national wishes on a great question of foreign
policy. Add to this, that the Cabinet itself was
divided on the subject, and a considerable por-
tion, probably a majoritj', were inclined to go
along with the popular view^s regarding it. Mr.
Canning, in particular, who, on Lord London-
derry's death, had exchanged the office of Gov-
ernor-general of India, to which he had been
appointed, for the still more important one of
Foreign Secretary, was an ardent supporter of
these views. He was actuated in this alike by
sentiment, ambition, and necessit}-. Ilis feel-
ings had originally led him to take part with
the Whigs; and although on his entrance into
public life, he, by the advice of their leaders,
joined Mr. Pitt, and became one of the most
ardent opponents of the French Revolution, yet
it was its excesses, not its original principles,
which he condemned. His first inclinations
never deserted him through life. The steady
supporter of Catholic emancipation, he had also
warmly embraced the new views in regard to
freedom of trade which were then beginning,
not only to prevail in Parliament, but to influ-
ence Government. During his keen contest for
Liverpool, he had been thrown much among,
and been on the most intimate terms with, the
leading merchants of that city, and become ac-
quainted with all their sanguine expectations
as to the immense benefits which would accrue
to this country from the esta-blishment of South
American independence. A stead}' supporter
of Wellington during the war, the idea of the
work he had achieved being undone, and French
influence re-established in the Peninsula, was
utterly abhorrent to his mind: a politician in-
fluenced rather by feeling and impulse than
reasoning and reflection, he did not see that the
cause he was now so anxious to support in Spain
was precisely the same as that Avhich he had
formerly so energetically combated in Franco.
Finally, he was ambitious, and a great career
lay open before him; he was the man of the
])cople, and they had placed liira in power; he
was the champion of England, and his present
i822.]
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
403
greatness, as â– well as future renuwii, was wound
(ij) with the mainteiiaiice of its interests auJ the
furtherance of its do^ires.
When views so utterly opposite were enter-
tained on a great question of European
,, ^^- politics, upon which it was indispensa-
of Verona We that a decision should be immedi-
agreed on ately adopted by the powers most im-
by all the uiediately interested, and by whose
jiowers. amity the peace of the world had hith-
erto been preserved, it was not surprising that
the other powers should have become anxious
for tlie result, and eagerly sought after every
means of avoiding the dreaded rupture. If En-
gland and France came to blows on the Spanish
question, it was obvious to all that a desperate
European strife, possibly equaling the last in
duration and blood, would be the result. For
although the military strength of France, back-
ed by that of the Nothern powers, was obvious-
ly far greater than that of Spain supported by
Groat Britain and Portugal, yet who could say
how long this would last, and how soon an
outbreak at Paris might overturn the Govern-
ment there, and array the strength of France
on the side of revolution? The throne of Louis
XVIII. rested on a volcano; any day an erup-
tion of the fires smouldering beneath the sur-
face might blow it into the air; and if such a
catastrophe should occur, what security was
there either for the independence of other na-
tions, or the ability of the Northern powers to
withstand the advances of revolution supported
by the united strength of France and England?
These considerations were so obvious, that they
forced themselves on every mind ; and in order
to avert the danger, a congress was resolved on,
and Veron.v fixed on as the place of its assem-
blage.
It was originally intended that Lord London-
jl derry, tiien Foreign Minister, should
Members himself have proceeded to this im-
of the Con- portant congress; but his unhappy
gressiherc. j^ath rendered this impossible, and
the Duke of Wellington was appointed to go in
his stead. It was thought with justice that
England, in an assembly where the leading ob-
ject of deliberation wouhl be the French inter-
vention in Spain, could not be so appropriately
or efficiently represented as by the illustrious
warrior who had effected its liberation from the
thraldom of Napoleon. He was accompanied
by Lord Strangford, the English embassador at
Constantinople, tiie present Marquis of London-
derry, and Lord Burghersh. France was rep-
resented by lier Foreign Ministers, M. do Mont-
morency, M. de la Fcrronnaj', who was highly
esteemed by the Emperor Alexander, at whose
court he was embassador, and M. dc Oliateau-
briand, who was a
who, at his own request, had left the situ.ifion
of embassador at London to share in the excite-
ment and deliberation of the Congress. From
his known semi-liberal opinions, as well as his
f^reat reputation, he was Rcleoted to be in some
degree a check on M. de Montmorency, who
y.'as the representative of the extreme Royalists
111 France, and might, it was fearo.j, unnecessa-
rily precipitate hostilities. The EmjM-ror Alex-
ander was there in person, aecorrqianied bv Nes-
selrode, M. de TakichefF, M.
embassadors at Vienna and Constantinople, and
Count Pozzo di Borgo. Capo d'Istria, on ac-
count of his known interest in the Greek insur-
rection, was absent. Mctternieh, who soon be-
came the soul of the negotiations, was there on
the part of Austria, with Count Lebzeltern, the
embassador at St. Petersburg; and Prussia was
represented bj' its veteran diplomatists. Prince
Ilardenberg and Count Bernstortf. Florence
was at first thought of as the place
of meeting ; but at the request of 365*37,v"'
the Emperor Alexander it was ex- Lam. v'ii!
changed for Verona, on account of 9-4, 90 ; Lac
the latter city being a sort of mid- '}}■^^'' i^^ •
way station between Spam and and, Con-
Greece, the two countries which it gres de Ve-
was foreseen would principally oc- g""*^' '• '"'
cupy the attention of the Congress.'
Verona, a city celebrated alike in ancient
and modern times, is situated at the 1-2.
foot of the Alps, at the place where Description
the Adige, after forcing its way of^'erona.
through the defile of Chiusa, immortalized by
Dante, first emerges into the smiling plain of
Lombard}'. It is chiefly known to travelers
from its noble amphitheatre, second only to the
Coliseum in solidity- and grandeur, and the in-
terior of which is still as perfect as when it was
filled with the admiring subjects of the Roman
emperors. Its situation, at the entrance of the
great defile which leads from Germany into
Italy, has rendered it the scene since that time
of many memorable events, when rival generals
contended for the mastery of the Empire, and
the Gothic hordes descended from the north to
slake their thirst for spoil with the riches of
the fairest part of Europe. The great contest
between Otho and Vitcllius, which Tacitus has
immortalized,^ was decided under its 2 Tacitus
walls; the hordes of Alaric, the le- Hist. 11. 30,
gions of Theodorie, defiled through its 24.
gates; and it was from thence that Napoleon
set out at the head of the redoubtable grena-
diers who decided the terrible strife between
France and Austria on the dikes of Areola.
Nor is the charm of imagination wanting to
complete the interest of these histoi-ic recol-
lections, for it contains the tomb of Juliet, and
has been immortalized by the genius of Shak-
speare.* The modern city presents an interest-
ing assemblage of the relics of ancient and mod-
ern times ; for if the stately remains of its am-
phitheatre carry us back to the days of the
Koman emperors, its fortified bridges, curious
arches, and castellated towers, remind us not
less forcibly of the times of Gothic strife ; while
its spacious squares, elegant piazzas, and deco-
rated theatres, l)cs[)eak the riches
and luxury which have crown up •^'''"sonai
• ,, ,, ■' - , '^ • , 1' observation,
witli the j)eace of modern society.^
Before going to \'erona, M. de Montmorency
repaired to Vienna, where ho luul
several eontldeiitial interviews with vjews of tlic
M. de Metternich. 'I'hcir views wei'e dilP'rent
entirely in tinison ; and as it was an- powers at the
tieipate
cahitK-t of J>erlm would b(> niaiiuy
influenced by those of the luiqirror Alexander,
who was known to have the utmost dread of
the military revolts of Southern Europe, it was
* Sec " The Toinl) in Verona," a fVagmeiit, but one of
the iTiost intereslinc of the many interesting monuments
of Sir E. H. Lytton'H genius.
404
11 ISTOll Y OF EU UOl'R
[ClIAl-. XII,
wiili ronton oxpoeted that the ri'si>liitioiis of tho
nsjoiuMod powers wouKi be all Imt uiiaiiimoiis.
Kiiiilaiul, imlooil, it was well known, would be
htrolij^lv oj)jH)^ed to any armed intervelilion of j
IVaneeiii (lie I'eninsula; but, oppressed as she I
was with debt, nnd absorbed in paeilio objects, |
it was not anticipated that she would draw the 1
sword in its behalf, in opposition to the de-
clared resolution of all the ijreat jiowers on the
Continent; and the extreme division of opinion j
in Spain and TortUiral themselves, on the sub- '
ject of tho revolution, encouraged the hope that
their governments would fall to the ground of
themselves, without the necessity of military
operations. Yet, notwitlistanding the favorable
circumstances which augured so well for vigor-
ous measures, the Cabinet of Louis XVllI. was
much divided on the subject. The king him-
self, with M. do Yillole, his Prime
OT^^STfl" ilinister, strongly inclined to a pa-
Lac. ii'i. 405, citic policy, and deprecated war as
•107; Lam. a last resource to be avoided as long
vii.00,99. as possible.'
Verona exhibited, when the Congress opened
within its walls, even more than the
Brilliant as- "^"^1 union of rank, genius, celeb-
scmblageof rity, and beauty, which are usually
princesses attracted b}- such assemblages. The
«!' v™'"' Empress of Austria was present, the
ex-Empress Marie-Louise was there,
and enjoyed the happiness of being again united
to her august family ; but the brilliant dream
of her life had already passed away, and the
â– widow of Napoleon had sunk into the obscure
wife of her own chamberlain. The Queen of
Sardinia, with the princesses her daughters,
the princesses of Tuscany, Modena, and several
of the German powers, embellished the saloons
by their beauty, or adorned them by their
cliarms. IS'ever had any town in Italy exhib-
ited such a combination of every thing that
could distract the thoughts of the diploniatisti5,
or dazzle the eyes of the multitude. The prin-
cipal actors and actresses from Paris and Vien-
na had arrived, and added by their talents to
the general enchantment; splendid balls suc-
ceeded each other in rapid succession, inter-
mingled with concerts, in which the genius of
Piossini shone forth with the highest lustre. In
the midst of all this pomp and splendor, the
business of diplomacy proceeded abreast of that
of amusement ; the embassadors were as much
occupied as the chamberlains; and a liidden
but most formidable power — that of the Jes-
s J ..- uits, and the extreme religious party
408, 411 ; — carried on a series of intrigues des-
Cap. Yii.' lined to produce the most important
373, 375. results. »
The first matter brought under the consider-
ation of the Congress was the in-
Treatv^for the s^irrection in Greece, and the com-
evacuation of plicated relations of Russia and the
Piedmont and Porte ; but they must be reserved
Naples. forasubsequentchapter, when that
Dec. 14, 1822. . , J ■* 1 • i Ml 1 r n T
important subject will be fully dis-
cussed. The state of Piedmont next came un-
der discussion, and as it presented much fewer
difScultie.'!, it was soon adjusted. The King
of Sardinia declared that the time had now ar-
rived when the state of his dominions was so
satisfactory that he could dispense with the
presence and protection of the auxiliary Aus-
trian force. The allied sovereigns acceded to
his re(piest for its removal, and a treaty was in
eonse(iuenee eoneluded, by which it was stipu-
lated that the Au.'-trian tiooj>s should begin to
evacuate his territories on the olst Dccend)er,
and tiiut the evacuation should be completed
by the delivery of the fortress of Alessandria on
the 30th Septend)er, lU'l'i. By a separate con-
vention, concluded at the same time, it was
agreed that the auxiliary Austrian force which
oeeU|
11 .1 4 • 1 * ' Treaty, Dec.
winch was supported entirely at j^ it22Ann.
the cost of their inhabitants, should llist. v. 707;
be reduced by seventeen thousand *-'"P- ^â– "- 3"5,
1 •' 37G.
men.'
A strenuous and most praiseworthy attempt
was made by the Duke of ^Velling-
ton, under iMr. Canning's instrue- Resolution of
tions, to procure some resolution the Congress
from the allied powers against the regarding the
slave-trade. He stated, iii his note slave-trade,
on this subject, that of the eight powers who,
in 1815, had signed a declaration against that
atrocious traffic, and expressed a desire to "put
a period to a scourge Avhich had so long deso-
lated Africa, disgraced Europe, and afflicted
humanity," seven had passed laws with the
design of prohibiting their subjects entirely
from engaging in it; but Portugal and Brazil
continued to carry it on to an tmprecedented
extent. To such a length was this trade now
pushed, that during seven months of the year
1821 above 38,000 human beings liad been torn
from the coast of Africa, and thrown into hope-
less and irremediable slaver}-; and from the
month of July, 1820, to that of October, 1821,
no less tlian S32 vessels had entered the rivers
of Africa, to the north of the equator, to buy
slaves, each of which could caiiy 500 or 600
slaves, which would, if they were all filled, im-
ply a transportation of nearly 200,000 human
beings. Great part of this detestable traffic
w'as stated to be carried on under the Fi'cnch
flag. Notwithstanding these appalling facts,
which could neither be denied nor controverted,
the resistance on the part of the French govern-
ment to any decisive measure which might ex-
clude them from a share of this lucrative com-
merce was so great, that all that Great Britain
could obtain from the Congress was a vague
declaration from the five great powers, " that
they have never ceased, and will never cease, to
regard the slave-trade as a traffic „ ,„ „. . ,
1-11 A ^ J 1 i 1 A f ° Wellington's
which has too long desolated At- ^gig^ ^gy^ 24,
rica, disgraced Europe, and afflict- l&22;Reponce
ed humanity; and that they are '^'^P^";f"il"'
read}', by all means in their power, j^gs ; Resolu-
to concur in all measures which tions'dcs Con-
may insure and accelerate the en- gres, Nov. 28,
tire and final abolition of that ^^foof^OT.'^''
commerce.^
Another subject was brought under the
notice of the Congress by Great j^
Britain, upon which the views NoteofEngland
of its Cabinet and of that of the regarding South
Tuileries were still more at vari- ^^^l"^^^^^ '"''^â–
anee, and which presaged great
and lasting changes in both hemispheres. This
was the all-important one of South American
Independence. The Duke of Wellington pre-
sented a note to the Congress, in which it was
stated, " The connection subsisting between the
I
18-2 'J.]
HISTORY OF EUROPE.
405
subjects of his Britannic Majesty and the other
parts of the globe has for long rendered it ne-
cessary for him to recognize the existence de
facto of governments formed in different places,
BO far as was necessarj' to conclude treaties
with them; the relaxation of the. authority of
Spain in her colonies in South America has
given rise to a host of pirates and adventurers
— an insupportable evil, which it is impossible
for England to extirpate without the aid of the
local authorities which occupy the adjacent
coasts and harbors ; and the necessity of this
co-operation can not but lead to the recogni-
tion de facto of a number of governments of
their own creation." Veiled under a desire to
suppress the undoubted evil of piracy, this
was an attempt indirectly to obtain from the
Congress some act or declaration amounting to
a recognition of the independence of South
America. The other powers, accordingly, saw
the object, and immediately took the alarm.
Austria answered, "that England was perfect-
ly entitled to defend her conmiereial interests
from piracy ; but as to the independence of the
Spanish colonies, Austria would never recognize
it, so long as his Christian Majesty had not
formally renounced the rights of sovereignty
heretofore exercised over these provinces."
Prussia and Russia answered the note in the
same terms; and in a long and able note,
drawn by M. de Chateaubriand, on the part
of France — " In so grave a question, France
feels that Spain should, in the first instance, be
consulted as sovereign de jure of these colonies.
France concurs with England in holding that,
when intestine troubles have long prevailed,
and the law of nations has thereby been prac-
tically abrogated, on account of the weakness
of one of the belligerent powers, natural right
resumes its empire. She admits that tliere are
inevitable prescriptions of some rights, and
that, after a government has long resisted, it is
sometimes obliged to yield to overbearing ne-
cessitj-, in order to terminate many evils, and
prevent one state from alone reaping advant-
ages in which other states are entitled to par-
ticipate. But to prevent the jealousies and
rivalries of commerce, which might involve
governments against their will in hostilities,
some general measure should be adopted ; and
perhaps it would be possible to reconcile the
interests of Spain, of its colonies, and of the
European states, by a measure which, founded
on the broad basis of equality and reciprocity,
might bring into harmony also the rights of
legitimacy and the necessities of policy." The
proposed measure, as a matter of course, came
to nothing; but the circumstance of its being
I Chateau- broaclicd at all proved what adverse
briaiid, Con- interests were arising in the world,
gres de Ve- and the seeds of what divisions were
rone, i. 89, gorminating bencat h the treacherous
surface of tlie Euro|)pan alliance.'
But all these subjects of division, important
jg and pregnant witii future changes
Instruc- as they were, yielded to the Spanish
tionsof M. question, for tiio sobition of wiiich
M.deMont" ^'^^ Congress had been assembled,
morency and wliicii required imme
regarding cision. Tiie instructions of M. de
Spain. Villele on this subject were very
cautiously worded, and intended, above all, to
avoid the appearance of France requesting from
the otlier powers iristructions how to act in the
affairs of the Peninsula. They bore, " We
have not determined to make war on Sjiain ;
the Cortes would carr\- Ferdinand back to Cadiz
rather than suffer him to be conducted to
Verona. The situation of France is not such
as to oblige us to ask for permission for a war
of invasion, as Austria was at Laybach ; for we
are under no necessity of declaring war at all,
nor of asking for succor to carry it on if we
do; and we could not admit of it, if it should
lead to the passage of foreign troops through
our territory. The opinion of our plenipoten-
tiaries upon the question of what the Congress
should determine on in regard to Spain is, that
France is the sole power ivhich should act with its
troops, and that it must be the sole judge of
when it is neccssari/ to do so. The French
plenipotentiaries must never consent that the
Congress should prescribe the conduct which
France should pursue in regard to Spain. They
should accept of no pecuniary succor nor aid
from tlie passage of troops through our tori'i-
tory. They should be firm in considering the
Spanish question in its general aspect, and en-
deavor to obtain from the Congress a contin-
gent treaty, honorable and advantageous to
France, either for the case of a 1 chateau-
war between herself and Spain, or briand, Con-
for the case of the powers recog- gres do Ve-
nizing the independence of South j""''' '• ^"^'
America}
On the other hand, the instructions of En-
gland to her plenipotentiary were
equally decided, and such as an- ., J'^' . ,
^ A , T , , .', Mr. CanninK's
parently to render almost unavoid- instrucuons to
able a rupture between the two I>uke oi' Wel-
powers. Lord Londonderry, be- ''"S'"":
fore his death, had drawn up a '^'-'l''-^'- '''^2.
note for our plenipotentiaries, which repudia-
ted, in tlie strongest manner, any interference
in the domestic concerns of Spain.* Mr. Can-
ning had only been forty-eight hours in office
when he was called on to give his instructions
to the Duke of Wellington, who was appointed
successor to that lamented nobleman as the
plenipotentiary of England; but he had no
difficulty in at once drawing them up. His
private inclination, not less than his ]>ublic
by Lord Loiiilondorry. His instructions to
Wellington, accordingly, on this ])oint were,
" If there be a determined project to interfere,
by force or by menace, in the present struggle
in Spain, so convinced are his Majesty's Minis-
ters of the uselessness and danger of any such
interference, soobjectionable
it appear to them in principle," histniciions 10
as well as utttM-ly im])raclical>le ^.^''"'I'K'"";,,
in execution, that, when (he ne- "^'Jjlj; Urg'^f^iia,
cessity arises — or, I would rather 97; i'ublipdoai-
say, when an opportunity pre- •"'""i'*' "'"'Ann.
sents itself— I am to instruct ""*'•''• '*'*^-
♦ " With rnsprct to Spain, there ReemH nothlni; to uilil
to, or var) , in \\w. rourMc of policy hitherto pursued. So-
licitude' lor I he royal family, observuncc of our cncajio-
inciits Willi Torlutfal, and « r/^/f/ nhstinrnce from any in-
trrfirnirr m Ihr intrrnnl ajfatrs of that rouhtri/, inuHt be
coriHiilcrcd at* loriniriK the'liinitH of liiH Majesty's policy."
— .\]ar(|UiH I.oNDoNDKKRv's histrurtions, traiiKferrcd lo
tlie Duke of VVclliiiKlon, Sept. 14, IH'J'J. Annual licffir
tcr, lb;!2, p. yo. (I'ulilic Documents.)
4Cfl
11 1ST I) 11 Y t»i' i:r ROPE.
[Chap. XII.
voiir Grnof nt onco frankly and dociJcilly to
ilcolart', that to ant/ such inttrfcrcnce his Ma-
jtxty will not be a party."
When instructions so directly at variance
wore given to the English and
•^- French plenipotentinries uiion a
a.loi.u-.l by the great iniblio question, on which
majority 61 the nn instant decision required to be
rongrcsson taken by the powers iinniediatelv
tue subject. <>„„e^.,.„;>j it need not be said that
the peace of Europe was seriously threatened.
Ill effect, the divergence of opinion upon this
point, as well as the ulterior one of recognizing
the independence of the revolted colonies in
Si>tith America, was so great, that it probably
would have been broken, and a calamitous war
ensued, if the other powers had been less unan-
imous and decided than the}' were in support-
ing the French view of the necessity of an
armed intervention. The Emperor Alexander,
from the first, both officially through his pleni-
potentiaries, and privately in societj', expressed
his opinion in the strongest manner on this sub-
ject, and declared his readiness to support any
measures which France might deem essential
for its safety. Prussia adopted the same views :
the obligations contracted in 1813 rendered no
other course practicable to the Cabinet of Berlin.
Austria was more doubtful: Metternich had a
mortal dread of the northern Colossus, and in
secret urged M. de Yillele to adopt no measures
which should give the Emperor of Russia a
pretext for again moving his troops across
Germany. But as he was fully impressed
with the danger to Europe from the revolu-
tionary principles acted upon in Spain, and he
had himself coerced them in the most vigorous
manner in Italy, he could not ostensibly devi-
ate from the other Continental powers on a sub-
ject so vital to their common welfare. Ac-
cordingly, after several conferences, in the
course of which the Duke of "Wellington
strongly insisted on the necessity of limiting
their interference with Spain to resistance to