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de Eonville en Normandie.' Many of Charles's letters
are addressed to ' Mademoiselle Luci,' sister of ' La
Grandemain.' Now Madame de Vasse seems, from a
passage in the Due de Luynes's ' Memoires,' to have
been the only daughter of her father, M. de Peze.
But once, Charles, writing to ' Mademoiselle Luci,'
addresses the letter to ' Mademoiselle La Marre,' for
' Marres.' Now, as Marres was an estate of the Fer-
rands, this address seems to identify ' Mademoiselle
Luci ' with Mademoiselle Ferrand, the intimate friend,
not really the sister, of Madame de Vasse. Made-
moiselle Ferrand, as Grimm shows, had a taste for
philosophy. We shall remark the same taste in the
Prince's friend, ' Mademoiselle Luci.'

Thus the secret which puzzled Europe is re-
vealed. The Prince, sought vainly in Poland, Prussia,
Italy, Silesia, and Staffordshire, was really lurking in
a fashionable Parisian convent. Better had he been
' where the wind blows over seven glens, and seven
Bens, and seven mountain moors,' like the Prince in
the Gaelic fairy stories.



We return to details. On June 30, 1749, the
Prince, still homeless, writes a curious letter to
Mademoiselle Ferrand :

6 The confidence, Mademoiselle, which I propose
to place in you may seem singular, as I have not the
cfood fortune to know you. The Comtesse de South,
however, will be less surprised.' This lady was the
wife of an Irishman commanding a regiment in the
French service, one of those stationed on the frontier
■of Flanders. ' You [Mademoiselle Ferrand], who
have made a Relation de Cartouche [the famous
robber], may consent to be the depositary of my
letter. I pray you to give this letter to the Comtesse
■de South, and to receive from her all the packets
addressed to Monsieur Douglas.' He then requests
Madame de South not to let the Waterses know that
she is the intermediary.

The reason for all this secrecy is obvious. D'Ar-
genson (not the Bete, but his brother) had threatened
Waters with the loss of his head if he would not tell
where the Prince was concealed. 1 The banker did
not want to know the dangerous fact, and was able
to deny his knowledge with a clear conscience.

On July 23 Charles again wrote to Mademoiselle
Ferrand : ' It is very bold of Cartouche to write once
more, without knowing whether \ou wish to be con-
cerned with him, but people of our profession are
usually impudent, indeed we must be, if we are to
• earn our bread. ... I pray you to have some confi-

1 ■ S. P. France. June 4, 1749. Ewald, ii. 200.


dence in this handwriting, and to believe that Car-
touche, though he be Cartouche, is a true friend. As
for his smuggling business, even if it does not succeed
as he hopes, he will be none the less grateful to all
who carry his nag, as he will be certain that, if he
fails, it is because success is impossible.' 1

This letter was likely to please a romantic girl,
as we may suppose Mademoiselle Ferrand to have
been, despite her philosophy.

Stafford and Sheridan now kept writing pitiful
appeals for money from Avignon. Charles answers
(July 31, 1749) :

' I wish I were in a situation at present to' relive
them I estime, in an exotick cuntry that desiers
nothing else but to exercise their arbitrary power in
distressing all honest men, even them that [are] most
allies to their own Soverain.'

Charles, in fact, was himself very poor : when
money came in, either from English adherents or
from the Loch Arkaig hoard, he sent large remittances
to Avignon.

Money did come in, partly, no doubt, from
Eno-lish adherents. We find the following orders
from the Prince to Colonel Goring.

From the Prince to Goring.

' Ye 31st July, 1749.

' I gave you Lately a proof of my Confidence, by
our parting together from Avignion, so that you will

1 Translated from the French original at Windsor Castle.

G -2


not be surprized of a New Instance. You are to
repair on Receipt of this to London, there to Let know
to such friends as you can see, my situation, and
Resolutions ; all tending to nothing else but the good
and relieve of our Poor Country which ever was, and
shall be my only thoughts. Take Care of yr.Self,
do not think to be on a detachement, but only a
simple Minister that is to comback with a distinct
account from them parts, and remain assured of my
Constant friendship and esteem.

' C. P. R. For Goeing.

< P.S.— Cypher.

6 1. S h a 1. Conquer.

' 3 w k y p t d b q x m f .

' My name shall be John Douglas.
'Jean Nbe D'Orville & fils. A Frankfort sur
Maine, a Banquier of that Town.'

The Prince may have been at Frankfort, but, as
a rule, he was hiding in Lorraine when not in Paris
or near it, and, as we have seen, was under the pro-
tection of various French and fashionable Flora
Macdonalds. Of these ladies, ' Madame de Beaure-
gard ' and the Princesse de Talmond are apparently
the same person. With them, or her (she also appears
as la tante and la rieille), Charles's relations were
stormy. He wearied her, he broke with her, he
scolded her, and returned to her again. Another
protectress, Madame d'Aiguillon, was the mistress of
the household most frequented by Montesquieu, le


Jilosophe, as Charles calls him. Madame du Deffand
has left to us portraits of both the Princesse de Tal-
mond and Madame d'Aiguillon.

' Madame de Talmond has beauty and wit and
vivacity ; that turn for pleasantry which is our
national inheritance seems natural to her. . . . But
her wit deals only with pleasant frivolities ; her ideas
are the children of her memory rather than of her
imagination. French in everything else, she is
original in her vanity. Ours is more sociable, in-
spires the desire to please, and suggests the means.
Hers is truly Sarmatian, artless and indolent ; she
cannot bring herself to natter those whose admira-
tion she covets. . . . She thinks herself perfect, says
so, and expects to be believed. At this price alone
does she yield a semblance of friendship : semblance, I
say, for her affections are concentrated on herself. . . .
She is as jealous as she is vain, and so capricious as
to make her at once the most unhappy and the most
absurd of women. She never knows what she wants,
what she fears, whom she loves, or whom she hates.
There is no nature in her expression : with her chin
in the air she poses eternally as tender or disdainful,
absent or haughty ; all is affectation. . . . She is feared
and hated by all who live in her society. Yet she
has truth, courage, and honesty, and is such a mix-
ture of good and evil that no steadfast opinion about
her can be entertained. She pleases, she provokes :
we love, hate, seek, and avoid her. It is as if she
communicated to others the eccentricity of her own


Where a character like hers met a nature like
the Prince's, peace and quiet were clearly out of the

Madame du Deffand is not more favourable to
another friend of Charles, Madame d'Aiguillon. This
lady gave a supper every Saturday night, where
neither her husband, the lover of the Princesse de
Conti, nor her son, later the successor of Choiseul
as Minister of Louis XV., was expected to appear.
6 The most brilliant men, French or foreign, were her
guests, attracted by her abundant, active, impetuous,
and original intellect, by her elevated conversation,
and her kindness of manner.' x She was, according
to Gustavus III., ' the living gazette of the Court, the
town, the provinces, and the academy.' Voltaire
wrote to her rhymed epistles. Says Madame du
Deffand, 'Her mouth is fallen in, her nose crooked,
her glance wild and bold, and in spite of all this she
is beautiful. The brilliance of her complexion atones
for the irregularity of her features. Her waist is
thick, her bust and arms are enormous, yet she has
not a heavy air : her energy gives her ease of move-
ment. Her wit is like her face, brilliant and out
of drawing. Profusion, activity, impetuosity are her
ruling qualities. . . . She is like a play which is all
spectacle, all machines and decorations, applauded by
the pit and hissed by the boxes. . . .'

Montesquieu was hardly a spectator in the pit,
yet he habitually lived at Madame d'Aio-uillon's ; ' she

v */ CD

1 Histoire de Montesquieu, par L. Vian, p. 196.


is original,' he said, and she, with Madame Dupre de
Saint-Maur, watched by the death-bed of the philo-
sopher. 1

In unravelling the hidden allusions of Charles's cor-
respondence, I at first recognised Madame d'Aiguillon
in Charles's friend ' La Grandemain.' The name
seemed a suitable sobriquet, for a lady with gros bras,
like Madame d'Aiguillon, might have large hands.
The friendship of La Grandemain ' with the philosophe,
Montesquieu, also pointed to Madame d'Aiguillon.
But Charles, at a later date, makes a memorandum
that he has deposited his strong box, with money, at
the rooms of La Comtesse de Vasse, in the Eue Saint
Dominique, Faubourg St. Germain. That box,
again, as he notes, was restored by ' La Grandemain.'
This fact, with Grimm's anecdote, identifies 'La
Grandemain,' not with Madame d'Aiguillon, but
with Madame de Vasse, ' the Comtesse,' as Goring
calls her, though Grimm makes her a Marquise. If
Montesquieu's private papers and letters in MS. had
been published in full, we should probably know
more of this matter. His relations with Bulkeley
were old and most intimate. Before he died he
confessed to Father Eouth, an Irish Jesuit, whom
Voltaire denounces in ' Candide.' This Eouth must
have been connected with Colonel Eouth, an Irish
Jacobite in French service, husband of Charles's
friend, ' la Comtesse de Eouth.' Montesquieu himself,
though he knew, as we shall show, the Prince's

1 Corrcspondance de Madame du Deffcmd. Edition of M. de
Lescure, ii. 737-742.


secret, was no conspirator. Unluckily, as we learn
from M. Vian's life of the philosopher, his successors
have been very chary of publishing details of his
private existence. It is, of course, conceivable that
Helvetius, who told Hume that his house had sheltered
Charles, is the philosophe mentioned by Mademoiselle
Luci and Madame de Vasse. But Charles's proved
relations with Montesquieu, and Montesquieu's known
habit of frequenting the society of his lady neigh-
bours in the convent of St. Joseph, also his intimacy
with Charles's friend Bulkelev, who attended his
death-bed, all seem rather to point to the author of
' L'Esprit des Lois.' The philosophes, for a moment,
seem to have expected to find in Prince Charlie the
' philosopher-king ' of Plato's dream !

The Prince's distinguished friends unluckilv did
not succeed in inspiring him with common sense.

On August 16 he defends the conduct of celte
home, ou tete de fer (himself), and he writes a few
aphorisms, Maximes oVun Vome sauvage ! He aimed
at resembling Charles XII., called ' Dener Bash ' by the
Turks, for his obstinacy, a nickname also given by
Lord Marischal to the Prince. Like Balen, he was
termed ' The Wild,' « by knights whom kings and
courts can tame.' He writes to the younger Waters,

To Waters, Junior.

' Ye 21st August, 1749.

' I receive yrs. of ye 8th. Current with yr two as
mentioned and I heve send their Answers for Avignon,


plese to Enclose in it a Credit for fifteen thousand
Livers, to Belive my family there, at the disposal of
Stafford and Sherridan. I am sorry to be obliged
oftener to draw upon you, than to remit, and cannot
help Beflection on this occasion, on the Misery of that
poor Popish Town, and all their Inhabitants not being
worth four hundred Louidors. Mr. B. [Bulkeley]
Mistakes as to my taking amis anything of him, on
the contrary I am charmed to heve the opinion of
everybody, particularly them Like him, as I am shure
say nothing but what they think : but as I am so
much imbibed in ye English air, where My only Con-
cerns are, I cannot help sometimes differing with ye
inhabitants of forain Climats.

' I remain all yours.

' 15,000 ff. Credit for Stafford and Sheridan at Avignon.'

' Newton ' kept writing, meanwhile, that Cluny can
do nothing till winter, ' on account of the sheilings,'
the summer habitations of the pastoral Highlanders.
There may have been sheilings near the hiding-places
of the Loch Arkaig treasure. On September 30 we
find Charles professing his inebranlable amitie for
Madame de Talmond. He bids his courier stop at
Luneville, as she may be at the Court of Stanislas

The results of Goring's mission to England may
be gleaned from a cypher letter of ' Malloch ' (Bal-
haldie) to James. Balhaldie had been in London ; he
found the party staunch, ' but frighted out of their


wits.' The usual names of the official Jacobites are
given — Barrymore, Sir William Watkyns Wynne,
and Beaufort. But they are all alarmed 'by Lord
Traquair's silly indiscretion in blabbing to Murray of
Broughton of their concerns, wherein he could be of
no use.' They had summoned Balhaldie, and com-
plained of the influence of Kelly, an adviser be-
queathed to Charles by his old tutor, Sir Thomas
Sheridan, now dead. ' They saw well that the Insur-
rection Sir James Harrington was negotiating, to be
begun at Litchfield Election and Eaces, in September
'47, was incouraged, and when that failed, the Insur-
rection attempted by Lally's influence on one Wilson,
a smuggler in Sussex, which could serve no end save
the extinction of the unhappy men concerned in
them ; therefore they had taken pains to prevent any.
They lamented the last steps the Prince had taken
here as scarcely reparable.'

Goring had now been with them, and they had
insisted on the Prince's procuring a reconciliation
with the French Court. ' Goring's only business was
to say that the Prince had parted with Kelly, Lally,
Sir James Graeme, and Oxburgh, and the whole, and
to assure friends in England that lie would never
more see any one of them.' Charles was, therefore,
provided by his English friends with 15,000/., and the
King's timid party of men with much to lose won
a temporary triumph. He sent 21,000 livres to his
Avignon household, adding, ' I received yours with
a list of my bookes : I find sume missing of them.


Particularly Fra Paulo [Sarpi] and Boccaccio, which
are both rare. If you find any let me know it.'

Charles was more of a bibliophile than might be
guessed from his orthography.

On November 22, 1749, Charles, from Luneville,
wrote a long letter to a lady, speaking of himself
in the third person. All approaches to Avignon are
guarded, to prevent his return thither. ' Despite the
Guards, they assure me that he is in Prance, and not
far from the capital. The Lieutenant of Police has
been heard to say, by a person who informed me,
that he knew for certain the Prince had come in
secret to Paris, and had been at the house of Mon-
sieur Lally. The King winks at all this, but it is
said that M. de Puysieux and the Mistress (Madame
de Pompadour) are as ill disposed as ever. I know
from a good source that 15,000/. has been sent to
the Prince from England, on condition of his dis-
missing his household.' *

The spelling of this letter is correct, and possibly
the Prince did not write it, but copied it out. That
Louis XV. winked at his movements is probable
enough ; secretive as he was, the King may have
known what he concealed even from his Minister, de

On December 19, the Prince, who cannot have been
far from Paris, sent Goring thither ' to get my big
Muff and portfeul.' I do not know which lady he ad-
dressed, on December 10, as ' 1' Adorable,' ' avec toute

1 D'Argenson confirms or exaggerates this information.


la tendresse possible.' On November 28, ' E. Jackson '
writes from England. He saw Dr. King (of St. Mary
Hall, Oxford), who had been at Lichfield races,
' and had a list of the 275 gentlemen who were there.'
This Mr. Jackson was going to Jamaica, to Henry
Dawkins, brother of Jemmy Dawkins, a rich and
scholarly planter who played a great part, later, in
Jacobite affairs.

In 1750, February found Charles still without a
reply to his letter of May 26, in which he made an
anonymous appeal for shelter in Imperial territories.
Orders to Goring, who had been sent to Lally, bid
him ' take care not to get benighted in the woods
and dangerous places.' A good deal is said about
a marble bust of the Prince at which Lemoine is
working, the original, probably, of the plaster busts
sold in autumn in Eed Lion Square. ' Newton ' (Jan-
uary 28) thinks Cluny wilfully dilatory about sending
the Loch Arkaig treasure, and iEneas Macdonald,
the banker, one of the Seven Men of Moidart, accuses
'Newton' (Kennedy) of losing 800/. of the money
at Newmarket races ! In fact, Young Glengarry
and Archibald Cameron had been helping themselves
freely to the treasure at this very time, whence came
endless trouble and recriminations, as we shall see. 1

On January 25 the Prince was embroiled with
Madame de Talmond. He writes, obviously in answer
to remonstrances :

i Nous nous prometons de suivre en tout les

1 Browne, v. 66. Letter of Young Glengarry, January 16, 1750.


volontes et les arrangemens de notre fidele amie et
alliee, L. P. D. T. ; nous retirer aux heures qu'il lui
conviendra a la ditte P, soit de jour, soit de nuit,
soit de ses etats, en foy de quoi nous signons. C

He had begun to bore the capricious lady.

Important intrigues were in the air. The Prince
resembled ' paper-sparing Pope ' in his use of scraps
of writing material. One piece bears notes both of
February and June 1750. On February 16 Charles
wrote to Mr. Dormer, an English Jacobite :

' I order you to go to Anvers, and there to
execute my instructions without delay.'

Goring carried the letter. Then comes a despatch
of June, which will be given under date.

Concerning the fatal hoard of Loch Arkaio-
' Newton ' writes thus :

Tito. Newton to

' March 18, 1750.

' You have on the other side the melancholy con-
firmation of what I apprehended. Dr. Cameron is
no doubt the person here mentioned that carryd away
the horses [money], for he is lately gone to Eome, as
is also young Glengery, those and several others of
them, have been very flush of money, so that it seems
they took care of themselves. C. [Cluny] in my
opinion is more to be blamed than any of them, for
if he had a mind to act the honest part he certainly
could have given up the whole long since. They will
no doubt represent me not in the most advantageous
light at Eome, for attempting to carry out of their


country what they had to support them. I hope
they will one day or other be obliged to give an
acct. of this money, if so, least they slid, attempt to
Impose upon you, you'l find my receipts to C. will
exactly answer what I had already the honour of
giving you an acct. of.'

Again ' Newton ' writes :

{Tho. Newton. — From G. Waters s Letter.)

' April 27, 1750.

' I am honored with yours of the 6th. Inst, and
nothing could equal my surprize at the reception of
the Letter I sent you. I did not expect C [Cluny]
was capable of betraying the confidence you had in
him, and he is the more culpable, as I frequently put
it in his power to acquit himself of his duty without
reproach of any side. Only Cameron is returned
from Eome greatly pleased with the reception he met
there. I have not seen him, but he has bragged of
this to many people here since his return. I never
owned to any man alive to have been employed in
that affair.'

In spite of Newton, it is not to be credited that
Cluny, lurking in many perils on Ben Alder, was
unfaithful about the treasure.

Meanwhile, Young Glengarry (whose history we
give later), Archibald Cameron (Lochiel's brother),
Sir Hector Maclean, and other Jacobites, were
in Eome, probably to explain their conduct about
the Loch Arkaig treasure to James. He knew
nothing about the matter, and what he said will find


its proper place when we come to investigate the
history of Young Glengarry. The Prince at this
time corresponded a good deal with ' Mademoiselle
Luci,' that fair philosophical recluse who did little
commissions for him in Paris. On April 4 he wants
a list of the books he left in Paris, and shows a kind

' Pray take care of the young surgeon, M. Le Coq,
and see that he wants for nothing. As the lad gets
no money from his relations, he may be in need.'
Charles, on March 28, writes thus to ' Madame de
Beauregard,' which appears to be an alias of Madame
de Talmond :

The Prince.

March 28, 1750.

'A Md. Bauregor. Je vois avec Chagrin que
vous vous tourmentes et mois aussi bien innutille-
ment, et en tout sans [sens]. Ou vous voules me
servire, ou vous ne Le voules pas ; ou vous voules me
protege, ou non ; II n'y a acune autre alternative en
raison qui puis etre. Si vous voules me servire il ne
faut pas me soutenire toujours que Blan [blanc] est
noire, dans Les Chose Les plus palpable : et jamais
Avouer que vous aves tort meme quant vous Le
santes. Si vous ne voules pas me servire, il est
inutile que je vous parle de ce qui me regarde : si
vous voules me protege, il ne faut pas me rendre
La Vie plus malheureuse qu'il n'est. Si vous voules
m'abandoner il faut me Le dire en bon Francois ou
Latin. Visits solum' [sic].


Madame de Talmond sheltered the Prince both
in Lorraine and in Paris. They were, unluckily,
born to make each other's lives ' insupportable,'

Charles wrote this letter, probably to Madame
d'Aiouillon, from Paris :

May 12, 1750.

'La Multitude d'affaire de toute Espece dont
j'ai ete plus que surcharge, Madame, depuis
plus de quatre Mois, Chose que votre Chancelier
a du vous attester, ne m'avois permis de vous
rappeller Le souvenir de vos Bontes pour Moi ;
qualque Long qu'ait ete Le Silance que j'ai garde
sur Le Desir que j'ai d'en meriter La Continuation
j'espere qu'il ne m'en anra rien fait perdre : j'ose
merae presumer Encore asses pour me flater qu'une
Longue absence que je projette par raison et par une
necessite absolue, ne m'efacera pas totalement de
votre souvenir ; Daigne Le Conserver, Madame a
quelquun qui n'en est pas indigne et qui cherchera
toujours a Le meriter par son tendre et respectueux
attachement — a Paris Le 12 May, 1750.'

A quaint light is thrown on the Prince's private
affairs (Ma}' 12) by Waters's note of his inability to
get a packet of Scottish tartan, sent by Archibald
Cameron, out of the hands of the Custom House. It
was confiscated as ' of British manufacture.' Again,
on May 18, Charles wrote to Mademoiselle Luci, in
Paris. She is requested ' de faire avoire une ouvrage
de Mr. Fildings, (auteur de Tom Jones) qui s'apel
Joseph Andreivs, dans sa langue naturelle, et la tra-

' TOM JONES ' 97

duction aussi.' He also wants ' Tom Jones ' in French,
and we may infer that he is teaching to some fair
pupil the language of Fielding. He asks, too, for a
razor-case with four razors, a shaving mirror, and a
strong pocket-book with a lock. His famous ' chese
de post ' (post-chaise) is to be painted and repaired.

Business of a graver kind is in view. ' Newton '
(April 24) is to get ready to accompany the Prince
on a long journey, really to England, it seems.
Newton asked for a delay, on account of family
affairs. He was only to be known to the bearer as
' Mr. Newton,' of course not his real name.

On May 28, Charles makes a note about a mys-
terious lady, really Madame de Talmond.


' If ye lady abandons me at the last moment, to
give her the letter here following for ye F. K
[French King], and even ye original, if she thinks
it necessary, but with ye greatest secrecy ; apearing
to them already in our confidence that I will quit the
country, if she does not return to me immediately.'

Drafts of letters to the French King, in connec-
tion with Madame de Talmond — to be delivered,
apparently, if Charles died in England — will be
iliven later. To England he was now bent on making
his wav. ' Ye Prince is determined to go over at
any rate,' he wrote on a draft of May 3, 1750. l ' The
person who makes the proposal of coming over assures

1 Browne, iv. 68. I have not found the original in the Stuart
Papers at Windsor.



that lie will expose nobody but himself, supposing
the worst.' Sir Charles Goring is to send a ship for his
brother, Henry Goring, to Antwerp, early in August.
' To visit Mr. P. of D. [unknown] . . . and to agree

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