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Clancarty he said, ' Sir, your wig is ill-combed.
Would you like to see my perruquier ? He manages
wigs very well.' Clancarty, who wore 'an ordinary
black tie-wig,' jumped up, saying in English, ' Damn
the fellow ! He is making his diversion of us.' 1 The
Lord Marischal was already on bad personal terms
with Charles. Clancarty was a ruffian, d'Argenson
was the adviser who suggested Charles's hidden and
fugitive life after 1748. The singular behaviour of
the Earl Marischal in 1751-1754 will afterwards be
illustrated by the letters of Pickle, who drew much of
his information from the unsuspicious old ambassador
of Frederick the Great to the Court of Versailles. It
is plain that the Duke of Ormonde was right when
he said that ' too many people are meddling in your
Majesty's affairs with the French Court at this junc-
ture ' (November 15, 1745). The Duke of York,
Charles's brother, was on the seaboard of France in
autumn 1745. At Arras he met the gallant Chevalier
Wogan, who had rescued his mother from prison at
Innspruck. 2 Clancarty, Lord Marischal, and Lally
Tollendal were pressing for a French expedition to

1 Macallester's book is entitled A Series of Letters, &c. London,

2 Wogan to Edgar. Stuart Papers, 1750.


start in aid of Charles. Sempil, Balhaldie, Lismore,
were intriguing and interfering. Voltaire wrote a
proclamation for Charles to issue. An expedition
was arranged, troops and ships were gathered at
Boulogne. Swedes were to ioin from Gothenburg".
On Christmas Eve, 1745, nothing was ready, and the
secret leaked out. A million was sent to Scotland ;
the money arrived too late ; we shall hear more of
it. 1 The Duke of York, though he fought well at
Antwerp, was kneeling in every shrine, and was in
church when the news of Culloden was brought to
him. This information he gave, in the present
century, to one of the Stair family. 2 The rivalries
and enmities went on increasing and multiplying into
cross-divisions after Charles made his escape to
France in August 1 74G. tie Was filled with distrust of
his father's advisers ; his own were disliked by James.
The correspondence of Horace Mann, and of Walton,
an English agent in Florence, shows that England
received all intelligence sent to James from Paris,
and knew all that passed in James's cabinet in Borne. 3
The Abbe Grant was suspected of being the spy.

Among so many worse than doubtful friends,
Charles, after 174G, took his own course ; even his
father knew little or nothing of his movements. Be-
tween his departure from Avignon (February 1749)
and the accession of Pickle to the Hanoverian side

1 D'Argenson, iv. 316-320. 2 Stair Papers.

3 Letters in the State Paper Office. S. P. Tuscany. Walton sends
to England copies of the letters of James's adherents in Paris ; Horace
Mann sends the letters of Townley, whom James so disliked.



(Autumn 1749 or 1750), Charles baffled every Foreign
Office in Europe. Indeed, Pickle was of little service
till 1751 or 1752. Curious light on Charles's cha-
racter, and on the entangled quarrels of the Jacobites,
is cast by d'Argenson's ' Memoires.' In Spring, 1747,
the Duke of York disappeared from Paris, almost as
cleverly as Charles himself could have done. D'Ar-
genson thus describes his manoeuvre. ' He fled from
Paris with circumstances of distinguished treachery '
(insigne fourberie) towards his brother, the Prince.
He invited Charles to supper ; his house was brilliantly
lighted up ; all his servants were in readiness ; but
he had made his escape by five o'clock in the after-
noon, aided by Cardinal Tencin. His Governor, the
Chevalier Graeme, was not in the secret. The Prince
waited for him till midnight, and was in a mortal
anxiety. He believed that the English attempts to
kidnap or assassinate himself had been directed
against his brother. At last, after three days, he re-
ceived a letter from the Duke of York, ' explaining
his fatal design ' to accept a cardinal's hat. ' Prince
Charles is determined never to return to Eome, but
rather to take refuge in some hole in a rock.'

Charles, in fact, saw that, if he was to succeed in
England, he could not have too little connection with
Eome. D'Argenson describes his brother Henry as
' Italian, superstitious, a rogue, avaricious, fond of
ease, and jealous of the Prince.' Cardinal Tencin, he
says, and Lord and Lady Lismore, have been bribed
by England to wheedle Henry into the cardinalate,


' which England desires more than anything in the
world.' Charles expressed the same opinion in an
epigram. Lady Lismore, for a short time believed to
be the mistress of Louis XV., was deeply suspected.
Whatever may be the truth of these charges, M. de
Puysieux, an enemy of Charles, succeeded at the
Foreign Office to d'Argenson, who had a queer
sentimental liking for the Prince. Cardinal Tencin
was insulted, and was hostile ; the Lismores were
absolutely estranged, if not treacherous ; there was
a quarrel between James and Henry in Eome, and
Charles, in Paris. 1 Such was the state of affairs at
the end of 1747, while Pickle was still a prisoner
in the Tower of London, engaged, he tells us, in acts
of charity towards his fellow-captives !

Meanwhile Charles's private conduct demands a
moment's attention. Madame de Pompadour was all
powerful at Court, 2 This was, therefore, a favourable
moment for Charles, in a chivalrous affection for the
injured French Queen (his dead mother's kinswoman),
to insult the reigning favourite. Madame de Pompa-
dour sent him billets on that thick smooth vellum
paper of hers, sealed with the arms of France. The
Prince tossed them into the fire and made no answer ;
it is Pickle who gives us this information. Maria
Theresa later stooped to call Madame de Pompadour
her cousin. Charles was prouder or less politic ;
afterwards he stooped like Maria Theresa.

For his part, says d'Argenson, the Prince ' now

1 D'Argenson's Memoires, v. 98, fol. 2 Ibid. v. 183.


amused himself with love affairs. Madame de Guemene
almost ravished him by force ; they have quarrelled,
after a ridiculous scene ; he is living now with the
Princesse de Talmond. He is full of fury, and wishes
in everything to imitate Charles XII. of Sweden and
stand a sie^e in his house like Charles XII. at Bender.'
This was in anticipation of arrest, after the Treaty of
Aix-la-Chapelle, in which his expulsion from France
was one of the conditions. This Princesse de Tal-
mond, as we shall see, was the unworthy Flora Mac-
donald of Charles in his later wanderings, his pro-
tectress, and, unlike Flora, his mistress. She was not
young; Madame d'Aiguillon calls her vieille femme in
a curious play, ' La Prison du Prince Charles Edouard
Stuart,' written by d'Argenson in imitation of Shake-
speare. 1 The Princesse, nee Marie Jablonowski, a
cousin of the Queen of France and of Charles, mar-
ried Anne Charles Prince de Talmond, of the great
house of La Trimouille, in 1730. She must have been
nearly forty in 1749, and some ten years older than
her lover.

We shall later, when Charles is concealed by the
Princesse de Talmond, present the reader with her
' portrait ' by the mordant pen of Madame du Deffand.
Here Voltaire's rhymed portrait may be cited :

Les dieux, en la dormant naissance
Aux lieux par la Saxe envahis,
Lui doimerent pour recompense
Le gout qu'on ne trouve qu'en France,
Et 1' esprit de tous les pays.

1 Published by the Due de Broglie, in Bevue cVHistoire Dijyloma*
tique. No. 4. Paris, 1891.


The Princesse, who frequented the Philosophes,
appears to have encouraged Charles in free thinking
and ostentatious indifference in religion.

' He is a handsome Prince, and I should love him
as much as my wife does,' says poor M. de Talmond,
in d'Argenson's pla} r , ' but why is he not saintly,
and ruled bv the Cono-reo-ation de Saint Lmace, like
his father ? It is Madame de Talmond who preaches
to him independence and incredulity. She is bringing
the curse of God upon me. How old will she be
before the conversion for which I pray daily to Saint
Francois Xavier ? '

Such was Madame de Talmond, an old mistress
of a young man, flighty, philosophical, and sharp of

On July 18, 1748, Charles communicated to
Louis XV. his protest against the article of the Peace
of Aix-la-Chapelle which drove him out of every
secular state in Europe. Louis broke a solemn
treaty by assenting to this article. Charles published
his protest and sent it to Montesquieu. He com-
plained that Montesquieu had not given him the new
edition of his book on the Eomans. ' La confiance
devroit etre mieux etabli entre les auteurs : j'espere
que ma faron de penser pour vous m'attirera la
continuation de votre bonne volonte pour moi.' '
Montesquieu praised Charles's ' simplicit} T , nobility,
and eloquence ' : ' comme vous le dites tresbien, vous
estes un auteur.' ' Were you not so great a Prince,

1 Browne, iv. 30-38.


the Ducliesse de Guillon ' [d'Aiguillon) ' and I would
secure you a place in the Academy.'

The Ducliesse d'Aiguillon, who later watched by
Montesquieu's death-bed, was a friend of Charles.
She and Madame de Talmond literally ' pull caps ' for
him in d'Argenson's play. But she was in favour of
his going to Fribourg with a pension after the Peace :
Madame de Talmond encouraged resistance. Louis's
minister, M. de Cousteille, applied to Fribourg for an
asylum for Charles on June 24,1748. On September 8,
Burnaby wrote, for England, a long remonstrance
to the ' Laudable States of Fribourg,' calling Charles
' this youiw Italian ! ' The States, in five lines, re-
buked Burnaby's impertinence, as ' unconhned in its
expressions and so unsuitable to a Sovereign State
that we did not judge it proper to answer it.' *

To Fribourg Charles would not go. He braved
the French Court in every way. He even insisted
on a goldsmith's preferring his order for a great
service of plate to the King's, and, having obtained
the plate, he feasted the Princesse de Talmond, his
friend and cousin, the Due de Bouillon, and a crowd
of other distinguished people. 2 In his demeanour
Charles resolutely affronted the French Ministers.
There were terrible scenes with Madame de Talmond,
especially when Charles was forbidden the house by
her husband. Charles was led away from her closed

1 Genuine Copies of Letters, dec,. London, 1748.

2 An Account of the Prince's Arrival in France, p. GG. London,


From <i miniature at Strathtyrum.


door by Bulkeley, the brother-in-law of Marshal
Berwick, and a friend of Montesquieu's. 1 Thus the
violence which afterwards interrupted and ended
Charles's liaison with Madame de Talmond had
already declared itself. One day, according to
d'Argenson, the lady said, ' You want to give me the
second volume in your romance of compromising
Madame de Montbazon [his cousin] with your two
pistol-shots.' No more is known of this adventure.
But Charles was popular both in Court and town :
his resistance to expulsion was applauded. De
Gevres was sent by the King to entreat Charles to
leave France : ' he received de Gevres gallantly, his
hand on his sword-hilt.' D'Argenson saw him at the
opera on December 3, 1748, 'fort gai et fort beau,
admire de tout le public'

On December 10, 1748, Charles was arrested at
the door of the opera house, bound hand and foot,
searched, and dragged to Yincennes. The deplorable
scene is too familiar for repetition. One point has
escaped notice. Charles (according to d'Argenson)
had told de Gevres that he would die by his own
hand, if arrested. Two pistols were found on him ;
lie had always carried them since his Scottish ex-
pedition. But a pair of compasses was also found.
Now it was with a pair of compasses that his friend,
Lally Tollendal, long afterwards attempted to com-
mit suicide in prison. The pistols were carried in

1 There are letters of Bulkeley's to Montesquieu as early as 1728,
Voyages de Montesquieu, p. xx. note 3.


fear of assassination, but what does a man want with
a pair of compasses at the opera ? 1

After some clays of detention at Vincennes,
Charles was released, was conducted out of French
territory, and made his way to Avignon, where he
resided during January and February 1749. He had
gained the sympathy of the mob, both in Paris and
in London. Some of the French Court, including the
Dauphin, were eager in his cause. Songs and poems
were written against Louis XV. D'Argenson, as we
know, being out of office, composed a play on
Charles's martyrdom. So much contempt for Louis
was excited, that a nail was knocked into the coffin
of French royalty. The King, at the dictation of
England, had arrested, bound, imprisoned, and
expelled his kinsman, his guest, and (by the Treaty
of Fontainebleau) his ally.

Applause and pity from the fickle and forgetful
the Prince had won, but his condition was now
desperate. Eefusing to accept a pension from
France, he was poor ; his jewels he had pawned for
the Scottish expedition. He had disobeyed his
father's commands and mortally offended Louis by
refusing to leave France. His adherents in Paris
(as their letters to Piome prove) were in despair.
His party, as has been shown, was broken up into
hostile camps. Lochiel was dead. Lord George

1 In his work on Madame tie Pompadour (p. 109), M. Capefigue
avers that he discovered, in the archives of the French Police, traces
of an English plot to assassinate Prince Charles ; the Jacobites believed
in such attempts, not without reason, as we shall prove.


Murray had been insulted and estranged. The Earl
Marischal had declined Charles's invitation to- manage
his affairs (1747). Elcho was a persistent and
infuriated dun. Clancarty was reviling Charles,
James, Louis, England, and the world at large.
Madame de Pompadour, Cardinal Tencin, and de
Puysieux were all hostile. The English Jacobites,
though loyal, were timid. Europe was hermetically
sealed against the Prince. lief age in Fribourg,
where the English threatened the town, Charles had
refused. Not a single shelter was open to him, for
England's policy was to drive him into the dominions
of the Pope, where he would be distant and despised.
Of advisers he had only such attached friends as
Henry Goring, Bulkeley, Harrington, or such dis-
trusted boon companions as Kelly — against whom
the English Jacobites set all wheels in motion.
Charles's refuge at Avignon even was menaced by
English threats directed at the Pope. The Prince
tried to amuse himself ; he went to dances, he intro-
duced boxing matches, 1 just as years before he had
brought golf into Italy. But his position was un-
tenable, and he disappeared.

Prom the gossip of d'Argenson we have learned
that Charles was no longer the same man as the
gallant leader of the race to Derby, or the gay and
resourceful young Ascanius who won the hearts
of the Highlanders by his cheerful courage and
contented endurance. He was now embittered by

1 Walton. S. P. Tuscany.- No. 55.


defeat ; by suspicions of treachery which the Irish
about him kindled and fanned, by the broken
promises of Louis XV., by the indifference of Spain.
He had become ' a wild man,' as his father's secre-
tary, Edo-ar, calls him — ' Our dear wild man.' He
spelled the name ' Lome sauvage.' He was, in
brief, a desperate, a soured, and a homeless outcast.
His chief French friends were ladies — Madame
de Vasse, Madame de Tahnond, and others.
Montesquieu, living in their society, and sending
wine from his estate to the Jacobite Lord Elibank ;
rejoicing, too, in an Irish Jacobite housekeeper, ' Mile.
Betti,' was well disposed, like Voltaire, in an indif-
ferent well-bred way. Most of these people were,
later, protecting and patronising the Prince when
concealed from the view of Europe, but theirs was a
vao;ue and futile alliance. Charles and his case were

In this mood, and in this situation at Avignon, he
carried into practice the counsel which d'Argenson
had elaborated in a written memoir. ' I gave them '
(Charles and Henry) 'the best possible advice,' says
La Bete. ' My " Memoire " I entrusted to O'Brien at
Antwerp. Therein I suggested that the two princes
should never return to Italy, but that for some years
they should lead a hidden and wandering life between
France and Spain. Charles might be given a pension
and the vicariat of Navarre. This should only be
allowed to slip out by degrees, while England would
grow accustomed to the notion that they were not


in Eome, and would be reduced to mere doubts as
to their place of residence. Now they would be
in Spain, now in France, finally in some town of
Navarre, where their authority would, by slow
degrees, be admitted. Peace once firmly established,
it would not be broken over this question. They
would be in a Huguenot country, and able to pass
suddenly into Great Britain.' *

This was d'Argenson's advice before Henry fled
to Eome to be made a cardinal, and before the treaty
of Aix-la-Chapelle, closing Europe against Charles,
was concluded. The object of d'Argenson is plain ;
he wished to keep Charles out of the Pope's domains,
as England wanted to drive the Prince into the
centre of ' Popery.' If he resided in Eome, Protestant
England would always suspect Charles ; moreover, he
would be remote from the scene of action. To the
Pope's domains, therefore, Charles would not go.
But the scheme of skulking in France, Spain, and
Navarre had ceased to be possible. He, therefore,
adopted ' the fugitive and hidden life ' recommended
by d'Argenson ; he secretly withdrew from Avignon,
and for many months his places of residence were

' Charles,' says Voltaire, ' hid himself from the
whole world.' We propose to reveal his hiding-

1 Mcmoires, iv. 322.






Europe after Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle — A vast gambling establish-
ment — Charles excluded — Possible chance in Poland— Supposed to
have gone thither — ' Henry Goring's letter ' — Eomantic adventures
attributed to Charles — Obvious blunders — Talk of a marriage —
Count Briihl's opinion — Proposal to kidnap Charles — To rob a
priest — The King of Poland's ideas — Lord Hyndford on Frederick
the Great — Lord Hyndford's mare's nest — Charles at Berlin —
' Send him to Siberia ' — The theory contradicted — Mischievous
glee of Frederick — Charles discountenances plots to kill Cumber-
land — Father Myles Macdonnell to James — London conspiracy —
Reported from Borne — The Bloody Butcher Club — Guesses of Sir
Horace Mann — Charles and a strike — Charles reported to be very
ill — Really on the point of visiting England — September 1750.

Europe, after the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, was like
a vast political gambling establishment. Nothing,
or nothing but the expulsion of Prince Charles from
every secular State, had been actually settled. No-
body was really satisfied with the Peace. The
populace, in France as in England, was discontented.
Princes were merely resting and looking round for
new combinations of forces. The various Courts,
from St. Petersburg to Dresden, from London to
Vienna, were so many tables where the great game
of national faro was being played, over the heads of

EUROPE IN 1748 45

the people, by kings, queens, abbes, soldiers, diplo-
matists, and pretty women. Projects of new alliances
were shuffled and cut, like the actual cards which
were seldom out of the hands of the players, when
Casanova or Barry Lyndon held the bank, and
challenged all comers. It was the age of adventurers,
from the mendacious Casanova to the mysterious
Saint-Germain, from the Chevalier d'Eon to Charles
Edward Stuart. That royal player was warned of!
the turf, as it were, ruled out of the game. Where
among all these attractive tables was one on which
Prince Charles, in 1749, might put down his slender
stake, his name, his sword, the lives of a few thousand
Highlanders, the fortunes of some faithful gentlemen ?
Who would accept Charles's empty alliance, which
promised little but a royal title and a desperate
venture ? The Prince had wildly offered his hand
to the Czarina ; he was to offer that hand, vainly
stretched after a flying crown, to a Princess of
Prussia, and probably to a lady of Poland.

At this moment the Polish crown was worn by
Augustus of Saxony, who was reckoned ' a bad life.'
The Polish throne, the Polish alliance, had been,
after various unlucky adventures since the days of
Henri III. and the Due d'Alenoon, practically aban-
doned by France. But Louis XV. was beginning to
contemplate that extraordinary intrigue in which
Conti aimed at the crown of Poland, and the Comte
de Broglie was employed (1752) to undermine and
counteract the schemes of Louis's official representa-


tives. 1 As a Sobieski by his mother's side, the son of
the exiled James (who himself had years before been
asked to stand as a candidate for the kingdom of
Poland), Charles was expected by politicians to make
for Warsaw when he fled from Avignon. It is said, on
the authority of a Polish manuscript, ' communicated
by Baron de Eondeau,' that there was a conspiracy in
Poland to unseat Augustus III. and give the crown
to Prince Charles.' 2 In 1719, Charles's maternal
grandfather had declined a Russian proposal to make
a dash for the crown, so the chivalrous Wogan nar-
rates. In 1747 (June 0), Chambrier had reported to
Frederick the Great that Cardinal Tencin was op-
posed to the ambition of the Saxon family, which
desired to make the elective crown of Poland heredi-
tary in its house. The Cardinal said that, in his
opinion, there was a Prince who would figure well in
Poland, le jeune Edouard (Prince Charles), who had
just made himself known, and in whom there was
the stuff of a man. 3 But Frederick the Great declined
to interfere in Polish matters, and Tencin was only
trying to get rid of Charles without a rupture. In
May 1748, Frederick refused to see Graeme, a
Jacobite who was sent to demand a refuse for the
Prince in Prussia. 4 Without Frederick and without
Sweden, Charles in 1749 could do nothing serious in

1 See Le Secret du Roi, by the Due de Broglie.
~ Talcs of the Century, p. 25.

3 Pol. Corresp. of Frederick the Great, v. 114. No. 2,251.

4 Ibid. vi. 125. No. 3,086.


The distracted politics of Poland, however, natur-
ally drew the attention of Europe to that country
when Charles, on February 28, vanished out of
Avignon ' into fairyland,' like Frederick after
Molwitz. Every Court in Europe was vainly searched
for ' the boy that cannot be found.' The news-
letters naturallv sent him to Poland, so did Jacobite

The purpose of this chapter is to record the
guesses made by diplomatists at Charles's move-
ments, and the expedients by which they vainly
endeavoured to discover him. We shall next lift,
as far as possible, the veil which has concealed for a
century and a half adventures in themselves unim-
portant enough. In spite of disappointments and
dark hours of desertion, Charles, who was much of
a boy, probably enjoyed the mystery which he now
successfully created. If he could not startle Europe
by a brilliant appearance on any stage, he could keep
it talking and guessing by a disappearance. He
obviously relished secrecy, pass-words, disguises, the
' properties ' of the conspirator, in the spirit of Tom
Sawyer and Huckleberry Finn. He came of an
evasive race. His grandfather, as Duke of York, had
fled from England disguised as a girl. His father had

GO o

worn many disguises in many adventures. He had
been ' Betty Burke.'

Though it is certain that, in March 1749 (the
only month when he almost evades us), Charles could
not have visited Berlin, Livadia, Stockholm, the reader


may care to be reminded of a contemporary Jacobite
romance in which he is made to do all these things.
A glance should be cast on the pamphlet called ' A

Letter from H. G g, Esq.' (London, 1750). The

editor announces that the letter has been left in his
lodoimrs bv a mistake ; it has not been claimed, as
the person for whom it was meant has gone abroad,
and so the editor feels free to gratify ' the curiosity
of the town.' The piece, in truth, is a Jacobite tract,

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