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where the arms &c. may be most conveniently landed,
the grand affair of L. [London ?] to be attempted at
the same time.' There are notes on ' referring the
Funds to a free Parliament,' ' The Tory landed interest
wished to repudiate the National Debt,' ' To acquaint

particular persons that the K. [King] will E '

(resign), which James had no intention of doing.

In preparation for the insurrection Charles, under
•extreme secrecy, deposited 186,000 livres (' livers ! ')
with Waters. He also ordered little silver counters
with his effigy, as the English Government came to
know, for distribution, and he commanded a miniature
■of himself, by Le Brun, ' with all the Orders.' This
miniature may have been a parting gift to Madame
de Talmond, or one of the other protecting ladies,
' adorable ' or quarrelsome. It is constantly spoken
of in the correspondence.

The real business in hand is revealed in the fol-
lowing directions for Goring. The Prince certainly
makes a large order on Dormer, and it is not prob-
able, though (from the later revelations of James Mohr
Macgregor) it is possible, that the weapons demanded
were actually procured.

June 8.

Letter and Directions for Goring. — ' Mr. Dutton
■will go directly to Anvers and there wait Mr. Barton's

^1/ /•///<■<• (vn ////:> in 1750
//'•'in ii mintiitiire in ^/Ler //Li/sj/t/.> cdL&ctum
at (I itid&or (oaAtle-,


arrival and asoon as you have received his Directions
you'l set out to join me, in the mean time you will
concert with Dormer the properest means of pro-
curing the things [' arms,' erased] I now order him,
in the strictest secrecy, likewise how I could be
concealed in case I came to him, and the safest way
of travelling to that country ? '

For Mr. Dormer. Same Date. Anvers.

' As you have already offered me by ye Bearer,
Mr. Goring, to furnish me what Arms necessary
for my service I hereby desire you to get me with
all ye expedition possible Twenty Thousand Guns,
Baionets, Ammunition proportioned, with four thou-
sand sords and Pistols for horces [cavalry] in one ship
which is to be ye first, and in ye second six thou-
zand Guns without Baionets but sufficient Amunition
and Six thouzand Brode sords ; as Mr. Goring has my
further Directions to you on them Affaires Leaves me
nothing farther to add at present.'

On June 11, Charles remonstrated with Madame
de Talmond : if she is tired of him, he will go to
' le Lorain.' ' Enfin, si vous voulez ma vie, il faut
changer de tout.' On June 27, Newton repeated
his expressions of suspicion about Cluny, and spoke
of ' disputes and broils ' among the Scotch as to the
seizure of the Loch Arkaig money.

On July 2, Charles, in cypher, asked James for
a renewal of his commission as Regent. Goring,
or Newton, was apparently sent at least as far as

H 2


Avignon with this despatch. He travelled as
Monsieur Fritz, a German, with complicated pre-
cautions of secrecy. James sent the warrant to be
Regent on parchment — it is in the Queen's Library —
but he added that Charles was ' a continual heart-
break,' and warned his son not to expect ' friendship
and favours from people, while you do all that is
necessary to disgust them.' He ' could not in
decency ' see Charles's envoy (August 4). On the
following day Edgar wrote in a more friendly style,
for this excellent man was of an amazing loyalty.

From James Edgar.

' August 5, 1750 : Eome.

' Your Roval Highness does me the greatest
pleasure in mentioning the desire you have to have
the King's head in an intaglio. There is nobody can
serve you as well in that respect as I, so I send you
by the bearers two, one on a stone like a ruby, but
it is a fine Granata, and H.M.'s hair and the first
letters of his name are on the inside of it. The
other head is on an emerald, a big one, but not
of a fine colour ; it is only set in lead, so you may
either set it in a ring, a seal, or a locket, as you
please : they are both cut by Costanzia, and very
well done.'

These intagli would be interesting relics for col-
lectors of such flotsam and jetsam of a ruined
dynasty. On August 25, Charles answered Edgar.
He is ' sorry that His Majesty is prevented against


the most dutiful of sons.' He sends thanks for the
engraved stones and the powers of Eegency. This
might well have been James's last news of Charles,
for he was on his way to London, a perilous expedi-
tion. 1

1 The Mr. Dormer who was Charles's agent is described in Burke
as ' James, of Antwerp,' sixth son, by his second marriage, of Charles,
fifth Lord Dormer.



(SEPTEMBER 1750 — JULY 175l)

The Prince goes to London — Futility of this tour — English Jacobites
described by .ZEneas Macdonald- -No chance but in Tearlach —
Credentials to Madame de Talmond — Notes of visit to London —
Doings in London — Gratifying conversion — Genis and medals —
Report by Hanbury Williams — Hume's legend — Report by a spy—
Billets to Madame de Talmond — Quarrel — Disappearance — ' The
old aunt ' — Letters to Mademoiselle Luci — Charles in Germany —
Happy thought of Hanbury Williams — Marshal Keith's mistress —
Failure of this plan — The English ' have a clue ' — Books for the
Prince — Mademoiselle Luci as a critic — Jealousy of Madame de
Tahnond — Her letter to Mademoiselle Luci — The young lady
replies — Her bad health — Charles's reflections — Frederick ' a clever
man ' — A new adventure.

The Prince went to London in the middle of Sep-
tember 1750 ; and why did he run such a terrible
risk ? Though he had ordered great quantities of
arms in June, no real preparations had been made
for a rising. His Highlanders — Glengarry, Loch-
garry, Archy Cameron, Clanranald — did not know
where he was. Scotland was not warned. As for
England, we learn the condition of the Jacobite


party there from a letter by iEneas Macdonald, the
banker, to Sir Hector Maclean — Sir Hector whom,
in his examination, he had spoken of as ' too fond of


the bottle.' l iEneas now wrote from Boulogne, in
September 1750. He makes it clear that peace,
luxury, and constitutionalism had eaten the very
heart out of the grandsons of the cavaliers. There
was grumbling enough at debt, taxes, a Hanoverian
King who at this very hour was in Hanover. Welsh
and Cheshire squires and London aldermen drank
Jacobite toasts in private. ' But,' says iEneas, ' there
are not in England three persons of distinction of the
same sentiments as to the method of restoring the
Eoyal family, some being for one way, some for
another.' They have neither heart nor money for
an armed assertion of their ideas. In 1745, Sir
William Watkins Wynne (who stayed at home in
Wales) had not 200/. by him in ready money, and
money cannot be raised on lands at such moments.
Yet this very man was believed to have spent
120,000/. in contested elections. ' It is very probable
that six times as much money has been thrown away
upon these elections ' — he means in the country
generally — ' as would have restored the King.'
iEneas knew another gentleman who had wasted
40,000/. in these constitutional diversions. ' The
present scheme,' he goes on, ' is equally weak.' The
English Jacobites were to seem to side with Frederick,
the Prince of Wales, in opposition, and force him,
when crowned, ' to call a free Parliament.' That
Parliament would proclaim a glorious Eestoration.
In fact, the English Jacobites were devoured by

1 State Papers. Examination of ^Eneas Macdonald.


luxury, pacific habits, and a desire to save their
estates by pursuing ' constitutional methods.' These,
as we shall see, Charles despised. If a foreign force
cannot be landed (if landed it would scarcely be
opposed), then ' there is no method so good as an
attempt such as Terloch [Tearlach] made : if there
be arms and money : men, I am sure, he will find
enough. . . . One thing you may take for granted,
that Terloch's appearance again would be worth
5,000 men, and that without him every attempt will
be vain and fruitless.' iEneas, in his examination,
talked to a different tune, as the poor timid banker,
distrusted and insulted by ferocious chieftains.

' Terloch ' was only too eager to ' show himself
again ' ; money and arms he seems to have procured
(d'Argenson says 4,000,000 francs !), but why go over
secretly to London, where he had no fighting par-
tisans ? There are no traces of a serious organised
plan, and the Prince probably crossed the water,
partly to see how matters really stood, partly from
restlessness and the weariness of a tedious solitude
in hiding, broken only by daily quarrels and re-
conciliations with the Princesse de Talmond and
other ladies.

We find a curious draft of his written on the
eve of starting.

' Credentials given ye 1st. Sept, 1750. to ye P. TV
(Princesse de Talmond).

4 Je me flate que S.M.T.C. [Sa Majeste Tres
Chretien] voudra bien avoire tout foi et credi a


Madame La P. de T., ma chere Cousine, come si
s'etoit mois-meme ; particulierement en l'assurant de
nouveau come qnois j'ai ses veritable interest pins
a cour que ses Ministres, etant toujours avec une
attachemen veritable et sincere pour sa sacre persone.
C. P. E.' (Charles, Prince Eegent).

A Mr. Le Due de Richelieu.

'Je comte sur votre Amitie, Monsieur, je vous
prie d'etre persuade de la mienne et de ma

4 All these are deponed, not to be given till
farther orders.'

What use the Princesse de Talmond was to make
of these documents, on what occasion, is not at all
obvious. That the Prince actually went to London,
we know from a memorandum in his own hand.
' My full powers and commission of Kegency renewed,
when I went to England in 1750, and nothing to be
said at Eome, for every thing there is known, and
my brother, who has got no confidence of my Father,
has always acted, as far as his power, against my
interest.' 1

Of Charles's doings in London, no record survives
in the Stuart Papers of 1750. We merely find this
jotting :

' Parted ye 2d. Sep. Arrived to A. [Antwerp]
ye 6th. Parted from thence ye 12th. Sept. E.
[England] ye 14th, and at L. [London] ye 16th.

1 July 1, 1754. Browne, iv. 122.


Parted from L. ye 22d. and arrived at P. ye 24th.
From P. parted ye 28th. Arrived here ye 30th
Sept. If she [Madame de Talmond, probably]
does not come, and ye M. [messenger] agreed on
to send back for ye Letters and Procuration [to] ye
house here of P. C. and her being either a tretor or
a hour, to cliuse which, [then] not to send to P. even
after her coming unless absolute necessity order,
requiring it then at her dor.'

On the back of the paper is :

' The letter to Grodie [Gaudie ?] retarded a post ;
ye Lady's being arrived, or her retard to be little, if
she is true stille.'

Then follow some jottings, apparently of the
lady's movements. 'N.S. [New style] ye 16th. Sept.
Either ill counselled or she has made a confidence.
M. Lorain's being here [the Duke of Lorraine, ex-
King of Poland, probably, a friend of Madame de
Talmond] ye 12th. Sept. To go ye same day with
ye i ng, speaking to W. [Waters ?] ye last day,
Madame A. here this last six weeks.'

These scrawls appear to indicate some commu-
nication between Madame de Talmond, the Duke of
Lorraine, and Louis XV. 1

In London Charles did little but espouse the
Anglican religion. Dr. King, in his ' Anecdotes,' tells
how the Prince took the refreshment of tea with him,
and how his servant detected a resemblance to the

1 Mr. Ewald's dates, as to the Prince's English jaunt, are wrong.
He has adopted those concerning the lady's movements, ii. 201.


busts sold in Eed Lion Square. He also appeared at
a party at Lady Primrose's, much to her alarm. 1 He
prowled about the Tower with Colonel Brett, and
thought a gate might be damaged by a petard. His
friends, including Beaufort and Westmoreland, held a
meeting in Pall Mall, to no purpose. The tour had
no results, except in the harmless region of the fine
arts. A medal was struck, by Charles's orders, and
we have the following information for collectors of
Jacobite trinkets. The English Government, never
dreaming that the Prince was in Pall Mall, was well
informed about cheap treasonable jewellery.

' Paris : August 31, 1750.

' The Artist who makes the seals with the head of
the Pretender's eldest Son, is called le Sieur Malapert,
his direction is hereunder, he sells them at 3 Livres
apiece, but by the Dozen he takes less.

' It is one Tate, who <?ot the engraving made on
metal, from which the Artist takes the impression on
his Composition in imitation of fine Stones of all
colours. This Tate was a Jeweller at Edinborough,
where he went into the Eebellion and having made
his escape, has since settled here, but has left his wife
and Family at Edinborough. He is put upon the list
of the French King's Bounty for eight hundred Livres
yearly, the same as is allowed to those that had a
Captain's Commission in the Pretender's Service and

1 Charles himself (S. P. Tuscany, December 16, 1783) told these
facts. But Hume is responsible for the visit to Lady Primrose, dating
it in 1753 ; wrongly, I think.


are fled hither. It is Sullivan and Ferguson who
employ Tate to get the 1,500 Seals done, he being a
man that does still Jeweller's business and follows it.
The Artist has actually done four dozen of seals,
which are disposed of, having but half a dozen left.
He expects daily an order for the said quantity more —
As there are no Letters or Inscription about it, the
Artist may always pretend that it is only a fancy head,
though it is in reality very like the Pretender's Eldest
Son.' 1

Oddly enough, we find Waters sealing, with this
very intaglio of the Prince, a letter to Edgar, in
1750. It is a capital likeness.

Wise after the event, Hanburv Williams wrote
from Berlin (October 13, 1750) that Charles was in
England, 'in the heart of the kingdom, in the
county of Stafford.' By October 20, Williams knows
that the Prince is in Suffolk. All this is probably a
mere echo of Charles's actual visit to London, re-
verberated from the French Embassy at Berlin, and
arriving at Hanbury Williams, he says, through an
Irishman, who knew a lacquey of the French Am-
bassador's. In English official circles no more than
this was known. Troops were concentrated near
Stafford after Charles had returned to Lorraine. Hume
told Sir John Pringle a story of how Charles was in
London in 1753, how George II. told the fact to
Lord Holdernesse, and how the King expressed his

1 Private Memorandum concerning the Pretender's eldest son.
Brit. Mus. Additional MSS.


good-humoured indifference. But Lord Holdernesse
contradicted the tale, as we have alread}^ observed.
If Hume meant 1750 by 1753 he was certainly
wrong. George was then in Hanover. In 1753 I
have no proof that Charles was in London, though
Young Glengarry told James that the Prince was ' on
the coast' in November 1752. If Charles did come
to London in 1753, and if George knew it, the in-
formation came through Pickle to Henry Pelham,
as will appear later. Hume gave the Earl Marischal
as his original authority. The Earl was likely to
be better informed about events of 1752-1753 than
about those of September 1750.

After Charles's departure from London, the
English Government received information from Paris
(October 5, 1750) to the following effect :

' Paris : October 5, 1750.

' It is supposed that the Pretender's Son keeps at
Montl'hery, six leagues from Paris, at Mr. Lumisden's,
or at Yilleneuve St. Georges, at a small distance
from Town, at Lord Nairn's ; Sometimes at Sens, with
Col. Steward and Mr. Ferguson ; when at Paris, at
Madme. la Princesse de Talmont's, or the Scotch
Seminary ; nobody travels with him but Mr. Goring,
and a Biscayan recommended to him by Marshal
Saxe : the young Pretender is disguised in an Abbe's
dress, with a black patch upon his eye, and his eye-
brows black'd.

'An Officer of Ogilvie's Eegimt. in this Service
listed lately. An Irish Priest, who belonged to the


Parish Church of S. Eustache at Paris, has left his
Living, reckoned worth 80/. St. a year, and is very
lately gone to London to be Chaplain to the Sardinian
Minister: he has carried with him a quantity of
coloured Glass Seals with the Pretender's Son's
Effigy, as also small heads made of silver gilt about
this bigness [example] to be set in rings, as also points
for watch cases, with the same head, and this motto
round " Look, Love, and follow." ' 1

On October 30, Walton wrote that James was
much troubled by a letter from Charles, doubtless
containing the news of his English failure ; perhaps
notifying his desertion of the Catholic faith. On
January 15, 1751, Walton writes that James has con-
fided to the Pope that Charles is at Boulogne-sur-Mer,
which he very possibly was. On January 9 and 22,
Horace Mann reports, on the information of Cardinal
Albani, that James and the Duke of York are ill with
grief. ' Something extraordinary has happened to
the Pretender's eldest son.' He had turned Protes-
tant, that was all. But Cardinal Albani withdraws
his statement, and thinks that nothing unusual has
really occurred. In fact, Charles, as we shall see,
had absolutely vanished for three months.

Charles returned to France in September 1750,
and renewed his amantium irae with Madame de
Talmond. Among the Stuart Papers of 1750 are
a number of tiny billets, easily concealed, and doubt-

1 A medal of 1750 bears a profile of Charles, as does one of
September 1752.


less passed to the lady furtively. ' Si vous ne voulez,
Seine de Maroc, pas cet faire, quelle plaisir mourir
de chagrin et de desespoire ! '

' Aiez de la Bonte et de confience pour celui qui
vous aime et vous adore passionement.'

To some English person :

' Ask the Channoine where you can by hocks
[buy hooks !] and lines for fishing, and by a few
hocks and foure lines.' 1

The Princess writes :

' Je partirai dimanche comme j'ai promis au Roy
de Pologne ' (Stanislas). ' Je vous embrasse bien
tendrement, si vous etes tel que vous devez etre a
mon egard.' She is leaving for Commercy. On the
reverse the Prince has written, ' Judi. Je comance a
ouvrire mes yeux a votre egar, Madame, vous ne
voulez pas de mois, ce soire, malgre votre promes, et
ma malheureuse situation.'

The quarrels grew more frequent and more em-
bittered. We have marked his suspicious view of
the lady's movements. On September 26, 1750, she
had not returned, and he wrote to her in the follow-
ing terms.

The Prince.

September 26, 1750.

' Je pars, Madame, dans L'instant, en Sorte que
vous feriez reflection, et retourniez au plus vite,
tout doit vous Engager, si vous avez de l'amitie pour

1 This may be of 1752-1753, and the ' Channoine ' may be Miss
Walkinshaw, who was a canoness of a noble order.


mois, Car je ne puis pas me dispenser de vous re-
peter, Combien chaque jour de votre absence faira du
tor a mes afFaier outre Le desire d'avoire une Com-
pagnie si agreable dans une si triste solitude, que ma
malheureuse situation m'oblige indispensablement de
tenire. J'ai cesse [?] des Ordres positive a Mile. Luci,
de ne me pas envoier La Moindre Chose meme une
dilligence come aussi de mon cote je n'en veres rien,
jusqu'a ce que vous soiez arrive.

' Quant vous partires alors Mdll. Luci vous re-
mettera tout ce quil aura pour mois, vous rien de
votre cote que votre personne.'

On the same paper Charles announces his inten-
tion of going instantly to ' Le Lorain.' There must
have been a great quarrel with Madame de Talmond,
outwearied by the exigencies of a Prince doomed to
a triste solitude after a week of London. On Sep-
tember 30 he announces to Waters that there will be
no news of him till January 15, 1751. For three
months he disappears beyond even his agent's ken.
On October 20 he writes to Mademoiselle Luci, styling
himself Mademoiselle Chevalier,' and calling Madame
de Talmond ' Madame Le Nord.' The Princesse de
Talmond has left him, is threatening him, and mav
ruin him.

' Le October 20, 1750.

' A Mil. Luci : Mademoiselle Chevalier est tres
affligee de voir le peu d'egard que Madame Lenord a
pour ses Interest. La Miene du 12 auroit ete La
derniere mais cette dame a ecrit une Letre en date du


18 a M. Le Lorrain qui a choque cette Demoiselle
[himself], Et je puis dire avec raison quelle agit come
Le plus Grand de ses ennemis par son retard, elle
ajoute encor a cela des menaces si on La presse
d'avantage, et si Ton se plain de son indigne procede.
Md. Poulain seroit deja partit, et partiroit si cette
dame lui en donnoit Les Moiens. Je ne puis trop
vous faire connoitre Le Tort que Md. Lenord fait a
cette demoiselle en abandonant sa societe et La
risque qu'elle fait courir a Md. de Lille qui par La
pouroit faire banqueroute.

' A Mdll. La Marre.

Chez M. Lecuyer tapisse [Tapissier].
Grande Rue Garonne, Faubourg

St. Germain a Paris.

' Vous pouvez accuser La reception de cette
Lettre par Le premier Ordinaire a M. Le Vieux
[Old Waters].

' Adieu Mdll.

' Je vous embrace de tout mon Cour.'

On November 7 Charles writes again to Made-
moiselle Luci : the Princesse de Talmond is here la
vieille tante : now estranged and perhaps hostile.
Madame de la Bruere is probably the wife of M. de la
Bruere, whom Montesquieu speaks highly of when, in
1749, he was Charge d'Affaires in Borne. 1


Montesquieu to the Abbe de Guasco, March 7, 1749.


' Le 7 Nov. 1750.

1 Mdlle. Luci, — Je suis fort Etone Mademoiselle
qu'une fame de cette Age qua notre Tante soi si
deresonable. Elle se done tout La paine immaginable
pour agire contre Les interets de sa niece par son
retard du payment dont vous m'avez deja parle.

' Voici une lettre que je vous prie de cachete, et
d'y mettre son adress, et de l'envoier sur Le Champ
a Madame de Labruiere. II est inutile d'hors en
avant que vous communiquier aucune Chose de ce
qui regard Mile. Chevalier [himself], a Md. la Tante
[Talmond] jusqu'a ce que Elle pense otrement, car,
il n'est que trop cler ques es procedes sont separes
et oposes a ce qui devroit etre son interet. Je vous
embrace de tout mon Coeur.'

These embraces are from the supposed Made-
moiselle Chevalier. There is no reason to suppose a
tender passion between Charles and the girl who was
now his Minister of Affairs, Foreign and Domestic.
But Madame de Talmond, as we shall learn, became
jealous of Mademoiselle Luci.

His deeper seclusion continues.

Madame de Talmond, in the folio wins letter, is as
before, la tante. The ' merchandise ' is letters for the
Prince, which have reached Mademoiselle Luci, and
which she is to return to Waters, the banker.

' Le 16 Nov. 1750.

' A Mdll. Luci : Je vous ai ecrit Mademoiselle,
Le 7, avec une incluse pour Md. de La Bruiere, je


vous prie de m'en accuser la reception a Fadresse de
M. Le Vieux [Old Waters], et de me donner des
Nouvelles de M. de Lisle [unknown] ; pour se que
regarde Les Merchandises de modes que vous avez
chez vous depuis que j'ai eu Le plaisir de vous voire
et que cette Tante [Madame de Talmond] veut avoire
l'indignite d'en differer le paiement, il faut que vous
les renvoiez au memes Marchands de qui vous Les
avez recu et leur dire que vous craignez ne pas
avoir de longtems une occasion favorable pour Les
debiter, ainsi qu'en attendant vous aimez mieux
quelles soient dans leurs mains que dans Les votres.
Je vous embrasse de tout mon Coeur.'

By November 19, Charles is indignant even with
Mademoiselle Luci, who has rather tactlessly shown
the letter of November 7 to Madame de Talmond, la
tante, la vieille Femme. Oh, the unworthy Prince !

Charles's epistle follows :

19th Nov.

' Je suis tres surprise, Mademoiselle, de votre
Lettre du 15, par Laquelle vous dites avoire montres
a la tante une Lettre touchant les Affaires de Mdlle.
Chevalier, cependant la mienne du 7 dont vous
m'accuses La reception vous marquoit positivement
Le contraire, Mr. De Lisle ne voulant pas qu'on
parlet a cette vieille Femme jesqu'a ce qu'elle chan-
geat de sentiment, et qu'elle paix la somme si neces-
saire a son Commerce. Ne vous serriez vous pas
trompee de l'adresse de l'incluse pour la jeune Mar-

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