in dealing with the problem of married women's work.
Many observers of social life are struck by the fact that
it is sad and in some cases even disastrous for a woman
to go out to work and leave her infant children un-
protected and untended. The proposal is constantly
9 o
STATISTICS OF THE LIFE
forthcoming to prohibit married women's employment.
But many persons, even those who dislike the em-
ployment of married women, think that when a woman
is left a widow, the best thing is to take her children
away from her and get her into service. 1 In point
of fact, the young children of a widow need quite as
much care and attention as those who have a father
living ; and neither a married woman nor a widow
can give her children that care and attention if she is
without the means of subsistence.
The pressure on widows to seek employment, what-
ever their home ties, is seen with tragic pathos even in
the bald figures of the Census.
Single.
Married.
Widowed.
Total.
Percentage of women
and girls occupied
54'5
IO-26
30-1
32-5
Although widows in the very nature of the case are
older on an average than married women, although
the whole tendency of modern industry is towards the
employment of the young, yet the percentage of widows
occupied is three times as great as the percentage of
married who are occupied.
There are no short and easy paths to the solution of
the difficulties of woman, but those who uphold such
measures as the prohibition of employment to married
women, are bound to consider, firstly, how the prohibi-
tion should be applied in cases where the male head of
the family is not competent or sufficiently able-bodied
1 The servant-keeping class often shows a tendency to regard
social questions mainly from the point of view of maintaining the
supply of domestic servants.
AND EMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN 91
to support it ; secondly, whether the children of widows
can flourish on neglect any better than the children
who have a living father, and, if not, why it is more
desirable for the widow than for the married woman
to go to work outside her home and away from her
children.
Conclusion. The following points summarise the
results obtained from a study of the statistics in regard
to women, supplemented by facts of common know-
ledge. Women outnumber men, especially in later
life. Not all women can marry. A large majority of
girls and a small minority of adult women work for
wages. A large majority of women marry some time
or other. The majority of young women leave work
when they marry. Some women depend upon their
own exertions throughout life, and some of them have
dependents. Some women, after being maintained
for a period by their husbands, are forced again
to seek work for wages ; and many of these have
dependents.
CHAPTER IV.
WOMEN IN TRADE UNIONS.
Early Efforts at Organisation. It is probably not
worth while to spend a great deal of time in the endeavour
to decide what part women played in the earlier develop-
ments of trade unionism, very little information being
so far obtainable. It seems, however, not unlikely that
some of the loose organisations of frame-work knitters,
woollen weavers, etc., that existed in the eighteenth
century and later, may have included women members,
as the Manchester Small- Ware Weavers certainly did
in 1756, and Professor Chapman tells us that women
were among the members of the Manchester Spinners'
Society of 1795. At Leicester there appears to have
been an informal organisation of hand-spinners, called
" the sisterhood," who in 1788 stirred up their male
friends and acquaintances to riot as a demonstration
against the newly introduced machines. 1 We find
some women organised in the unions that sprang up
after the repeal of the Anti-Combination Act in 1824.
The West Riding Fancy Union was open to women as
well as men, and although the General Association
of Weavers in Scotland expressly excluded female
apprentices from membership it added the proviso,
1 See Appendix, p. 270.
92
WOMEN IN TRADE UNIONS 93
" except those belonging to the weaver's own
family."
In December the Lancashire Cotton Spinners called
a conference at Ramsey, Isle of Man, to consider the
question of a national organisation. The immediate
motive of the conference was the failure of a disastrous
six months' strike at Hyde, near Manchester, which
convinced the leaders that no local unions could succeed
against a combination of employers. At the Ramsey
Conference, after nearly a week's discussion, it was
agreed to establish a " Grand General Union of the
United Kingdom," which was to be subject to an
annual delegates' meeting and three national com-
mittees. The Union was to include all male spinners
and piecers, the women and girls being urged to form
separate organisations. The General Union lasted
less than two years. 1
A few years later, in 1833, an attempt which met
with limited success was made by Glasgow spinners
to procure the same rates of pay for women as for men,
in spite of the masters' protest that the former did not
turn out so much or so good a quality of work as the
latter. No doubt the men's action was taken chiefly
in their own interests. Many of the male operatives
objected altogether to the employment of women as
spinners and for a time hindered it in Glasgow,
though shortly after the great strike of 1837 as many
women were spinning there as men. In Manchester
women were spinning in 1838, and, indeed, had done
so from early times. One regrets to note that they
acted as strike-breakers (along with five out of thirty-
three male spinners) in a mill belonging to Mr. Moulds-
worth, as the latter reported in evidence to the Com-
1 Webb, History of Trade Unionism, pp. 104-5.
94 WOMEN IN TRADE UNIONS
mittee on Combinations of Workmen. A representa-
tive of the Spinners' Association, Glasgow, J. M'Nish,
gave some rather interesting evidence before the same
Committee. He said it was not the object of the
association that the employment of women should
cease, although they were " not fond of seeing women
at such a severe employment," but it was their object
to prevent the women from being " paid at an under
rate of wages, if possible." Although the women
spinners were not members of the association, they
were in the habit of appealing to it for advice in the
complicated business of reckoning up their rates of
pay, and the association had occasionally advised them
to strike for an advance. 1
Some years later women were to be found among
the members of the Spinners' Unions in Lancashire.
Objections were raised to their employment on the
grounds of health and decency, as the spinning-rooms
were excessively hot and work had to be done in
the lightest possible attire. Probably the strongest
objection was the danger to wages and to the customary
standard of life through women's employment. The
feeling was that women would not resist the encroach-
ment of the masters, that their customary wage was
low, and that many of them were partially supported
at home, consequently that when men and women
were employed together on the same kind of work,
the wages of men must fall. The hand-loom weavers
of Glasgow would not admit adult women to their
society, though many were in fact working ; and the
warpers discouraged women warpers. In 1833, how-
ever, the Glasgow women power-loom weavers are said
1 Parliamentary Papers, 1838, viii. qq. 360, 1341-2.
WOMEN IN TRADE UNIONS 95
to have had a union under the direction of the male
operatives. 1
The great outburst of unionism in 1833-34 fostered
by Owen, the formation of a " Grand National Con-
solidated Trades Union " did not leave the women
untouched. A delegates' meeting was held in February
1834 at which it was resolved that the new body should
take the form of a federation of separate trade lodges,
usually of members of one trade, but with provision
for " miscellaneous lodges," in places where the
numbers were small, and even for " female miscellaneous
lodges." Within a few weeks or months this union
obtained an extraordinary growth and expansion.
About half a million members must have joined, in-
cluding tens of thousands of farm labourers and
women, and members of the most diverse and hetero-
geneous classes of industry. Among the women
members we hear of lodges for tailoresses, milliners and
miscellaneous workers. Some women gardeners and
others were prominent in riots at Oldham. At Derby
women and children joined with the men in refusing
to abandon the union and were locked out by their
employers. The Grand National endeavoured to find
means to support them and find employment, but the
struggle, though protracted for months, ended in the
complete triumph of the employers. The Grand
National did not long survive.
In some of the strikes and disturbances that took
place in the following years there is clear evidence that
women took part, but very little can be ascertained
as to their inclusion in unions beyond the bare fact
that the Cotton Power-Loom Weavers' Union, as is
1 " Select Committee on Manufactures," Parliamentary Papers,
1833, vol. vi. p. 323, q. 5412-3.
96 WOMEN IN TRADE UNIONS
generally stated, has always had women members.
In cotton weaving the skill of women is almost equal to
men's, in some cases even superior ; and as the power-
loom came more and more into use, women were more
and more employed, as we have seen. The men had
thus in their industry an object lesson of the desir-
ability of association and combination in the interests
of both sexes. A Weavers' Union of Great Britain
and Ireland was formed in 1840 on the occasion of
the Stockport strike. But the establishment of unions
on a sound basis was a little later, about the middle
of the century.
Cotton Weavers. Numerous strikes occurred in
Lancashire about the middle of the nineteenth century,
and several unions of cotton weavers formed in those
years are still in existence. The first sound organisa-
tion of power-loom weavers was established at Black-
burn in 1854, but the Padiham Society and the Rad-
cliffe Society can trace their existence back to 1850.
The organisation of cotton weavers thenceforward
proceeded rapidly. The Chorley weavers date from
1855, the Accrington Society from 1856, Darwen and
Ramsbottom from 1857, Preston, 1858, Great Harwood
and Oldham and District, 1859. The East Lancashire
Amalgamated Society was also formed in 1859, an( i
was afterwards known as the North-East Lancashire
Amalgamated Society.
For many years, however, contributions were too
small to admit of forming an adequate reserve, and
before 1878 the unions were not really effective. A
number of local strikes about that date led the Union
officials to perceive that higher contributions were
necessary for concerted action, and cases of victimising
of officials brought home the need for larger Unions
WOMEN IN TRADE UNIONS 97
with officials who could be placed beyond the risk of
victimisation. The new demands made upon the
workers no doubt caused some dismay. Some members
were lost at first, but most of these returned after a few
months. In course of time the weavers have built
up an organisation which as far as women are concerned
is without parallel in this country.
The Weavers' Amalgamation was formed in 1884.
It includes 38 districts in Lancashire and Yorkshire,
and one or two in Derbyshire, with nearly 200,000
members, the majority being women. In one or two
districts political forces have favoured the growth of
rival Unions outside the Amalgamation, and these also
include a large proportion of women. This division
in the weavers' camp is greatly to be regretted, but
the rival societies do not appear so far to have done
any great harm to the great Amalgamation, whose lead
they usually follow, save in political matters, and from
whose influence they, of course, indirectly benefit con-
siderably, though they pay no contributions to its
funds.
Piece rates in textile trades are extremely com-
plicated. The lists and exceptions are indeed so
technical in their nature that many of the operatives
themselves do not understand them, and it is quite
possible that some employers do not fully grasp the
working of the lists.
The weaving operation begins when the warp, or the
longitudinal threads of the piece to be woven, has been
fixed in position on the loom. The threads used for
the warp are what in spinning are called " twist."
These long threads, or " ends " as they are sometimes
called, when placed on the loom pass through the
openings of the " reed," a sheet of metal cut like a
H
98 WOMEN IN TRADE UNIONS
comb into spaces of the width required for the special
coarseness or fineness of the material to be woven.
The twist also passes through loops known as " healds."
Thus the first element to be taken into account is the
thickness of the threads of the warp, the number of
threads going to make up an inch of width, and the
total width of the piece to be woven. The work of
the loom is to throw across the warp the cross threads
or " weft." These threads are carried in the shuttle
which flies to and fro and passes over and under the
warp threads alternately, or at such angles and intervals
as are provided for by the arrangement of the warp in
the " healds " and " reed." The weft or cross threads
are termed " picks." Thus the second element in
determining the price is the fineness and closeness of
the weft. The fineness is determined by the number
of counts of the yarn. The closeness may be deter-
mined by counting the number of threads or picks in
a given length actually woven, or by a calculation
based upon the mechanical action of the machine. In
many cases the number of picks can be easily settled
by counting, but in almost every instance the most
exact method is by calculation, based upon the sizes
and divisions of the wheels and of the " beam " in the
loom. The " beam " is the bar or pole round which
the cloth is rolled in process of weaving. The third
element is the total length woven, and a fourth is the
nature and quality of the material used. This latter
is an especially important element in price. The
smaller the openings in the " reed " through which the
threads pass, the finer and closer the crossing of the
weft, the greater in number and more delicate are the
threads to be watched by the weaver, and the greater
is the liability to breakage of threads. Closer attention
WOMEN IN TRADE UNIONS 99
and greater dexterity are needed in the weaving of fine
than of coarse materials, but on the other hand the
weaving of the coarser yarns may mean harder physical
labour though not requiring so much skill. The harder
work is paid for at an increased rate, though less wages
may be earned by the operative.
The weavers' work is to fetch the cops of weft (unless
they have tenters or assistants to do the fetching and
carrying), keep the shuttles full, and repair broken
threads. The standard upon which the uniform list is
based is calculated on the capacity of an ordinary loom,
forty-five inches in the reed space, weaving according to
certain particulars given in the list, which are somewhat
too technical to set down here. The standard condi-
tions are in practice varied in every conceivable way,
and exceptions of every kind have to be provided for by
making additions and deductions per cent. There are
also subsidiary lists for special kinds and qualities,
and local lists for special characters of goods made in
certain districts. To find the price of weaving the
various allowances have to be deducted or added one
by one. A minute fraction of a penny per yard may
make a perceptible difference in a weaver's earnings.
These lists are a comparatively modern develop-
ment, and date from the time of the labour troubles
mentioned above. In 1853 the Blackburn Society
prepared a list of uniform prices for weavers as a basis
for a permanent agreement. This list was based upon
prices previously paid at the various mills in the town,
on an average of a month's earnings. The Blackburn
list was in operation till 1892, and was the most im-
portant of all the lists regulating weavers' wages. It
was then, with many others, replaced by the uniform
list, which is now generally recognised throughout
ioo WOMEN IN TRADE UNIONS
Lancashire, but rates for some subsidiary processes are
still regulated by local lists.
The complication of these lists has necessitated a
high degree of specialised skill in the secretaries, who
must possess practical and intimate experience of the
work and a competent knowledge of arithmetic for
elaborate calculations. Subjects of complaint and
suspected miscalculations can be referred to the
secretary, who immediately inquires into the matter.
If he considers the complaint justified or the calcula-
tions incorrect, he visits the mill and puts the case
before the employer. The matter can very likely be
settled amicably, as in point of fact these matters
often are, but if dispute occurs, it is referred first to
the local association, and may be settled by negotia-
tion. In case of failure there is a machinery needless
to detail here by which meetings of employer and
employed can be arranged through successively higher
grades of representative authority, until in the last
resort, if all attempts at settlement fail, a strike is
called. The impressive feature about all this negotia-
tion from our present point of view is that the whole
strength of the Union, the brains and time and care of
the secretary, can be invoked for the protection of the
woman, the youthful or childish worker, as much as
for the adult skilled worker at a craft.
Cases of wrongful withholding of earnings, as for
instance unfair fines, can be taken into the County
Courts. In at least one district the secretary has
successfully asserted the right to visit the mill and
inspect cloth, when the employer claims deductions.
The cotton weavers' secretaries have in fact to play a
part not unlike that of the solicitor in other social
grades. They have to look after their clients' interests,
WOMEN IN TRADE UNIONS 101
protect them from fraud and injury, and advise them
in cases of doubt as to their legal rights and position.
A fertile source of trouble is in bad cotton. Most
of us have probably laughed over the story of the pious
weaver in the cotton famine who prayed for supplies
of raw material, " but, O Lord, not Surats ! " The
matter is far from amusing to the workers themselves.
Every breakage of a thread means that their wages are
stopped by so much, and defective material means that
they have to work harder and with more harass and
interruption, and accomplish less in the time. If
inferior material is persistently supplied, the cotton-
workers consider themselves entitled to an increase
of 5 per cent or 7J per cent on earnings, and it is the
secretaries' duty to get it for them.
It is perhaps worth while to note the peculiar sense
given in Lancashire speech to the expression " bad
work." In Lancashire " bad work " means bad
cotton, and is actually so used in the terms of an agree-
ment between employer and employed as a subject for
compensation to the worker.
Constant anxious care is needed to safeguard the
payment of wages. A Weavers' Local Association
advises their members that " whenever the earned
wages of a female or young person is being detained
for being absent or leaving work, except to the amount
of damage their employer has sustained in consequence,
such a young person should at once lay their case before
the Committee." 1 Even at the present time it is not
unknown for a girl to be fined to the amount of a whole
week's earnings, but, as my informant added, such a
case is now rare. As a rule the Trade Union Secretary
1 Rules of the Nelson and District Power-Loom Weavers' Associa-
tion, 1904, p. 13, " Advice to Members, etc."
102 WOMEN IN TRADE UNIONS
will be appealed to, will take the steps necessary, and
the fine will be returned or considerably reduced.
Any one who is used to considering the case of the
girl and women worker in the unorganised trades of
London or other great towns, any one who has read in
the Women Factory Inspectors' Reports of the diffi-
culty of enforcing the Truck Act and of the special
proneness of the woman worker to be oppressed and
cheated out of what is morally or even legally her due,
will appreciate at once the extraordinary difference
between her position and that of the cotton weaver
who is backed up by her Association, and has an expert
adviser to appeal to.
The position of women (and of course of other
members also) has been greatly improved since the
early days of power-loom weaving by the greater
financial strength and security of the Unions. The
history of the Burnley weavers is instructive on this
point. The Union dates from about 1870, and started
with a few hundred members on penny contributions.
Numbers, however, increased, in spite of some troubles
and persecution from individuals of the employing
class. In 1878, Lancashire, as we have seen, was
involved in a great industrial struggle. The Burnley
Society, on its penny contributions, was unable
adequately to sustain its members through the crisis,
and only survived the crisis after a very severe strain.
It was decided to adopt a sliding scale of payments
and higher contributions, with the result that a good
reserve was established, and benefits were granted on
a higher scale. Considerable sums are paid not only
in this, but in other Unions for breakdown or stoppage
of work from various causes, such as fire, accident, or
failure of trade, stoppage of machinery for repairs,
WOMEN IN TRADE UNIONS 103
dissolution of partnership, etc. The weavers give
benefit to members losing work through scarcity of
cotton, or waiting for wefts or warps. Whether it is
altogether wise from the tactical point of view for
trade associations to devote so much of their funds to
provident purposes of this nature is not a question I
propose to discuss ; the relevant point is the economic
security given to the worker. The following shows the
contributions graded according to benefit, and the
benefit accruing either for strikes brought on by the
Society's action, or for stoppage of work at the mill.
CHORLEY WEAVERS.
Weekly Payments. Benefits.
id. per week (Tenters). 1/6 per week.
3d- 7/6
4d. 1 1/
13/6
i6/
6d.
The Weavers' Unions do not, as a rule, pay sick or
maternity benefit save under the Insurance Act. On
the other hand, funeral benefit appears to be the in-
variable custom, and disablement through accident
also entitles members to benefit. A penny per member
per week is paid to the Amalgamation towards a Central
Strike Fund, the remainder of the contributions being
in the hands of the local branch.
The unusual strength of this Union, combining men
and women in a single organisation, seems to be due
in the first place to the increasing local concentration
of the industry. In towns where many large mills are
placed near together the ease and rapidity with which
a secretary can call a meeting is surprising. In the
104 WOMEN IN TRADE UNIONS
second place, it must be remembered that the organisa-
tion of women has been of great importance to the men,
the women forming the majority of the workers. It
has been worth the men's while to consider the women,
and so far at least as the economic position is con-
cerned, they have done it with considerable effective-
ness. The organisation is utterly dependent on the
membership and solidarity of women, and it has success-
fully safeguarded their economic interests, but it has
been built up mainly by the initiative and under the
control of a minority of men.
As a general rule, in spite of the exceptional success
of the Weavers' Unions in retaining the continued
membership of women, the fact remains that it is still
unusual for women to be actively interested in the work
of organisation. As a general rule the women rarely
attend meetings unless they have a special grievance
to be removed, and they seldom nominate one of them- '
selves for the Committee. There are places where no
woman has ever been nominated at all. This is a
subject of regret and surprise, not only to the secre-
taries, but to those women here and there who are
themselves keenly interested. These would fain see
women representatives on the Committee, and some
proportion of women acting as secretaries and collectors.
Such women feel strongly that " we need the two points