cilable with all our notions of humanity



to tear asunder the tender ties which
they had formed among us, to gratify
the feeling of a false philanthropy. What
a commentary on the wisdom, justice, and
humanity of the Southern slave-owner is
presented by the example of certain
benevolent associations and charitable in-
dividuals elsewhere! Shedding weak
tears over sufferings which had existed
only in their own sickly imaginations,
these " friends of humanity " set them-
selves systematically to work to seduce
the slaves of the South from their mas-
ters. By means of missionaries and po-
litical tracts, the scheme was in a great
measure successful. Thousands of these
deluded victims of fanaticism were se-
duced into the enjoyment of freedom in
our Northern cities. And what has been
the consequences? Go to these cities now
and ask the question. Visit the dark and
narrow lanes, and obscure recesses, which
have been assigned by common consent as
the abodes of those outcasts of the world,
the free people of color. Sir, there does
not exist, on the face of the whole earth,
a population so poor, so wretched, so
vile, so loathsome, so utterly destitute
of all the comforts, conveniences, and
decencies of life, as the unfortunate
blacks of Philadelphia and New York
and Boston. Liberty has been to them the
greatest of calamities, the heaviest of
curses. Sir, I have had some opportu-
nities of making comparison between the
condition of the free negroes of the North
and the slaves of the South, and the com-
parison has left not only an indelible
impression of the superior advantages of
the latter, but has gone far to reconcile
me to slavery itself. Never have I felt so
forcibly that touching description, " the
foxes have holes, and the birds of the air
have nests, but the Son of man hath not
where to lay his head," as when I have
seen this unhappy race, naked and house-
less, almost starving in the streets, and
abandoned by all the world. Sir, I have
seen in the neighborhood of one of the
most moral, religious, and refined cities
of the North a family of free blacks
driven to the caves of the rock, and there
obtaining a precarious subsistence from
charity and plunder.

When the gentleman from Massachu-
setts adopts and reiterates the old charge



346



HAYNE, ROBERT YOUNG



of weakness as resulting from slavery,
I must be permitted to call for the proof
of those blighting effects which he ascribes
to its influence. I suspect that when
the subject is closely examined, it will
be found that there is not much force
even in the plausible objection of the want
of physical power in slave-holding States.
The power of a country is compounded
of its population and its wealth; and in
modern times, where, from the very form
and structure of society, by far the great-
er portion of the people must, even dur-
ing the continuance of the most desolat-
ing wars, be employed in the cultivation
of the soil and other peaceful pursuits,
it may be well doubted whether slave-
holding States, by reason of the superior
value of their productions, are not able
to maintain a number of troops in the field
fully equal to what could be supported
by States with a larger white popula-
tion but not possessed of equal resources.
It is a popular error to suppose that
in any possible state of things the people
of a country could ever be called out
en masse, that a half, or a third, or even
a fifth part of the physical force of any
country could ever be brought into the
field. The difficulty is not to procure men,
but to provide the means for maintaining
them; and in this view of the subject U
may be asked whether the Southern States
are not a source of strength and power,
and not of weakness, to the country —
whether they have not contributed and are
not now contributing largely to the wealth
and prosperity of every State in this
Union. From a statement which I hold
in my hand it appears that in ten years,
from 1818 to 1S27 inclusive, the whole
amount of the domestic exports of the
United States was $521,811,045; of which
three articles (the product of slave-labor),
viz., cotton, rice, and tobacco, amounted
to $339,203,232, equal to about two-thirds
of the whole. It is not true, as has been
supposed, that the advantages of this
labor are confined almost exclusively to
the Southern States. Sir, I am thor-
oughly convinced that, at this time, the
States north of the Potomac actually de-
rive greater profits from the labors of
our slaves than we do ourselves. It ap-
pears from our public documents that in
seven years, from 1821 to 1827 inclusive,



the six Southern States exported $190,-
337,281 and imported only $55,646,301.
Now, the difference between these two
sums (near $140,000,000) passed through
the hands of the Northern merchants,
end enabled them to carry on their com-
mercial operations with all the world.
Such part of these goods as found its way
back to our hands came charged with the
duties, as well as the profits, of the mer-
chant, the ship-owner, and a host of oth-
ers who found employment in carrying on
these immense exchanges; and for such
part as was consumed at the North we re-
ceived in exchange Northern manufactures,
charged with an increased price, to cover
all the taxes which the Northern con-
sumer has been compelled to pay on the
imported article. It will be seen, there-
fore, at a glance, how much slave-labor
has contributed to the wealth and pros-
perity of the United States, and how
largely our Northern brethren have par-
ticipated in the profits of that labor. Sir,
on this subject I will quote an authority
which will, I doubt not, be considered by
the Senator from Massachusetts as entitled
to high respect. It is from the great
father of the " American system," honest
Matthew Carey, no great friend, it is true,
at this time, to Southern rights and
Southern interests, but not the worst
authority, on that account, on the point in
question.

Speaking of the relative importance to
the Union of the Southern and the East-
ern States, Matthew Carey, in the sixth
edition of his Olive Branch (page 278),
after exhibiting a number of statistical
tables to show the decided superiority of
the former, thus proceeds:

" But I am tired of this investigation.
I sicken for the honor of the human
species. What idea must the world form
of the arrogance of the pretensions of the
one side (the East), and, on the other, of
the folly and weakness of the rest of the
Union, to have so long suffered them to
pass without exposure and detection?
The naked fact is that the demagogues in
the Eastern States, not satisfied with de-
riving all the benefits from the Southern
section of the Union that they would from
so many wealthy colonies, with making
princely fortunes by the carriage and ex-
portation of its bulky and valuable pro-



347



HAYNE, BOBERT YOUNG

ductions and supplying it with their own quillity just so far as to bring down pun-
manufactures and the products of Europe ishment upon the heads of the unfortu-
and the East and West Indies, to an enor- nate victims of a fanatical and mistaken
mous amount and at an immense profit, humanity.

have uniformly treated it with outrage. There is a spirit which, like the father
insult, and injury. And, regardless of of evil, is constantly " walking to and fro
their vital interests, the Eastern States about the earth, seeking whom it may de-
it is the spirit of False Philan-
The persons whom it possesses
do not indeed throw themselves into the



were lately courting their own destruc- vour

tion by allowing a few restless, turbulent thropy,

men to lead them blindfolded to a separa

tion which was pregnant with their cer- flames, but they are employed in lighting

tain ruin. Whenever that event takes place, up the torches of discord throughout the



they will sink to their native insignifi-
cance. If a separation were desirable to
any part of the Union it would be to the



community. Their first principle of action
is to leave their own affairs, and neglect
their own duties, to regulate the affairs



Middle and Southern States, particularly and duties of others. Theirs is the task

the latter, who have been so long harassed to feed the hungry and clothe the naked

with the complaints, the restlessness, the of other lands, while they thrust the

turbulence, and the ingratitude of the naked, famished, and shivering beggar

Eastern States, that their patience has from their own doors; to instruct the

been tried almost beyond endurance, heathen, while their own children want

'Jeshurun waxed fat, and kicked.' And the bread of life. When this spirit in-



he will be severely punished for his kick-
ing in the event of a dissolution of the
Union."



fuses itself into the bosom of a statesman
(if one so possessed can be called a states-
man) it converts him at once into a vis-



Sir, I wish it to be distinctly under- ionary enthusiast. Then it is that he in-
stood that I do not adopt these sentiments dulges in golden dreams of national great-
as my own. I quote them to show that ness and prosperity. He discovers that
very different sentiments have prevailed " liberty is power," and not content with
in former times as to the weakness of the vast schemes of improvement at home,
slave-holding States from those which now which it would bankrupt the treasury of
seem to have become fashionable in cer- the world to execute, he flies to foreign



tain quarters. I know it has been sup-
posed by certain ill-informed persons that
the South exists only by the countenance
and protection of the North. Sir, this is



lands to fulfil obligations to " the hungry
race" by inculcating the principles of
" political and religious liberty," and pro-
moting the " general welfare " of the whole



the idlest of all idle and ridiculous fancies human race. It is a spirit which ha? lono
that ever entered into the mind of man. been busy with the slaves of the South,



In every State of this Union, except one,
the free white population actually pre-



md is even now displaying itself in vain
efforts to drive the government from its



ponderates; while in the British West wise policy in relation to the Indians. It

India islands (where the average white is this spirit which has filled the land with

population is less than 10 per cent, of the thousands of wild and visionary projects,

whole) the slaves are kept in entire sub- which can have no effect but to waste the

jection, it is preposterous to suppose that energies and dissipate the resources of the

the Southern States could ever find the country. It is the spirit of which the

smallest difficulty in this respect. On this aspiring politician dexterously avails him-

subject, as on all others, we ask nothing self when, by inscribing on his banner the

of our Northern brethren but to " let us magical words Liberty and Philanthropy,

alone." Leave us to the undisturbed man- he draws to his support that entire class

agement of our domestic concerns, and the of persons who are ready to bow down to

direction of our own industry, and we will the very names of their idols,

ask no more. Sir, all our difficulties on But, sir, whatever difference of opinion

this subject have arisen from interference may exist as to the effect of slavery on

from abroad, which has disturbed and national wealth and prosperity, if we may

may again disturb our domestic tran- trust to experience, there can be no doubt

348



HAYNE, ROBERT YOUNG

that it has never yet produced any in- and privilege. Not seeing there that

jurious effect on individual or national freedom, as in countries where it is a

character. Look through the whole his- common blessing and as broad and gen-

tory of the country, from the commence- eral as the air, may be united with much

ment of the Revolution down to the pres- abject toil, with great misery, with all

ent hour; where are there to be found the exterior of servitude, liberty looks

brighter examples of intellectual and among them like something that is

moral greatness than have been exhibited more noble and liberal. I do not mean,

by the sons of the South? From the sir, to commend the superior morality of

Father of his Country down to the dis- this sentiment, which has at least as

tinguished chieftain who has been elevat- much pride as virtue in it; but I cannot

ed by a grateful people to the highest alter the nature of man. The fact is so,

office in their gift, the interval is filled and these people of the Southern colo-

up by a long line of orators, of states- nies are much more strongly, and with

men, and of heroes, justly entitled to a higher and more stubborn spirit, at-

rank among the ornaments of their coun- tached to liberty than those to the

try and the benefactors of mankind, northward. Such were all the ancient

Look at the Old Dominion, the great and commonwealths; such were our Gothic an-

magnanimous Virginia, " whose jewels cestors ; such in our days were the Poles ;

are her sons." Is there any State in this and such will be all masters of slaves

Union which has contributed so much who are not slaves themselves. In such

to the honor and welfare of the country? a people the haughtiness of domination

Sir, I will yield the whole question; I combines with the spirit of freedom, for-

will acknowledge the fatal effects of tifies it, and renders it invincible."
slavery upon character, if any one can In the course of my former remarks,

say that for noble disinterestedness, Mr. President [Probably the beginning

ardent love of country, exalted virtue, of his speech of the second day. — Editor],

and a pure and holy devotion to liberty, I took occasion to deprecate, as one of

the people of the Southern States have the greatest evils, the consolidation of

ever been surpassed by any in the world, this government. The gentleman takes

I know, sir, that this devotion to liberty alarm at the sound. " Consolidation,"

has sometimes been supposed to be at war like the tariff, grates upon his ear. He

with our institutions ; but it is in some tells us " we have heard much of late

degree the result of those very institu- about consolidation; that it is the rally-

tions. Burke, the most philosophical of ing word for all who are endeavoring

statesmen, as he was the most accom- to weaken the Union by adding to the

plished of orators, well understood the power of the States." But consolidation

operation of this principle in elevating (says the gentleman) was the very object

the sentiments and exalting the prin- for which the Union was formed; and,

ciples of the people in the slave-holding in support of that opinion, he read a

States. I will conclude my remarks on passage from the address of the presi-

this branch of the subject by reading a dent of the convention to Congress, which

few passages from his speech " On mov- he assumes to be an authority on his side

ing his resolutions for conciliation with of the question. But, sir, the gentleman

the colonies," March 22, 1775: is mistaken. The object of the framers

" There is a circumstance attending of the Constitution, as disclosed in that

these (the Southern) colonies which address, was not the consolidation of the

. . . makes the spirit of liberty still government, but " the consolidation of the

more high and haughty than in those to Union." It was not to draw power from

the northward. It is that in Virginia the State in order to transfer it to a great

and the Carolinas they have a vast num- national government, but, in the language

ber of slaves. Where this is the case of the Constitution itself, " to form a more

in any part of the world, those who are perfect Union" — and by what means? By

free are by far the most proud and jealous " establishing justice, promoting domes-

of their freedom. Freedom is to them tic tranquillity, and securing the blessings

net onlv enjoyment, but a kind of rank of liberty to ourselves and our posterity."

349



SATTNE, BOBERT YOtJNG



This is the true reading of the Constitu-
tion. But, according to the gentleman's
reading, the object of the Constitution
was to consolidate the government, and
the means would seem to be, the pro-
motion of injustice, causing domestic dis-
cord, and depriving the States and the
people of " the blessings of liberty " for-
ever.

The gentleman boasts of belonging to
the party of National Republicans. Na-
tional Republicans ! A new name, sir, for a
very old thing. The National Republicans
of the present day were the Federalists of
'98, who became Federal Republicans dur-
ing the War of 1812, and were manu-
factured into National Republicans some-
where about the year 1825. As a party
(by whatever name distinguished) they
have always been animated by the same
principles, and have kept steadily in view
a common object, the consolidation of the
government. Sir, the party to which I
am proud of having belonged, from the
very commencement of my political life
to the present day, were the Democrats
of '98 (Anarchists, Anti-Federalists,
Revolutionists, I think they were some-
times called). They assumed the name of
Democratic-Republicans in 1812, and have
retained their name and principles up to
the present hour. True to their political
faith, they have always, as a party, been
in favor of limitations of power; they
have insisted that all powers not dele-
gated to the federal government are re-
served, and have been constantly strug-
gling, as they are now, to preserve the
rights of the States, and to prevent them
from being drawn into the vortex, and
swallowed up by one great consolidated
government.

Sir, any one acquainted with the his-
tory of the parties in this country will
recognize in the points now in dispute be-
tween the Senator from Massachusetts
and myself the very grounds which have,
from the beginning, divided the two great
parties in this country, and which (call
those parties by uhat names you will, and
amalgamate them as you may) will di-
vide them forever. The true distinction
between these parties is laid down in a
celebrated manifesto, issued by the con-
vention of the Federalists of Massachu-
setts, assembled in Boston, in February,



1824, on the occasion of organizing a
party opposition to the re-election of Gov-
ernor Eustis. The gentleman will recog-
nize this as " the canonical book of politi-
cal scripture " ; and it instructs us that,
" when the American colonies redeemed
themselves from British bondage, and be-
came so many independent nations, they
proposed to form a national Union (not
a federal Union, sir, but a national
Union). Those who were in favor of a
union of the States in this form became
known by the name of Federalists; those
who wanted no union of the States, or dis-
liked the proposed form of union, became
known by the name of Anti-Federalists.
By means which need not be enumer-
ated, the Anti-Federalists became (after
the expiration of twelve years) our na-
tional rulers, and for a period of sixteen
years, until the close of Mr. Madison's
administration in 1817, continued to ex-
ercise the exclusive direction of our public
affairs." Here, sir, is the true history
of the origin, rise, and progress of the
party of National Republicans, who date
back to the very origin of the government,
and who then, as now, chose to consider
the Constitution as having created not a
federal but a national Union; who re-
garded " consolidation " as no evil, and
who doubtless consider it a " consum-
mation devoutly to be wished " to build
up a great " central government," " one
and indivisible." Sir, there have existed
in every age and every country two dis-
tinct orders of men — the lovers of free-
dom, and the devoted advocates of power.
The same great leading principles, modi-
fied only by peculiarities of manners,
habits, and institutions, divided parties
in the ancient republics, animated the
Whigs and Tories of Great Britain, dis-
tinguished in our own times the Liberals
and Ultras of France, and may be
traced even in the bloody struggles of
unhappy Spain. Sir, when the gal-
lant Riego, who devoted himself and all
that he possessed to the liberties of his
country, was dragged to the scaffold, fol-
lowed by the tears and lamentations of
every lover of freedom throughout the
world, he perished amid the deafening
cries of "Long live the absolute king!"
The people whom I represent, Mr. Presi-
dent, are the descendants of those who



350



HAYNE, ROBERT YOUNG

brought with them to this country, as knowledge, and a richness of illustration

the most precious of their possessions, that have never been surpassed, he niain-

" an ardent love of liberty," and while that tained and established the principles of

shall be preserved, they will always be commercial freedom on a foundation never

found struggling manfully against the to be shaken. Great indeed was the vic-

consolidation of the government AS the tory achieved by the gentleman on that



WORST OF EVILS.

The Senator from Massachusetts, in al-
luding to the tariff, becomes quite face-
tious. He tells us that " he hears of
nothing but tariff, tariff, tariff; and, if
a word could be found to rhyme with it,



occasion; most striking the contrast be-
tween the clear, forcible, and convincing
arguments by which he carried away the
understandings of his hearers, and the
narrow views and wretched sophistry of
another distinguished orator, who may be



candle to the sun."

Sir, the Senator from Massachusetts, on



he presumes it would be celebrated in truly said to have held up his "farthing
verse and set to music." Sir, perhaps, the
gentleman, in mockery of our complaints,
maybe himself disposed to sing the praises that, the proudest day of his life, like a
of the tariff, in doggerel verse, to the tune mighty giant, bore away upon his shoul-
of Old Hundred. I am not at all sur- ders the pillars of the temple of error and
prised, however, at the aversion of the delusion, escaping himself unhurt and
gentleman to the very name of tariff. I leaving his adversaries overwhelmed in its
doubt not that it must always bring up ruins. Then it was that he erected to free-
some very unpleasant recollections to his trade a beautiful and enduring monument,

and " inscribed the marble with his name."
Mr. President, it is with pain and regret



mmd. If I am not greatly mistaken, the
Senator from Massachusetts was a lead-
ing actor at a great meeting got up in that I now go forward to the next great
Boston in 1820 against the tariff. It has era in the political life of that gentleman,
generally been supposed that he drew up when he was found on this floor support-
ing, advocating, and finally voting for the
tariff of 1828— that "bill of abomina-



the resolutions adopted by that meeting
denouncing the tariff system as unequal,

oppressive, and unjust, and, if I am not tions." By that act, sir, the Senator from

much mistaken, denying its constitution- Massachusetts has destroyed the labors of

ality. Certain it is that the gentleman his whole life, and given a wound to the

made a speech on that occasion in sup- cause of free-trade never to be healed,

port of those resolutions, denouncing the Sir, when I recollect the position which

system in no very measured terms, and, the gentleman once occupied, and that

if my memory serves me, calling its con- which he now holds in public estimation,

stitutionality in question. I regret that in relation to this subject, it is not at all

I have not been able to lay hands on surprising that the tariff should be hate-



those proceedings; but I have seen them,
and cannot be mistaken in their character.



ful to his ears. Sir, if I had erected to my
own fame so proud a monument as that



At that time, sir, the Senator from which the gentleman built up in 1824, and
Massachusetts entertained the very sen- I could have been tempted to destroy it



timents in relation to the tariff which
the South now entertains. We next find



with my own hands, I should hate the
voice that should ring " the accursed tar-



the Senator from Massachusetts expressing iff " in my ears. I doubt not the gentle-
his opinion on the tariff as a member of man feels very much, in relation to the
the House of Representatives from the tariff, as a certain knight did to " in-
city of Boston, in 1824. On that occasion,
sir, the gentleman assumed a position to exclaim,
which commanded the respect and ad-
miration of his country. He stood forth
the powerful and fearless champion of