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Archibald Alison.

History of Europe from the fall of Napoleon in MDCCCXV to the accession of Louis Napoleon in MDCCCLI (Volume 1)

. (page 111 of 127)

noiitriil, or iiu'liiicil to bo Liberal, to vote with
the nionarehieal party.

Jvolwithstandinp these favorablo appearances
n,-, in tlie eleelions, aiui the imlieatioii

SiaU'ofpub- they aflonletl oftlie state of opinion
1r- opinion, jh tbc wealthier classes, in whom
the snlTrage wa.s exclusively vested, the tone
of general feeling Avas very imieh opposed to
this; and the results of the elections tended
only to augment the discontent generally felt
in the towns, at least in the middle classes of
eoeietv. Those important classes, who alone
had emerged unscathed from the storms of the
Ilovolntion, were extremely ambitious of enjoy-
ing the powers and the freedom of self-govorn-
ment., and felt proportionate jealousy of an ad-
ministration which was based on aristocratic
influences, and closely connected with the ultra
party in the Church. It was the latter eireum-
slance which, more than any other, tended to
depopularize the Government of the llestora-
tion, and in its ultimate results induced its fall.
The reason was, that it ran counter to the
strongest passion of the Revolution, and the
one which alone had survived in full vigor all
i;s convulsions. That passion was the desire
of freedom of t/iou/jf/it — the strongest wish of
emancipated man — the source of all social im-
provement, and all advances in science, litera-
ture, or art, but the deadly enemy of that des-
t 01 ism of opinion which the Romish Church
a I so long ( stablished, and sought to continue
over its vot.-i.ies. The Royalists committed a
c;ipital mistake in allying themselves with this
power — the declared and inveterate enemy of
all real intelligence, and therefore the object of
its unceasing and unmeasured hostility. Those
Lest acquainted with the state of France during
the Restoration are unanimous in ascribing to
this circumstance the increasing unpopularity
of Government during its later j-ears, and its
ultimate fall.* And — markworthy circum-
stance! — at the very same time, it was in the
support of the clergy, and the identitj- of feel-
ing between them and the vast majority of the
educated classes of society, that the British gov-
ernment found their firmest bulwark against
the efforts of the revolutionists — a clear proof
that there is no real antagonism, but, on the
contrary, the closest national alliance between
the powers of thought and the feelings of devo-
tion, and that it was the ambition and despot-
ism of the Church of Rome that alone set them
at variance with each other. The French Rev-
olution, in all its phases, was mainly a reaction
against the revocation of the Edict of Nantes ;
and had Louis XIY. not sent half a million of
J .. innocent Protestants into exile, his

322 325." descendants would not have been
now suppliants in foreign lands.'

While France and England were thus Vi-ith
difficulty struggling with the fresh outbreak of
the revolutionary- passions which had resulted
from the overthrow of the government in Spain,
the monarch of that country was sinking fast into



* " Religieux par nature, je dis avec douleur, ce qui lit
le plus de mat a la Rcstauration, ce fut precisement cette
idee qu'on parvint a inculqut-r au peuple, que les Bourbons
s'identifiaient avec le clerge." — Capefigle, Histoire de
la Restauration, vii. 322.



that state of impotence and degradation which
in troublous times is the invariable 07.
precursor of final ruin. After the Attempted
liuniiliation expcrioiictd in the affair rL-storation
of the gmirds at Ma.lrid. which has !Jul,,ori"/;;J
been recounted in a former chapter,' Madrid,
the king ]!erceived that a vigorous '^'"I"- 1^21.
effort had become necessary to vindi- ' Ante, c.
cate his fallen power, and he resolved ^'''' * "-•
to make it in i>ei'son. lie came suddenly, accord-
ingly, into the hall of the Council of State, when
its members (a sort of permanent Coites) were
assembled, and in a lotig and impassioned speech
detailed the series of humiliations to which his
Liberal Ministry had subjected him. He paint-
ed his autliority set at notight, his complaints dis-
regarded, his dignity saciiticed. He recounted
the long course of sulfering which he had under-
gone, and concluded with declaring that the lim-
its of human endurance had been readied, and
that he was resolved to deliver himself from
his oppressors. Stupefied at this sudden out-
break, the Council directed the Ministers to be
called in, that they might be heard in their de-
fense ; but when they arrived, instetid of vindi-
cating themselves, they commenced an attack
upon the king, recapitulated all his violent and
illegal acts, and even accused him of having
violated his oath, and conspired to overturn
the constitution. Furious at this unexpected
resistance to his authorifj-, the king rushed out
of the hall, and signed an order for the immedi-
ate arrest of his Ministers. But his attendants
and famil}' represented to him in such strong
colors the extreme peril of such a step, of which
no one could foresee the consequences, that the
order, before it could be executed, was revoked,
and the Ministers remained in power. But as
the king's secret intention had now been re-
vealed, the seeds of irreconcilable jealousy had JB
been sown between him and his Ministers; and J|
the executive, toin by intestine divisions, ceased ^^
to be any longer the object either of resj.ect or

a])preliension to the ambitious Lib- , ., ,. „„
II ■ 11 J • . ^ Martignac,

erals, who were rapidly drawing to j. aes, 2TO;
themselves the whole power and con- Ann. Hist,
sidcration in the state. ^ '^- '*^®' ^^^•

The result soon appeared. The session of the
Cortes opened on 1st March, 1821, and gs
the king, who had adopted from his Opening of
Ministers his opening speech, added tlie Cortes,
to it several sentences of his own gg^'o/^jJe^
composition. In the first part of it Ministers,
he astonished the Royalists by an un- March l,
equivocal approbation of the revolu- ^*'^^-
tions of Naples and Piedmont, blamed the King
of Naples for having gone to the congress of
sovereigns at Laybach, and openly condemned
the threatened invasion of the Neapolitan States
by the Austrian forces. The Liberals were in
tran.sports ; they could scarcely believe their
own ears; the king seemed at last to have
identified himself in good earnest with the
cause of revolution, and loud applause testified
the satisfaction of the majority at the senti-
ments which had proceeded from the throne.
But what was their surprise when, after this
concession to the demoerac}', the king suddenly
began on a new key, and, raising his voice as
he came to the sentences composed by himself
or his secret advisers, recapitulated the repeat-
ed attempts made to represent him as insincere



1321.]



HISTORY OF EUROPE.



385



fn his career as a constitutional sovereign, the
insults to which, in his person and his govern-
ment, he had so often been subjected — " in-
sults," he added, " to which he would not be sub-
jected if the executive power possessed the ener-
gy which the constitution demands, and which,
if continued, will involve the Spanish nation in
unheard-of calamities." The audience were stu-
pefied by these unexpected words ; the Ministers
felt themselves struck at ; they re-
>^439 4^4o'' collected the former scene in the
Lac. ill. 32oi Council of State, and, deeming them-
321 ; Martig- selves secure of victory ij they held
nac, i. 275, ^^^.^ j^ ^.j^g game evening they, in a
bod}', tendered their resignations.'
With so little foresight or consideration were
29. the king's measures pursued, that
Conduct of though it might have been antici-
the Cortes, pated that a resignation of Ministers
point^m'ent would follow such an outbreak, no
of a new arrangements whatever had been
Ministry, made for appointing their successors.
For several dajs the country remained without
a government, during which the capital was in
the most violent state of agitation ; the clubs
resounded with declamations, the journals were
in transports of indignation, and the hall of
the Cortes was the scene of the most violent
debates. They carried, by a large majority, a
resolution, that tJie late ministers had deserved
well of the nation, and, in proof of their grati-
tude, settled on each of them a pension of
60,000 reals (£600). To allay the tempest he
had so imprudently conjured up, the king re-
quested the Cortes to furnish him with a list
of the persons whom they deemed fit for the
situation ; but they refused to do so, alleging
that the responsibility of choosing his ministers
rested with the king. At length he made his
choice, and he was compelled to choose them
among the Liberal leaders. Among them was
Don liamon Felix, who had long been imprison-
ed (since 1814) for his violent conduct, who
was appointed minister of the Trans-
marine Provinces: and Don Eusebio
Bardaxi, who had been Minister of
Foreign Aft'airs to the Cortes at Cadiz,
was reinstated in the same office.-
It was now evident that the king had not in
reality the choice of his ministers ;
and in order to conciliate the major-
ity, he addressed a message of con-
dolence to them on the overthrow of
the revolution in Naples and Pied-
mont, which soon after ensued, and
promised the fugitives from these
countries a safe asylum in Spain, where, in ef-
fect, great numbers of tlieta soon after arrived,
and were very hospitably received. These ex-
ternal events produced a very deep impression
in Spain; for ilic hopes of the Liberals had
been unbouii(led upon the first outbreak of
these convulsions, and their depression was
proportionally great upon their overthrow.
They produced, as usual in such cases, a fresh
burst of the revolutionary jiassioti over tlie
whole country. Terror, as it had done in
France wlicn the advanc(!S of tiie Duke of
Brunswick into Ciiampagne induced tiie mas-
sacre in the prisons of Paris, produocul cruelty ;
and tlie actions of the secret societies occasion-
ed a Ttieas\ire so extraordinary, and of such cx-
VoL. I. — B li



a An. Hist
iv. 441,
44 J; Mar-
tignac, i.
27S, 281.



30.
Effect pro
duced in
Spain by
tlie crush-
ing of tiiu
revolution
in Italy.



tent, that nothing in the whole annals of his-
tory is to be compared to it.

At once, and at the same moment, in all
places, a vast number of individuals, gj
of both sexes, and of all ranks and Extraordl-
classes of society, chiefly on the east nary out-
coast of Spain, who were suspected ^^'^^^ p*"

- , â–  ^ . ' ., 1-1 revolution-

01 a leaning to the monarcnical par- ary fury in
ty, were arrested, chiefly during the the east of
night, hurried to the nearest seaport ^P^'"-
by bands of armed men acting under the orders
of self-constituted societies, and put on ship-
board, from whence they were conveyed, some
to the Balearic Islands, and some to the Cana-
ries, according to the caprice of the imperious
executors of the popular will. There was no
trial, no legal warrant of arrest, no conviction,
no condemnation. With their own hands, of
their own authority, under their own leader.^
the people executed what they called justice
upon their enemies. Several hundred persons
— many of them of high rank — were in this
manner torn from their families, hurried into
exile, without the hope of ever returning,
chiefly from Barcelona, Valencia, Corunna,
Carthagena, and the neighborhood of these
towns. With such secrecy was the measure
devised, with such suddenness carried into ex-
ecution, that no resistance was any where either
practicable or attempted ; and the unfortunate
victims of this violence had scarcely awakened
from the stupor into which they had been
thrown by their seizure, when they found
themselves at sea, on board strange vessels,
surrounded by strange faces, and sailing they
knew not whither I The annals of the Roman
proscriptions, of Athenian cruelty, of French
atrocity, may be searched in vain iMartignac
for a similar instance of general, de- i. 284, 290 ;'
liberate, and deeply-devised popular ^""- ^''f •
vengeance.'

Deeds of violence on the side of the populace
seldom fail to find apologists. The
illegal seizure and deportation of Revolution-
such a number of persons at the ary laws
same time in various parts of Spain passed by
was a public and notorious event, ^prli'J"'^^'
which could not be concealed; while
the secrecy with which it had been devised,
and the suddenness with which it had been ex-
ecuted, indicated the work of occult and highly
dangerous societies. It was accordingly made
the subject of discussion in the Cortes, but the
turn which the debate took was very curious,
and eminently characteristic of the slavish
cowardice which successful revolutionary vio-
lence so often induces. JS'o bhunc whatever
was thrown on tlie authors or executors of this
atrocious proceeding; not one of them was
even accused, tliougji tlicy were as Avell known
as the commanders of the provinces where the
violence had occurred. The whole blame Avas
thrown on the judges and civil authorities in
the provinces, whose eupincncss or dilatory
conduct in bringing the enemies of the people
to justice hail obliged them, it was said, to
take the aflair into tlicir hands. All that was
done, to avert himilar ai^ts of violence by sclf-
con.'^tituted autiiorities in future, was to pass
two laws, worthy to be placed beside those
con.stituting tlie revolutionary tribunal at Pans
in point of atrocity. By the first of these the



ssa



IIISTOIIY OF EUnOPE.



[Ciur. XI.



|nini>hmont of death wns docrood against nil
porsi'iis who should bo convietcil of offenses
ucuinst oithor roliiiion or the constitution ; and
h\ tlio soeond, those charped vitli such ntleiises
were to bo arrested by tlio aimed force, and
brouijht before a council of war chosen out of
the corps which had ordered the arrest. This
judgnieiit was to be pronounced in six days, to
lie tinal and without apjieal, and carried into
execution, if contirined. by the military gov-
ernor of the jtrovince w itlnn forty-eight hours.
And the only reparation made to the transport-
ed victims was, that government, when they
1 .^„ jiij,, learned the places to which they
iv. Hi, 453 ; had been conveyed, secretly brought
Manigiiac. some of them back, one by one, to
I. -i'M, 294. jjj^jj. ^j^.j^ country.'

As the military force of ^pain was entirely
in the hands of the Liberals — at least
narbarous ^"^ ^"'" ''^ ^^^^ officers were concerned —
murder of and it had been the great agent which
the priest brought about the Revolution, these
\ inuesa. ganguinary laws, in effect, put all at the
mercy of the revolutionists, by whom,
as by the Jacobin clubs at Paris, death to any
extent, and under no limitation, might with im-
punity be inflicted on their political opponents
or personal enemies. But the proceedings of
the courts-martial, summary and final as they
were, appeared too slow for the impatient
wratli of the populace; and an instance soon
occurred in which they showed that, like the
Parisian mob, they coveted the agreeable junc-
tion, in their own persons, of the offices of ac-
cuser, judge, and executioner. A fanatic priest,
named Viiiuesa, had published at Madrid a crazy
pamphlet recommending a counter-revolution.
Tor this offense he was brought before the court
intrusted with the trial of such cases at Madrid,
and sentenced to ten years of the galleys — a
dreadful punishment, and the maximum which
law permitted for crimes of that description. But
this sentence, which seemed sufficient to satisfy
their most ardent passions, was deemed inade-
-, quale by the revolutionists. " Blood,

*^ â–  blood!" was the universal cry. On the
day following, an immense crow'd assembled in
the Puerto del Sol, the principal square of
Madrid, where a resolution was passed that
they should themselves execute the sentence of
death on their victim. This was at noon ; but
so deliberate were the assassins, and so secure
of impunit}', that they postponed the execution
of the sentence till four o'clock. At that hour
they reassembled, after having taken their siesta,
and' proceeded to the prison-doors. Ten soldiers
on guard there made a show of resistance, but
it was a show only. They soon submitted
to the mandates of the sovereign people, and
withdrew. The doors of the prison were speed-
ily broken open ; the priest presented himself,
with a crucifix in his hand, and in the name
of the Kedeemer prayed for his life. His en-
treaties were disregarded ; one of the judges
J i^iartjg. of the Puerto del Sol advanced,
nac, i. 293, ^^'^ beat out his brains with a
296; Ann. sledge-hammer as he lay prostrate
Ilist- iv. before them on the pavement of his
"^ cell.' ^

Barbarous and uncalled-for as this murder
was, it has too many parallel in.-tanees in
cruelty, aristocratic and democratic, in all



ages and in all countries. But what follows
is the infamy of Spain, and of the
cause of revolution, and of them institution
alone. Having dispatclied their vie- ot'tlie Onlcr
tim in jtrisou, the mob proceeded, ol'thelluin-
with loud shouts, to the house of the ""'^'
judge who had condemned him to ten years
of the galleys, with the intention of murdering
him also; but in this they were disappointed,
for he had heard of his danger, and escaped.
In the evening the clubs resounded with songs
of triumph at this act of popular justice; the
better class of inhabitants trembled in silence;
the violent revolutionists were in ecstasies.
Martinez de la Rosa had the courage in the
Cortes to denounce the atrocious act, but a
great majority drowned his voice and applaud-
ed it. The press was unanimous in its aiijiro-
bation of the glorious deed. To commemorate
it for all future times, an order of chivalry was
instituted bj- the assassins, entitled the Order
of the Hammer, which was received with gen-
eral applause. Decorations consisting of a
little hammer, for those who were admitted
into it, Avere prepared, and eagerly bought up
by both sexes; and to the disgrace of Spain be
it said, the insignia of an order intended to
commemorate a deliberate and cold-blooded
murder were to be seen on the
breasts of the brave and the bosoms \ ^oyf^'f^g*^'
of the fair.' ' * '

This cruel act, and still more the general ap-
probation with which it was re- 35.
ceived in the clubs, and by the press Insurrection
of Madrid, opened the eyes of the '" Navarre,
, ,^ ,' ^ ill! and appoint-

better and more respectable classes mentoiMu.
over the whole country to the fright- rillo at Ma-
ful nature of the ab\'ss into whicli '^''^•
all the nation, under its present rulers, was
hurrying. A reactionary movement broke out
in ISavarre, at the head of which was the curate
Merino, already well known and celebrated in
the war with Napoleon. He was soon at the
head of eight hundred men, with which, after
having been successful in several encounters,
he was marching on Yittoria, when he was met
and defeated at Ochandiano by the captain-
general of the province. Four hundred prison-
ers were made, and sent to Pampeluna; the
chiefs — nearly all priests or pastors — were im-
mediately executed. Taking advantage of the
consternation produced by* these events, the
king ventured on the bold step of appointirg
Don Pablo Murillo, the celebrated general under
"Wellington in the war with Kapoleon — the un-
daunted antagonist of Bolivar in that of South
America — to the situation of captain-general at
Madrid. Murillo was very unwilling to under-
take the perilous mission, but at length, at the
earnest solicitation of the king, who s Ann. Hist,
represented that he was his last re- iv. 454, 455 ;
source against the revolution, he J,'f".'f"*'='»-
aereed to accept it.-"
"The knowledge of Murillo's firm and resolute
character had for some time a con- 36.

siderable effect in overawinc the fac- Proceedings
tions in the capital ; for though the "^ "'^ ^""e^-
army was the focus of the revolution, such was
known "to be his ascendency with the troops,
that it was feared, under his orders, they would
not hesitate to act in support of the royal au-
thority. But unhappily his influence did not



i3:i.]



HISTORY OF EUROPE.



extend over the Cortes, and the proceedings of
tliat body â– were daily more and more indicative
of the growing ascendency of an extreme fac-
tion, whose ideas were inconsistent, not merely
with monarchical, but with any government
wliatever. The clubs in Madrid, as they had
been during the first Revolution at Paris, were
the great centres of this violent p:irt\-, and it
was througli them that the whole jM-ess had been
ranged oa tlie democratic side. Fatigued with
a perpetual struggle with their indefatigable
adversaries in the Cortes, the galleries, the
clubs, and the press, the moderate party in the
legislature at length gave way, and submitted
to almost every thing which their adversaries
chose to demand of them. So far did this
yielding go, that they consented to pass a law
which entirely withdrew the clubs from the
cognizance both of the government and the
magistrates; forbade any persons in authority
to intrude upon the debates; and by declaring
the responsibility of the president for what
there took place, in effect declared the irre-
sponsibility of every one else. So obvious was
the danger of this law, that the king, in terms
of the constitution, and relying on the sup-
port of Murillo, refused his sanction. A few
days after he did the same with a law which
1 n.r,,ii„r,o„ passed the Cortes, tending to de-
i. 3i)4, 335, prive the cluei proprietors ol a con-
310; Ann. siderable part of their seignorial
Hist. iv. 469. j.igi^t3_i

The finances were daily falling into a more
,, deplorable condition; the necessary

Deplorable result of the imsettled state of the
state of the kingdom, and the extreme terror re-
finances, and garding the future which pervaded
measures re- '',,., ^ i. i i i r

garding them. ^'^ the more respectatilo classes, trom
the violence of the Cortes and the
absence of any effective control upon their pro-
ceedings. Though a half of the tithes of the
clergy had been approjniated to the service of
the state, and half only left for the support of
the Church, the budget exhibited such a deficit
that it became necessary to authorize a loan of
301,800,000 reals (£3,600,000), being more than
half the whole revenue of the state ; but such
was the dilapidated state of public credit, that,
notwithstanding the utmost efforts of the Lib-
erals, oidy a fourth part of the sum was sub-
scribed by the end of the year.* Insurrections
were constantly breaking out in the provinces,
which were ordy suppressed by the armed
force, and a great effusion of blood. Ko sooner
were they put down in one quarter than they
broke out in another; and tlie countr}', as in
the war with N'apoleon, was infested by guerrilla
bands, who plundered alike friend and foe. In
the midst of this scene of desolation and disas-
ter, the king, on :i(Jth June, closed llu! sitting
of tlie Cortes, with a speecii com[)Osed by his
Ministers, in which lie pronounced the most
[)Oinpou3 eulogium on the wisdom, justice, and
'Ann Hist niagnaniinity of their proceedings,
iv. 4.'»7, 458; the flourisiimg state of the finances,
M;irti({nac, and the general prosperity which
pervad(,'d all parts of tli(! kingdom. -



310, 317.



The expcmlilure was. 750,214,217 reals, or £7,500,000
The revenue 075,000,000 •• or 6,750,000



Deficit HI. 214.217 " or £610,000

-Budget, 1621 ; Annuairr Ilmturique, iv. 403.



' Ante, c.
vii. ti 112.



The event soon showed how far these praises
of tlie revolutionary regime were ,8

well founded. Ever since the mur- Fresh tumults
der of the priest Viuuesa, it had in Madrid,
been the practice of the mobs in -^^^S"*' 2.
Madrid to assemble every evening under the
windows of such persons as were suspected of
anti-revolutionary principles, and there sine
the Trnr/a la Pcrro, the Marseillaise of the
Spanish revolution, accompanied in the chorus
with the strokes of a hammer on a gong, to put
them in mind of that tragic event. In the begin-
ning of August, an unhappy prisoner, charged
with anti-revolutionary practices, and con-
demned to the galleys, was l\'ing imprisoned
in a convent, awaiting the execution of his
sentence, along with the soldiers apjirehended
some months before on the charge of assault-
ing the people, while dispersing the mob who
insulted the king in his carriage, as
narrated in a former chapter.' It
was determined in the club of the I'on-
tana d'Oro that they should all be executed



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