mademoiselle Luci.' And so this girl, with
her girlish mystery and romance, passes into the dark-
ness from which she had scarcely emerged, carrying
our regrets, for indeed she is the most sympathetic,
of the women who, in these melancholy years, helped
•or hindered Prince Charles. ' As lono- as I have a
Bit of Bred,' Charles writes to an unknown adherent,
' you know that I am always ready to shere it with a
friend.' In this generous light we may fancy that
Mademoiselle Luci regarded the homeless exile whom
Goring was obliged to reprove in such uncourtly

Madame La Grandemain, writing on November 5,


1752, expresses her inconsolable sorrow for her
' sister's ' death, and says that she has made arrange-
ments, as regards the Prince's affairs, in case of her
own decease. The Prince, on November 10, 1752,
sends his condolences, and this date is well worth
remembering. For, according to Young Glengarry.
in a letter to James cited later, November 10 was
either the day appointed for the bursting of the
Elibank plot, or was the day on which the date of the
explosion was settled. As to that plot, the papers of
Prince Charles contain no information. Documents
so compromising, if they ever existed, have been
destroyed. 1

1 For reasons already given, namely, that Madame de Vasse was
the only daughter of her father by his wife, and that Mademoiselle
Ferrand was her great friend, while the Prince addresses Mademoiselle
Luci by a name derived from an estate of the Ferrands, I have
identified Mademoiselle Ferrand with Mademoiselle Luci. This, how-
ever, is only an hypothesis.




Pickle the spy — Not James Mohr Macgregor or Drummond — Pickle
was the young chief of Glengarry — Proofs of this— His family history
— His part in the Forty-five — Misfortunes of his family — In the
Tower of London — Letters to James III. — No cheque ! — Barren
honours— In London in 1749 — His poverty— Mrs. Murray of
Broughton's watch — Steals from the Loch Arkaig hoard — Charges
by him against Archy Cameron— Is accused of forgery — Cameron
of Torcastle — Glengarry sees James III. in Rome — Was he sold to
Cumberland '? — Anonymous charges against Glengarry — A friend
of Murray of Broughton — His spelling in evidence against him — Mrs.
Cameron's accusation against Young Glengarry — Henry Pelham
and Campbell of Lochnell — Pickle gives his real name and address
— Note on Glengarry family — Highlanders among the Turks.

In November 1702, if not earlier, a new fountain of
information becomes open to us, namely, the com-
munications made by Pickle the spy to the English
Government. His undated letters to his employers
are not always easily attributed to a given month or
year, but there can be no mistake in assigning his
first dated letter to November 2, 1752. 1

The spy called Pickle was a descendant of

1 Some of Pickle's letters were published by Mr. Murray Rose in
an essay called ' An Infamous Spy, James Mohr Macgregor,' in the
Scotsman, March 15, 1895. This article was brought to my notice on
June 22, 1896. As the author identifies Pickle with James Mohr
Macgregor, though Pickle began to communicate with the English
Government while James was a prisoner in Edinburgh Castle, and
continued to do so for years after James's death, it is plain that



Somerled and the Lords of the Isles. In her roll-call
of the clans, Flora Maclvor summons the Macdonalds :

' O sprung from the kings who in Islay held state,
Proud chiefs of Glengarry, Clanranald, and Sleat,
Combine like three streams from one mountain of snow,
And resistless in union rush down on the foe ! '

Pickle was the heir to the chieftainship of Glen-
garry ; he was Alastair Ruadh Macdonnell (or Mack-
donnell, as he often writes it), son of John Mac-
donnell, twelfth of Glengarry. Pickle himself, till
his father's death in 1754, is always spoken of as
' Young Glengarry.' We shall trace the steps by
which Young Glengarry, the high-born chief of the
most important Catholic Jacobite clan, became Pickle,
the treacherous correspondent of the English Govern-
ment. On first reading his letters in the Additional
MSS. of the British Museum, I conceived Pickle to
be a traitorous servant in the household of some
exiled Jacobite. I then found him asserting his
rank as eldest son of the chief of a great clan ; and I
thought he must be personating his master, for I could
not believe in such villainy as the treason of a High-
land chief. Next, I met allusions to the death of his

he is in error, and that the transactions need a fresh examination.
Mr. Murray Rose, in the article cited, does not indicate the pro-
venance of the documents which he publishes. When used in this
work they are copied from the originals in the British Museum,
among the papers of the Pelham Administration. The transcripts
have been for several years in my hands, but I desire to acknowledge
Mr. Murray Rose's priority in printing some of the documents, which,
in my opinion, he wholly misunderstood, at least on March 15, 1895.
How many he printed, if any, besides those in the Scotsman, and
in what periodicals, I am not informed.


father, and the date (September 1, 1754) corre-
sponded with that of the decease of Old Glengarry.
Presently I observed the suspicions entertained about
Young Glengarry, and the denunciation of him in
1754 by Mrs. Cameron, the widow of the last Jacobite
martyr, Archibald Cameron. I also perceived that
Pickle and Young Glengarry both invariably spell
' who ' as ' how.' Next, in Pickle's last extant
epistle to the English Government (1760), he directs
his letters to be sent to 'Alexander Macdonnell,
Glengarry, Fort Augustus.' Finally, I compared
Pickle's handwriting, where he gives the name
' Alexander Macdonnell,' with examples of Young
Glengarry's signature in legal documents in the
library of Edinburgh University. The writing, in
my opinion, was the same in both sets of papers.
Thus this hideous charge of treacherv is not brought
heedlessly against a gentleman of ancient, loyal, and
honourable family. Young Glengarry died unmar-
ried, at home, on December 23, 1761, leaving direc-
tions that his political papers should be burned, and
the present representatives of a distinguished House
are not the lineal descendants of a traitor.

The grandfather of Alastair Ruadh Macdonnell
(alias Pickle, alias Roderick Random — he was fond of
Dr. Smollett's new novels — alias Alexander Jeanson,
that is, Alastair, son of Ian), was Alastair Dubh, Black
Alister, ' who, with his ponderous two-handed sword,
mowed down two men at every stroke' at Killie-
crankie, and also fought at Shirramuir. At Killie-



crankie he lost his brother, and his son Donald Gorm
(Donald of the Blue Eyes), who is said to have slain
eighteen of the enemy. At Shirramuir, when
Clanranald fell, Glengarry tossed his bonnet in the
air, crying in Gaelic, ' Eevenge ! Revenge ! Revenge
to-day, and mourning to-morrow.' He then led a
charge, and drove the regular British troops in rout.
He received a warrant of a peerage from the King
over the water.

This hero seems a strange ancestor for a spy and
a traitor, like Pickle. Yet we may trace an element
of ' heredity.' About 1735 a member of the Balhaldie
family, chief of Clan Alpin or Macgregor, wrote the
Memoirs of the great Lochiel, published in 1812 for
the Abbotsford Club. Balhaldie draws rather in
Clarendon's manner a portrait of the Alastair Mac-
donnell of 1689 and of 1715. Among other things
he writes :

' Most of his actions might well admitt of a double
construction, and what he appeared generally to be
was seldome what he really was. . . . Though he
was ingaged in every attempt that was made for the
Restoration of Kino - James and his family, vet he
managed matters so that he lossed nothing in the
event. . . . The concerts and ino-agements he entered
into with his neighbours ... he observed only in
so far as suited with his own particular interest,
but still he had the address to make them bear
the blame, while he carried the profits and honour.
To conclude, he was brave, loyal, and wonderfully


sagacious and long-sighted; and was possessed of
a great many shineing qualities, blended with a
few vices, which, like patches on a beautifull
face, seemed to give the greater eclat to his

Pickle, it will be discovered, inherited the ancestral
* vices.' ' What he appeared generally to be was
seldome what he really was.' His portrait, 1 in High-
land dress, displays a handsome, fair, athletic young
chief, with a haughty expression. Behind him stands
a dark, dubious-looking retainer, like an evil genius.

Alastair Dubh Macdonnell died in 1724, and was
succeeded by his son John, twelfth of Glengarry.
This John had, by two wives, four sons, of whom the
eldest, Alastair Euadh, was Pickle. Alastair held a
captain's commission in the Scots brigade in the

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