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you made me no return. This day he told me that
he leaves this on Monday, and insisted for my follow-
ing him. I did not positively promise, waiting to see
if you write me next Post, which if you don't I will
follow him, which I hope you'll approve of, as I will
be the more able to judge of his affairs. I shall not
remain Ions? with him, after which vou shall have a
faithful Report. The General is best judge of the
part he has acted, tho' I could have wished he had
acted otherwise for the Interest of the common
Cause, but it does not become me to prescribe Eules.
I wish he had got a hint. I find the Army people
here are piqu'd that I should have Pickle's ear so
much, for they all push to make up to him, thinking
to make something of him. I know the Governor of
Port Augustus is wrot to, to try his hand upon him.
when he goes north, but he is determined to keep at


a distance from them, and to keep in the hands he is
now in, and I am perswaded he can, and will prove
usefull, but there is a particular way of doing it,
which you know is the way of the generality benorth
Tay. Your Own ' Ckomwell. 1

' Edinburgh : October 10, 1754.'

Pickle now writes again from Edinburgh, on
October 10, 1754. He wants money, and, as becomes
a Highland chief, takes a high tone. He has been in
service as a spy for four years— that is, since autumn
1750. He asks for 500/. a year, and for that will
do anything ' honourable.' Young Lochgarry is not
well received (he wished to enter the English army),
and Pickle is refused a fowling-piece to shoot his
own grouse, because he has not ' qualified ' or taken
the oaths. This, of course, Pickle could not do, as
he had, in his capacity of spy, to keep on terms with
Prince Charles. Did Young Lochgarry know Pickle
to be a traitor ?

' When I waited,' says Pickle, ' of General Bland,
he did not receve me as I expected, haughtly refusd
the use of a fulsie [fusil] without I should qualifie.
I smiling answer'd, if that was the case, I had then a
right without his permission, but that he could not
take it amiss that I debar'd all under his Comand the
pleasure of hunting upon my grounds, or of any
firing, which they can't have without my permission,
so that I thought favours were reciprocall.'

Oddly enough, we have external testimony to the

1 Mr. Bruce, October 10, 1754, to Grwyrm Yaughan, Esq.


arrogance of Pickle, now a little Highland prince
among his own clan.

On December 13, 1754, the Governor of Fort
Augustus, Colonel Trapaud, wrote to Dundas of
Arniston, the Lord Advocate :

' Glengarry has behaved, among his clan, since
his father's death, with the utmost arrogance, inso-
lence, and pride. On his first arrival to this country-
he went to Knoydart, and there took the advantage
of his poor ignorant tenants, to oblige them to give
up all their wadsetts, and accept of common interest
for their money, which they all agreed to. On his
return to Invergarry he called a meeting of all his
friends and tennants in Glengarry, told them what
the Knoydart people had done, threw them a paper
and desired theA^ might all voluntarily sign it, else he
would oblige them by law, but most of the principal
wadsetters [mortgage-holders] refused, on which he
ordered them out of his presence. ... He has de-
clared that no peat out of his estate should come to
this fort. . . . His whole behaviour has greatly
alienated the affections of his once dearly beloved
followers. I shall take all opportunities of improving
this happy spirit of rebellion against so great a
chieftain, which may in time be productive of some
public good.' 1

Pickle was not only a traitor, but a bully and an

1 Arniston Memoirs, edited by G. W. T. Omond, p. 153. Air.
Dundas of Arniston has kindly supplied a copy containing what is
omitted in Mr. Omond's book— Pickle's dealings with his tenantry.


oppressor. Thus Pickle, in addition to his other
failings, was the very worst type of bad landlord,
according to the Governor of Fort Augustus.

We return to the fortunes of the Prince.

The opening of 1755 found Charles still in con-
cealment, probably at Basle. He could only profess
to James his determination ' never to go astray from
honour and duty ' (March 12, 1755). James per-
tinently replied, ' Do you rightly understand the ex-
tensive sense of honour and dutv?' War clouds
were gathering. France and England were at issue
in America, Africa, and India. Braddock's disaster
occurred ; he was defeated and slain by an Indian
ambush. Both nations were preparing for strife ;
the occasion seemed good for fishing in troubled
waters. D'Argenson notes that it is a fair oppor-
tunity to make use of Charles. Now we scrape
acquaintance with a new spy, Oliver Macallester,
an Irish Jacobite adventurer. 1 Macallester, after
a long prelude, tells us that his ' private affairs '
brought him to Dunkirk in 1755. On returning
to London he was apprehended at Sheerness,
an ungrateful caitiff having laid information to
the effect that our injured hero i had some con-
nection with the Ministers of the French Court, or
was upon some dangerous enterprize.' He was ex-
amined at the Secretary of State's Office (Lord
Holland's), was released, and returned to Dunkirk,

1 See Macallester's huge and intolerably prolix book, A Series of
Letters (London : 1767).


uncompensated for all this disturbance. Here he
abode, on his private business, living much in the
company of the ranting Lord Clancarty. Lord Clare
(Comte de Thomond, of the House of Macnamara)
was also in Dunkirk at the time, and attached him-
self to the engaging Macallester, whom lie invited
to Paris. Our fleet was then unofficially harassing
that of France in America.

Meanwhile, France negotiated the secret treaty
with Austria, while Frederick joined hands with Eng-
land. Dunkirk began to wear a very warlike aspect,
in despite of treaties which bound France to keep it
dismantled. ' Je savais que nous avions triche avec
les Anglais,' says d'Argenson. The fortifications were
being secretly reconstructed. D'Argenson adds that
now is the moment to give an asylum to the wan-
dering Prince Charles. ' The Duchesse d'Aiguillon,
a great friend of the Prince, tells me that some days
ago, while she was absent from her house at Euel,
an ill-dressed stranger came, and waited for her till
five in the morning. Her servants recognised the
Prince.' '

The Duchesse d'Aiguillon, Walpole says (' Letters,'
iv. 390), used to wear a miniature of Prince Charles
in a bracelet. On the reverse was a head of Our
Lord. People did not understand the connection, so
Madame de Eochefort said, ' The same motto serves
for both, My kingdom is not of this world! But
Charles had not been ' ill- dressed ' in these old days !

1 D'Argenson, July 1755.


As early as April 23, 1755, M. Ruvigny de
Cosne, from Paris, wrote to Sir Thomas Robinson to
the effect that Charles's proposals to the French
Court in case of war with England had been
declined. An Abbe Carraccioli was being em-
ployed as a spy on the Prince. 1 Pickle also came
into play. We offer a report of his information,
given in London on April 23, 1755. He knew that
Charles had been at Fontainebleau since prepara-
tions for war began, and describes his false nose
and other disguises. Charles was acquainted with
the Marechal de Saxe, and may have got the notion
of the nose from that warrior.

Here follows Pickle, as condensed by Mr.
Roberts :

Add. 32,854. ' April 24, 1755.

' Mr. Roberts had a meeting last night with the
Scotch gentleman, called Pickle. The Young Pre-
tender, he says, has an admirable Genius for skulking,
and is provided with so many disguises, that it is
not so much to be wondered at, that he has hitherto
escaped unobserved, sometimes he wears a long
false nose, which they call " Nez a la Saxe" because
Marshal Saxe used to give such to his Spies, whom
he employed. A.t other times he blackens his eye
brows and beard, and wears a black wig, by which
alteration his most intimate Acquaintance could
scarce know him: and in these dresses he has mixed

1 S. P. France, 468.


often in the companies of English Gentlemen tra-
velling thro' Flanders, without being suspected.

' Pickle promises to discover whatever shall come
to his knowledge, that may be worth knowing, he
can be most serviceable, he says, by residing in
Scotland, for no applications can be made to any of
the Jacobites there, from abroad, but he must re-
ceive early notice of them, being now, by his Father's
death, at the head of a great Clan of his name, but
he is ready to cross the Sea, whenever it should be
thought it worth the while to send him : which he
himself is not otherwise desirous of doing, as he de-
clares that those Journies have cost him hitherto
double the money that he has received.

' He hopes to have something given him to make
up this deficiency, and, if he could have a fixed
yearly Allowance, he will do everything that lies in
his power to deserve it. He insists upon an in-
violable secrecy, without which his opportunities of
sending useful Intelligences will be lost.'

Pickle does not come on the public scene again
for a whole year, except in the following undated
report, where he speaks of Glengarry (himself) in the
third person. His account of an envoy sent to make
proposals to Charles, like those made to the Prince
of Orange in 1688, is an error. Perhaps Pickle was
not trusted. The envoy from Scotland to Charles
only proposed, as we shall see, that he should for-
swear sack, and live cleanly and like a gentleman.



Add. 32,861.

' Dear Sir, — I am hopeful you nor friends will take
it ill, that I take the freedom to acquaint you, that
my patience is quite worn out by hankering upon
the same subject, for these years past, and still re-
maining in suspence without ever coming to a point.

' I beg leave to assure you, that you may do it to
others — but, let my inclinations be ever so strong,
my intentions ever so upright, my situation will not
allow me to remain longer upon this precarious
footing ; and, as I never heard from you in any
manner of way, I might readily take umbrage at your
long silence, and from thence naturally conclude it
was intended to drop me. But, as I am not of a sus-
picious temper, and judge of others' candour by my
own, and that I always have the highest opinion of
yours, and to convince you of mine, I shan't hesitate
to acquaint you, that I would have wrot sooner, but
that I waited the result of a Gentilman's journey, how
at this present juncture has the eyes of this part of
the Country fixt upon him — I mean, Glengary, into
whose confidence I have greatly insinuated myself.
This Gentilman is returnd home within these few
days, from a great tour round several parts of the
Highlands, and had concourse of people from several
Clans to wait of him. But this you'll hear from Mili-
tary channels readly before mine, and what follows,
take it as I was informed in the greatest confidence
by this Gentilman.

8 This Country has been twice tampered with


since I have been upon this utstation [Invergarry],
and I find it was refer'd to Glengary, as the Clans
thought he had a better notion of French policy, of
which they seem to be greatly diffident. The offers
being verbal, and the bearer being non of the greatest
consequence, it was prorog'd ; upon which the greatest
anxiety has been since exprest to have Glengary
t'other side, at a Conference, that he, in the name of
the Clans, should demand his owne terms.

' I am for certain inform'd that a Gentilman of
distinction from England went over about two months
ago with signatures, Credentials, and assurances,
much of the same nature as that formerly sent to the
Prince of Orange, only the number mentiond by this
person did not amount above sixty. I know nothing
of the Person's names, but this from good authority
I had for certain told me, and that they offer'd to
advance a very considerable sum of mony. It was
in consequence of this that proposals were made
here. Prudence will not admitt of my enlarging
further upon this subject, as I am at so great a dis-
tance, I must beg leave to drop it. . . .'

On May 20, 1755, James wrote to the Prince. He
had heard of an interview between Charles and the
Due de Eichelieu, ' and that you had not been much
pleased with your conversation with him.' James
greatly prefers a peaceful Eestoration, but, in the
event of war, would not decline foreign aid. The
conduct of Charles, he complains, makes it impossible
for him to treat with friendly Powers. He is left in

u 2


the dark, and dare not stir for fear of making a false
movement. 1 On July 10, 1755, Ruvignyde Cosne is
baffled by Charles's secrecy, and is hunting for traces
of Miss Walkinshaw. On July 23, 1755, Euvigny de
Cosne hears that Charles has been with Cluny in
Paris. On August 16 he hears of Charles at Parma.
Now Charles, on August 15, was really negotiating
with his adherents, whose Memorial, written at his
request, is in the Stuart Papers. 2 They assure him
that he is ' eyed ' in his family. If he continues ob-
stinate ' it would but too much confirm the impudent
and villainous aspersions of Mr. D s ' (James Daw-
kins), which, it seems, had nearly killed Sir Charles
Goring, Henry Goring's brother, ' with real grief.'
Dawkins had represented the Prince ' as entirely
abandoned to an irregular debauched life, even to
excess, which brought his health, and even his life
daily in danger,' leaving him ' in some degree devoid of
reason,' 'obstinate,' 'ungrateful,' 'unforgiving and
revengeful for the very smallest offence.' In brief,
Dawkins had described Charles as utterly impossible —
' all thoughts of him must be for ever laid aside ' — and
Dawkins backed his opinion by citing that of Henry
Goring. The memorialists therefore adjure Charles
to reform. Their candid document is signed ' CM. P.'
(obviously Cluny MacPherson) and ' H.P.,' probably
Sir Hugh Paterson, Clementina Walkinshaw's uncle.
Now there is no reason for disputing this evi-
dence, none for doubting the honesty of Mr. Dawkins

1 Browne, iv. 124. 2 Ibid: iv. 125.


in his despairing account of Charles. He was young,
wealthy, adventurous, a scholar. In the preface to
their joint work on Palmyra, Eobert Wood — the well-
known archaeologist, author of a book on Homer
which drew Wolf on to his more famous theory —
speaks of Mr. Dawkins in high terms of praise. He
gets the name of ' a good fellow ' in Jacobite corre-
spondence as early as 1748. Writing from Berne
on May 28, 1756, Arthur Villettes quotes the Earl
Marischal (then Governor of Neufchatel for
Frederick) as making strictures like those of Dawkins
on the Prince. At this time the Earl was preparing
to gain his pardon from George II., and spoke of
Charles '.with the utmost horror and detestation.'
His life, since 1714, ' had been one continued scene
of falsehood, ingratitude, and villainy, and his father's
was little better.' As regards James, this is absurd ;
his letters are those of a heartbroken but kind and
honourable parent and Prince. Villettes then cites
the Earl's account of the mission from Scotland
(August 1755) urging reform on Charles, through
the lips of Cluny. The actual envoy from Scotland
cited here is probably not Cluny, but his co-signatory
' H.P.,' and he is said to have met Charles at Basle,
and to have been utterly disgusted by his reception. 1
Now the Earl had a private pique at Charles, ever
since he refused to sail to Scotland with the Prince
in a herring-boat, in 1744, He had also been es-
tranged by Charles's treatment of Goring in 1754.

1 Ewald's Prince Charles, ii. 223-228. From State Papers.


Moreover, he was playing for a pardon. We might
conceivably discount the Lord Marischal, and Dr.
King's censures in his ' Anecdotes,' for the bitterness
of renegades is proverbial. But we cannot but listen
to Dawkins and the loyal Henry Goring. By 1754
the Prince, it is not to be denied, was impossible.

Honourable men like the old Laird of Gask,
Bishop Forbes, Lord Nairne, and Andrew Lumisden
(later his secretary) were still true to a Prince no
longer true to himself. Even Lumisden he was to
drive from him ; he could keep nobody about him
but the unwearied Stuart, a servant of his own name.
The play was played out ; honour and all was lost.
There is, unhappily, no escape from this conclusion.
Charles declined to listen to the deputation
headed by Cluny in August 1755. A secretary must
have penned his reply ; it is well-spelled, and is
grammatical. ' Some unworthy people have had the
insolence to attack my character. . . . Conscious of
my conduct I despise their low malice. ... I have
long desired a churchman at your hands to attend
me, but my expectations have hitherto been dis-

Soon he returned to the Mass, as we learn from

He was ill and poor. 1 He finally dismissed his
servants, including a companion of his Highland
wanderings. He recommends Morrison, his valet, as
a good man to shave and coif his father. The poor

1 Letter to Edgar, September 16, 1755.


fellows wandered to Eome, and were sent back to
France with money. Here is Sir Horace Mann's
letter about these honest lads :

» Florence : December 20, 1755.

' . . . My correspondent at Eome, having given
me previous notice of the departure from thence of
some Livery Servants belonging to the Pretender's
eldest Son, and that they were to pass through Tus-
cany, I found means to set two English men to watch
for their arrival, who pretending to be their friends,
insinuated themselves so well into their company, as
to pass the whole evening with them. They were
five in number, and all Scotch. The names of three
were Stuart, Mackdonnel, and Mackenzy. They were
dressed alike in the Pretender's livery, and said they
had been with his Son in Scotland, upon which the
people I employed asked where he was. They
answered only, that they were going to Avignon, and
should soon know, and in their merriment drank
" the health of the Boy that is lost and cannot be
found," upon which one of them answered that he
would soon be found. Another reproved him, and
made signs to him to hold his tongue. They seemed
to be in awe of each other.'

There was not much to be got out of the High-
landers, a race of men who can drink and hold their

On January 30, 1756, Walton, from Florence, re-
ported that Charles was to be taken up by Louis XV. *


to play un role fort distingue, and — to marry a
daughter of France ! 1 On January 31, Mann had the
latest French courier's word for it that Charles was
in Paris ; but Walton added that James denied this.
Pickle came to London (April 2, 17-36), but only to
dun for money. ' Not the smallest artickle has been
performed of what was expected and at first promised.'
Pickle was useless now in Scotland, and remained un-
salaried ; so ungrateful are kings. The centre of
Jacobite interest now was France. In the ' Testa-
ment Politique du Marechal Due de Belleisle ' (1762)
it is asserted that Charles was offered the leadership
of the attack on Minorca (April 17-56), and that he
declined, saying, ' The English will do me justice, if
they think fit, but I will no longer serve as a mere
scarecrow' (epouvantail). In January 17-36, however,
Knyphausen, writing to Frederick from Paris, dis-
credited the idea that France meant to employ the
Prince. 2

Turn we to Mr. Macallester for more minute

Macallester was now acting as led captain and
henchman to the one-eyed Lord Clancarty, who began
to rail in good set terms against all and sundry. For
his own purposes, ' for just and powerful reasons,'
Macallester kept a journal of these libellous remarks,
obviously for use against Clancarty. Living at that
nobleman's table, Macallester played his favourite

1 Madame Adelaide, according to gossip in the Scots Magazine.

2 Pol Corr. xi. p. 37. No. 7,199, and p. 63.


part of spy lor the mere love of the profession. He
writes :

'Tuesday, January 11, 1757. — When we had
drunk hard after supper he broke out, saying, " By
God ! dear Mac, I'll tell you a secret you don't know ;
there is not a greater scoundrel on the face of the
earth than that same Prince ; he is in his heart a
coward and a poltroon ; would rather live in a garret
with some Scotch thieves, to drink and smoak, than
serve me, or any of those who have lost our estates
for his family and himself. . . . He is so great a
scoundrel that he will lie even when drunk : a time
when all other men's hearts are most open, and will
speak the truth, or what they think. . . .

' He damned himself if he did not love an Irish
drummer better than any of the breed. " The Prince
has no more religion," said this pious enthusiast, " than
one of my coach-horses." ... He asked me if I knew
Jemmy Dawkins. I said I did not. " He could give
you an account of them," said he, "but Lord Marischal
has given the true character of the Prince, and certi-
fied under his hand to the people of England what a
scoundrel he is. 1 . . . The Prince had the canaille of
Scotland to assist him, thieves, robbers, and the
like. . ."'

The Prince had confided to Clancarty the English
Jacobites' desire that he would put away. Miss Walk-
inshaw. ' The Prince, swearing, said he would not
put away a cat to please such fellows ; ' but, as Lord

1 I have never seen this document.


Clancarty never opened his mouth without a curse,
his evidence is not valuable. On March 8, hearing
that Lochgarry was in the neighbourhood, Clancarty
called him a ' thief and a cow-stealer,' and bade the
footman lock up the plate ! The brave Lochgarry,
however, came to dinner, as being unaware of his
Lordship's sentiments.

Enough of the elegant conversation of this one-
eyed, slovenly Irish nobleman, whom we later find
passing his Christmas with Prince Charles. 1 Mr.
Macallester now made two new friends, the adven-
turous Dumont and a Mr. Lewis. In July 1757,
Lewis and Macallester went to Paris, and were much
with Lord Clare (de Thomond). In December, Lord
Clancarty came hunting for our spy, ' raging like a
madman ' after Macallester, much to that hero's dis-
composure, for, being as silly as he was base, he had
let out the secret of his ' Clancarty Elegant Extracts.'
His Lordship, in fact, accused Macallester of showing
all his letters to Lord Clare, whom Clancarty hated.
He then gave Macallester the lie, and next apologised ;
in fact, he behaved like Sir Francis Clavering. Before
publishing his book, Macallester tried to ' blackmail '
Clancarty. ' His Lordship is now secretly and fully
advertised that this matter is going to the press,' and,
indeed, it was matter to make the Irish peer uncom-
fortable in France, where he had consistently reviled
the King.

1 A full account of Macallester, from which these remarks are
taken, was published by myself in the English Illustrated Magazine.


It is probable that Macallester was now engaged
in the French secret police .

He admits that he acted as a monton, or prison
spy, and gives a dreadful account of the horrors of
Galbanon, where men lay in the dark and dirt for
half a lifetime . Macallester next proses endlessly on
the alleged Jesuit connection with Damien's attack on
Lous XV., and insists that the Jesuits, nobody knows
why, meant to assassinate Prince Charles. He was
in very little danger from Jesuits !




Charles asks Louis for money — Idea of employing him in 1757 —
Letter from Frederick — Chances in 1759 — French friends — Murray
and ' the Pills ' — Charles at Bouillon — Madame de Pompadour —
Charles on Lord George Murray — The night march to Nairn —
Manifestoes — Charles will only land in England — Murray wishes
to repudiate the National Debt — Choiseul's promises — Andrew
Lumisden — The marshal's old boots— Clancarty — Internal feuds of
Jacobites — Scotch and Irish quarrels — The five of diamonds —
Lord Elibank's views — The expedition starting — Pouted in Quiberon
Bay — New hopes — Charles will not land in Scotland or Ireland —
'False subjects' — Pickle waits on events — His last letter — His
ardent patriotism — Still in touch with the Prince — Offers to sell a

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Online LibraryAndrew LangPickle the spy; → online text (page 19 of 23)