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chande de Mdlle. La bruiere — Vous devez peut ete

I 2


La connoitre ; si cela est, je vous prie de me le
Marquer et d'y remedier an plutot. Enfin Made-
moiselle vous me faites tomber des nues et les pauvretes
que vous me marquez sont a mepriser. Elles ne
peuvent venir que de cette tante, ce sont des couleurs
qui ne peuvent jaimais prendre.

' Adieu Mdlle., n'attendez plus de mes nouvelles
jusqu'a ee que le paiement soit fait. Soiez Toujours
assuree de ma sincere ami tie.'

Charles's whole career, alas ! after 1748, was a set
of quarrels with his most faithful adherents. This
break with his old mistress, Madame de Talmond, is
only one of a fatal series. With Mademoiselle Luci he
never broke : we shall see the reason for this constancy.
His correspondence now includes that of ' John
Dixon,' of London, a false name for an adherent who
has much to say about ' Mr. Best ' and ' Mr. Sadler.'
The Prince was apparently at or near Worms ; his
letters went by Mayence. On December 30 he sends
for ' L'Esprit des Lois ' and ' Les Amours de Mile. Fan-
fiche,' and other books of diversified character. On
December 31, his birthday, he wrote to Waters, ' the
indisposition of those I employ has occasioned this
long silence.' Mr. Dormer was his chief medium
of intelligence with England. ' Commerce with
Germany ' is mentioned ; efforts, probably, to interest
Frederick the Great. On January 27,1751, Mademoi-
selle Luci is informed that la tante has paid (probably
returned his letters), but with an ill grace. Cluny
sends ah account of the Loch Arkaig money (only


12,981/. is left) and of the loyal clans. Glengarry's
contingent is estimated at 3,000 men. In England,
'Paxton' (Sir W. W. Wynne) is dead. On Feb-
ruary 28, 1751, Charles is somewhat reconciled to his
old mistress. 'Je me flatte qu'en cette Nouvelle
Annee vous vous corrigerez, en attendant je suis come
je serois toujours, avec toutte la tendresse et amitie
possible, C. P.'

It is, of course, just possible that, from October
1750 to February 1751, Charles was in Germany,
trying to form relations with Frederick the Great.
Goring, under the name of ' Stouf,' was certainly
working in Germany. Sir Charles Hanbury
Williams at Berlin wrote on February 6, 1751, to the
Duke of Newcastle :

' Hitherto my labours have been in vain. But I
think I have at present hit upon a method which
may bring the whole to light. And I will here take
the liberty humbly to lay my thoughts and proposals
before Your Grace. Feldt Marshal Keith has lone:
had a mistress who is a Livonian, and who has always
had an incredible ascendant over the Feldt Marshal,
for it was certainly upon her account that his
brother, the late Lord Marshal, quitted his house,
and that they now live separately. About a week ago
(during Feldt Marshal Keith's present illness) the King
of Prussia ordered that this woman should b-3 imme-
diately sent out of his dominions. Upon which she
quitted Berlin, and is certainly gone directly to Riga,
which is the place of her birth. Now, as I am well


persuaded that she was in all the Feldt Marshal's
secrets, I would humbly submit it to Your Grace,
whether it might not be proper for His Majesty to order
his Ministers at the Court of Petersburgh to make
instance to the Empress of Eussia, that this woman
might be obliged to come to Petersburgh, where, if
proper measures were taken with her, she may give
much light into this, and perhaps into other affairs.
The reason why I would have her brought to Peters-
burgh is, that if she is examined at Eiga, that exami-
nation would probably be committed to the care of
Feldt Marshal Lasci, who commands in Chief, and
constantly resides there, and I am afraid, would not
take quite so much pains to examine into the bottom
of an affair of this nature, as I could wish. . . .

' C. Banbury Williams.'

It is not hard to interpret the words ' proper
measures ' as understood in the land of the knout.
The mistress of Field Marshal Keith could not be got
at ; she had gone to Sweden, and this chivalrous
proposal failed. The woman was not tortured in
Eussia to discover a Prince who was in or near
Paris. 1

At the very moment when Williams, from Berlin,
was making his manly suggestion, Lord Albemarle,
from Paris (February 10, 1751), was reporting

1 The sequel of the chivalrous attempt to catch Keith's mistress
may be found in letters of Newcastle to Colonel Guy Dickens (Febru-
ary 12, 1751), and of Dickens (St. Petersburg, March 27, 30, May 4,
1751) to the Duke of Newcastle. (State Papers.)

A CLUE 119

to his Government that Charles had been in
Berlin, and had been received by Frederick 'with
great civility.' The King, however, did not accede
to Charles's demand for his sister's hand. This
report is probably incorrect, for Charles's notes to
Mademoiselle Luci at this time indicate no great
absence from the French capital.

On February 17, 1751, the English Government,
like the police, ' fancied they had a clue.' The Duke
of Bedford wrote to Lord Albemarle, ' His Majesty
would have your Excellency inform M. Puysieux that
you have it now in your power to have the Young Pre-
tender's motions watched, in such a manner as to be
able to point out to him where he may be met with ;
and that his Majesty doth therefore insist that, in
conformity to the treaties now subsisting between
the two nations he be immediately obliged to leave
France. . . . He must be sent by sea, either into
the Ecclesiastical States, or to such other country at
a distance from France, as may render it impossible
for him to return with the same facility he did
before.' 1

These hopes of Charles's arrest were disappointed.

On March 4, young Waters heard of the Prince
at the opera ball in Paris. He sent the Prince a
watch from the Abbess of English nuns at Pontoise.
Charles was always leaving his watches under his
pillow. He certainly was not far from Paris. He
scolded Madame de Talmond for returning thither

1 Correspondence of the Duke of Bedford, ii. 09.


(March 4), and sent to Mademoiselle Luci a commission
for books, such as ' Attilie tragedie ' (' Athalie ') and
' Histoire de Miss Clarisse, Lettres Anglaises ' (Kichard-
son's ' Clarissa '), and 'La Chimie de Nicola' (sic);
Mademoiselle Luci, writing on March 5, tells how the
Philosophe (Montesquieu), their friend, has heard a
Monsieur Le Fort boast of knowing the Prince's hiding-
place. ' The Philosophe turned the conversation.' The
Prince answers that Le Fort is tres galant homme, but
a friend of la tante (Madame de Talmond), who must
have been blabbing. He was in or near Paris, for he
corresponded constantly with Mademoiselle Luci. The
young lady assures him that some new philosophical
books which he had ordered are worthless trash.
' L'Histoire des Passions ' and 'Le Spectacle de
l'Homme ' are amateur rubbish ; ' worse was never

The Prince now indulged in a new cypher. Walsh
(his financial friend) is Legrand, Kennedy is Newton
(as before), Dormer at Antwerp (his correspondent
with England) is Mr. Blunt, ' Gorge in England '
(Gorge !) is Mr. White, and so on. Owing to the
death of Frederick, Prince of Wales, there was a
good deal of correspondence with ' Dixon ' and ' Miss
Fines ' — certainly Lady Primrose — while Dixon may
be James Dawkins, or Dr. King, of St. Mary's Hall,
Oxford. On May 16, Charles gave Goring instruc-
tions as to ' attempting the Court of Prussia, or any
other except France, after their unworthy proceed-
ings.' Goring did not set out till June 21, 1751.
From Berlin the poor man was to go to Sweden. In


April, Madame de Talmond was kind to Charles ' si mal-
heureux et par votre position et par votre caractere.'
Mademoiselle Luci was extremely ill in May and June,
indeed till October ; this led to a curious correspon-
dence in October between her and la vieille tante.
Madame de Talmond was jealous of Mademoiselle Luci,
a girl whom one cannot help liking. Though out of
the due chronological course, the letters of these ladies
may be cited here.

From Madame de Beauregard (Madame de Talmond)
to Mademoiselle Luci.

' October 19, 1751.

' The obstinacy of your taste for the country,
Mademoiselle, in the most abominable weather, is
only equalled by the persistence of your severity to-
wards me. I have written to you from Paris, I have
written from Versailles, with equal success — not a
word of answer ! Whether you want to imitate, or
to pay court to our amie [the Prince] I know not,
but would gladly know, that I may yield everything
with a good grace, let it cost what it will. As a rule
it would cost me much, na} r , all, to sacrifice your
friendship. But I have nothing to contest with old
friends, who are more lovable than myself. On my
side I have only the knowledge and the feeling of
your worth, which require but discernment and jus-
tice. From such kinds of accomplishments as these,
you are dispensed. So serious a letter might be
tedious without being long, but it is saddened


also by the weary weight of my own spirits. Will
you kindly give me news of your health and of your
return to town ? I am sorry that Paris does not
interest me ; I am going to Fontainebleau at the end
of the week.'

Mademoiselle Luci replies with dignity.

' October 22, 1751.

' Madame, — A fever, and many other troubles,
have prevented me from answering the three letters
with which you have honoured me. Permit me to
mingle a few complaints with my thanks ! Were I
capable of the sentiments which you attribute to me,
I could not deserve your nattering esteem. Its
expressions I should be compelled to regard merely
as an effort of extreme politeness on your side.
Assuredly, Madame, I am strongly attached to
Madame your friend [the Prince] ; for her I would
suffer and do everything short of stooping to an act
of baseness. If, Madame, you have not found in me
virtues which will assure you of this, at least trust
my faults ! My character is not supple. The one
thing which makes my frankness endurable is, that
it renders me incapable of conduct for which I
should have to blush. Believe, then, Madame, that
I can preserve my friendship for your friend, without
falling, as you suspect, into the baseness of paying
court to her [the Prince], in spite of the respect
which I owe to you*

The letters of the ladies (in French) are copied


by the Prince's hand, nor has he improved the ortho-
graphy. I therefore translate these epistles.

On July 10, 17-31, after a tremendous quarrel
with Madame de Talmond, Charles wrote out his
political reflections. France must apologise to him
before he can enter into any measures with her
Court. ' I have nothing at heart but the interest of
my country, and I am always ready to sacrifice
everything for it, Life and rest, but the least reflec-
tion as to ye point of honour I can never pass over.
There is nobody whatsoever I respect more as ye K.
of Prussia ; not as a K. but as I believe him to be a
clever man. Has he intention to serve me ? Proofs
must be given, and ye only one convincive is his
agreeing to a Marriage with his sister, and acknow-
ledging me at Berlin for what I am.' He adds that
he will not be a tool, ' like my ansisters.'

Such were Charles's lonely musings, such the
hopeless dreams of an exile. He had now entered
on his attempt to secure Prussian aid, and on a fresh
chapter of extraordinary political and personal




Hopes from Prussia — The Murrays of Elibank — Imprisonment of
Alexander Murray — Eecommended to Charles — The Elibank plot
— Prussia and the Earl Marischal— His early history — Ambassador
of Frederick at Versailles — His odd household — Voltaire — The Duke
of Newcastle's resentment — Charles's view of Frederick's policy
—His alleged avarice — Lady Montagu — His money-box — Goring
and the Earl Marischal — Secret meetings — The lace shop — Albe-
marle's information — Charles at Ghent — Hanbury Williams's
mares' nests — Charles and ' La Grandemain ' — She and Goring
refuse to take his orders— Appearance of Miss Walkinshaw — Her
history — Eemonstrances of Goring—' Commissions for the worst
of men ' — ' The little man ' — Lady Primrose — Death of Mademoi-
selle Luci — November 10, date of postponed Elibank plot — Danger
of dismissing an agent.

We have seen that Charles's hopes, in July 17-51,
were turned towards Prussia and Sweden. To these
Courts he had sent Goring in June. Meanwhile a
new and strange prospect was opening to him in
England. On the right bank of Tweed, just above
Ashiesteil, is the ruined shell of the old tower of
Elibank, the home of the Murrays. A famous lady
of that family was Muckle Mou'd Meg, whom young
Harden, when caught while driving Elibank's kye,
preferred to the gallows as a bride. In 1751 the owner


of the tower on Tweed was Lord Elibank ; to all
appearance a douce, learned Scots laird, the friend of
David Hume, and a customer for the wines of Montes-
quieu's vineyards at La Brede. He had a younger
brother, Alexander Murray, and the politics of the
pair, says Horace Walpole, were of the sort which at
once kept the party alive, and made it incapable of
succeeding. Their measures were so taken that they
did not go out in the Forty-five, yet could have
proved their loyalty had Charles reached St. James's
in triumph. Walpole calls Lord Elibank ' a very
prating, impertinent Jacobite.' 1 As for the younger
brother, Alexander Murray, Sir Walter Scott writes,
in his introduction to ' Eedgauntlet,' " a young Scotch-
man of rank is said to have stooped so low as to plot
the surprisal of St. James's Palace and the assassina-
tion of the Eoval family.'

This was the Elibank plot, which we shall eluci-
date later.

In the spring and summer of 1751, Alexander
Murrav had lain in Newgate, on a charge of brawling
at the Westminster election. He was kept in durance
because he would not beg the pardon of the House
on his knees : he only kneeled to God, he said. He
was released by the sheriffs at the close of the session,
and was escorted by the populace to Lord Elibank's
house in Henrietta Street. He then crossed to France,
and, in July 1751, 'Dixon' (Dr. King?) thus reports
of him to Charles :

1 Letters, ii. 11 ,; .


' My lady [Lady Montagu or Lady Primrose ?]
says that M. [Murray] is most zealously attached to
you, and that he is upon all occasions ready to obey
your commands, and to meet you when and where
you please ... He assures my lady that he can
raise five hundred men for your service in and about

These men were to be used in a plot for seizing
the Eoyal family in London. This scheme went on
simmering, blended with intrigues for Prussian and
Swedish help, and, finally, with a plan for a simul-
taneous rising in the Highlands. And this combina-
tion was the last effort of Jacobitism before the
general abandonment of Charles by his party.

The hopes, as regarded Prussia, were centred
in Frederick's friend, the brother of Marshal Keith,
the Earl Marischal. The Earl was by this time an
old man. At Queen Anne's death he had held a
command in the Guards, and if he had frankly backed
Atterbury when the bishop proposed to proclaim
King James, the history of England might have been
altered, and the Duke of Argyll's regiment, at Ken-
sington, would have had to fight for the Crown. 1 The
Earl missed his chance. He fought at Shirramuir
(1715), and he with his brother, later Marshal Keith,
was in the unlucky Gdensheil expedition from Spain
(1719). That endeavour failed, leaving hardly a
trace, save the ghost of a foreign colonel which
haunts the roadside of Glensheil. From that date

1 Spence's Anecdotes, p. 168.


the Earl was a cheery, contented, philosophic exile,
with no high opinion of kings. Spain was often his
abode, where he found, as he said, ' his old friend,
the sun.' In 1744 he declined to accompany the
Prince, in a herring-boat, to Scotland. In the Forty-
five he did not cross the Channel, but, as we have
seen, endeavoured to wring men and money from
d'Argenson. In 1747 the Earl, then at Treviso,
declined to be Charles's minister on the score of
' broken health.' a Charles, as we saw, vainly asked
the Earl for a meeting at Venice in 1749. Indeed,
Charles got nothing from his adherent but a mother-
of-pearl snuff-box, with the portrait of the old gentle-
man.' 2 The Earl dwelt, not always on the best terms,
with his brother, Marshal Keith, at Berlin, and was
treated as a real friend, for a marvel, by Frederick.

On Julv '20 the Earl had seen Goring at Berlin,
and wrote to Charles. Nothing, he said, could be
done by Swedish aid. If Sweden moved, Russia
would attack her, nor could Frederick, in his turn,
assail Eussia, for Eussia and the Empress Maria
Theresa would have him between two fires. 3 Frederick
now (August 1751) took a step decidedly unfriendly
as regarded his uncle of England. He sent the Earl
Marischal as his ambassador to the Court of Versailles.
This was precisely as if the United States were to
send a banished Fenian as their Minister to Paris.
The Earl was proscribed for treason in England, and,
as we shall see, his house in Paris became the centre

1 Browne, iv. 17. 2 Stuart Papers. 5 Ibid.


of truly Fenian intrigues. On these the worthy Earl
was wont to give the opinion of an impartial friend.
All this was known to the English Government, as
we shall show, through Pickle, and the knowledge
must have strained the relations between George II.
and ' our Nephew,' as Horace Walpole calls Frederick
of Prussia.

The Earl's household, when he left Potzdam in
August 1751 for Paris, is thus described by Voltaire :
' You will see a very pretty little Turkess, whom he
carries with him : they took her at the siege of
Oczakow, and made a present of her to our Scot,
who seems to have no great need of her. She is
an excellent Mussalwoman : her master allows her
perfect freedom of conscience. He has also a sort of
Tartar Valet de chambre [Stepan was his name], who
has the honour to be a Pagan.' l On October 29,
Voltaire writes that he has had a letter from the
Earl in Paris. ' He tells me that his Turk girl, whom
he took to the play to see Mahomet [Voltaire's
drama] was much scandalised.'

Voltaire was to receive less agreeable news from
the friend of Frederick. ' Some big Prussian will
box your ears,' said the Earl Marischal, after Voltaire's
famous quarrel with his Eoyal pupil.

The appointment of an attainted rebel to be
Ambassador at Versailles naturally offended England.
The Duke of Newcastle wrote to Lord Hardwicke : 2

1 Potzdam, August 24, 1751. CEuvres, xxxviii. 307. Edition of

2 Newcastle to Lord Chancellor, September 6, 1751. Life of Lord
Ha/rdwiclte, ii. 404.


' One may easily see the views with which the
King of Prussia has taken this offensive step : first,
for the sake of doing an impertinence to the King ;
then to deter us from o'oingr on with our negotiations
in the Empire, for the election of a King of the
Romans, and to encourage the Jacobite party, that
we may apprehend disturbances from them, if a
rupture should ensue in consequence of the measures
we are taking abroad.' He therefore proposes a
subsidy to Russia, to overawe Frederick.

At Paris, Yorke remonstrated. Hardwicke writes
on September 10, 1751 :

' I am glad Joe ventured to say what he did to
M. Puysieux,' but ' Joe ' spoke to no purpose.

James was pleased by the Earl Marischal's pro-
motion and presence in Paris. Charles, at first, was
aggrieved. He wrote :

' L. M. coming to Paris is a piece of French
politics, on the one side to bully the people of
England ; on the other hand to hinder our friends
from doing the thing by themselves, bambouseling
them with hopes. . . . They mean to sell us as
usual. . . . The Doctor [Dr. King] is to be in-
formed that Goring saw Lord Marischal, but nothing
to be got from him.'

The Prince mentions his ' distress for money,' and
sends compliments to Dawkins, ' Jemmy Dawkins,
of whom we shall hear plenty. He sends ' a watch
for the lady ' (Lady Montagu ?).

I venture a guess at Lady Montagu, because Dr.



King tells, as a proof of Charles's avarice, that he
took money from a lady in Paris when he had plenty
of his own. 1

Now, on September 15, 1751, Charles sent to
Dormer a receipt for ' One Thousand pounds, which
he paid me by orders for account of the Eight Hon-
ourable Vicecountess of Montagu,' signed ' C. P. E.' 2
Again, on quitting Paris on December 1, 1751, he
left, in a coffer, ' 2,250 Louidors, besides what there
is in a little bag above, amounting to about 130
guines, and od Zequins or ducats.' These, with ' a
big box of books,' were locked up in the house of the
Comtesse de Vasse, Eue St. Dominique, Faubourg de
St. Germain, in which street Montesquieu lived. The
deposit was restored later to Charles by ' Madame La'
'Grandemain,' ' sister ' of Mademoiselle Luci. In truth,
Charles, for a Prince with an ambition to conquer
England, was extremely poor, and a loyal lady did
not throw away her guineas, as Dr. King states, on a
merely avaricious adventurer. Charles (August 25,
1751) was in correspondence with 'Daniel Mac-
natnara, Esq., at the Grecian Coffee-house, Temple,
London,' who later plays a fatal part in the Prince's

This is a private interlude : we return to practical

No sooner was the Earl Marischal in Paris than

1 Anecdotes.

2 Stuart Papers. Lady Montagu was Barbara, third daughter of
Sir John Webbe of Hathorp, county Gloucester. In July 1720 she
married Axithony Brown, sixth Viscount Montagu.


Charles made advances to the old adherent of his
family. He sent Goring post-haste to the French
capital. Goring, who already knew the Earl, writes
(September 20, 1751) : ' My instructions are not to let
myself be seen by anybody whatever but your Lord-
ship.' The Earl answers on the same day : ' If you
yourself know any safe way for both of us, tell it me.
There was a garden belonging to a Mousquetaire,
famous for fruit, by Pique-price, beyond it some way.
I could go there as out of curiosity to see the garden,
and meet you to-morrow towards five o'clock ; but if
you know a better place, let me know it. Eemember,
I must go with the footmen, and remain in coach as
usual, so that the garden is best, because I can say,
if it came possibly to be known, that it was by chance
I met you.'

' An ambassador,' as Sir Henry Wotton remarked,
' is an honest man sent to lie abroad for his country,'
an observation taken very ill by Gentle King-
Jamie. 1

Goring replied that the garden was too public.
The night would be the surest time. Goring- could
wear livery, or dress as an abbe. The Tuileries, when
' literally dark,' might serve. On September 23, the
Earl answers, ' One of my servants knows you since
Vienna.' Goring, as we know, had been in the Austrian
service. ' I will go to the Tuileries when it begins
to grow dark, if it does not rain, for it would seem too
od that I had choose to walk in rain, and my footman

1 Walton's Life of Wotton.

k 2


would suspect, and perhaps spye. I shall walk
along the step or terrace before the house in the
garden.' 1

So difficult is it for an ambassador to dabble in
treasonable intrigue, especially when old, and when
the weather is wet. Let us suppose that Goring and
the Earl met. Goring's business was to ask if the
Earl ' has leave to disclose the secret that was not in
his power to do, last time you saw him. I am ready
to come myself, and meet him where he pleases.'

Meetings were difficult to arrange. We read, in
the Prince's hand :

To Lord M. from Goring .

' 18th Oct. 1751.

' Saying he had received an express from the
Prince with orders to tell him [Lord M.] his place of
residence, and making a suggestion of meeting at
Waters's House.

'Answer made 18th. Oct. by Lord M.

' You may go to look for Lace as a Hamborough
Merchant. I go as recommended to a Lace Shop by
Mr. Waters and shall be there as it grows dark, for
a pretence of staying some time in the house you
may also say you are recommended by Waters.

' Mr Vignier Marchand de Doreure rue du Eoute,
au Soleil D'or. Paris.'

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