and being replaced by better men." " Any
Federalist who lends money to govern-
ment must go and shake hands with James
Madison, and claim fellowship with Felix
Grundy." (I beg pardon of my honor-
able friend from Tennessee, but he is
in good company. I thought it was
"James Madison, Felix Grundy, and
the Devil.") "Let him no more call him-
self a Federalist, and a friend to his
country — he will be called by others in-
famous," etc.

Sir, the spirit of the people sunk under
these appeals. Such was the effect pro-
duced by them on the public mind that
the very agents of the government (as
appears from their public advertisements
now before me) could not obtain loans



3S7



without a pledge that " the names of the
subscribers should not be known." Here
are the advertisements : " The names of
all subscribers" (say Gilbert and Dean,
the brokers employed by government)
" shall be known only to the undersigned."
As if those who came forward to aid
their country, in the hour of her utmost
need, were engaged in some dark and
foul conspiracy, they were assured " that
their names should not be known." Can
anything show more conclusively the un-
happy state of public feeling which pre-
vailed at that day than this single fact?
Of the same character with these measures
was the conduct of Massachusetts in with-
holding her militia from the service of
the United States, and devising measures
for withdrawing her quota of the taxes,
thereby attempting, not merely to cripple
the resources of the country, but actually
depriving the government (so far as de-
pended upon her) of all the means of
carrying on the war, of the bone and
muscle and sinews of war, " of man and
steel, the soldier and his sword." But it
seems Massachusetts was to reserve her
resources for herself — she was to defend
and protect her own shores. And how
was that duty performed? In some places
on the coast neutrality was declared, and
the enemy was suffered to invade the soil
of Massachusetts, and allowed to occupy
her territory until the peace, without one
effort to rescue it from his grasp. Nay,
more — while our own government and
our own rulers were considered as ene-
mies, the troops of the enemy were treat-
ed like friends — the most intimate com-
mercial relations were established with
them, and maintained up to the peace.
At this dark period of our national af-
fairs where was the Senator from Massa-
chusetts? How were his political asso-
ciates employed? "Calculating the value
of the Union?" Yes, sir, that was the pro-
pitious moment, when our country stood
alone, the last hope of the world, strug-
gling for existence against the colossal
power of Great Britain, " concentrated in
one mighty effort to crush us at a blow "
— that was the chosen hour to revive th«
grand scheme of building up " a great
Northern confederacy " — a scheme which,
it is stated in the work before me, had its
origin as far back as the year 1796, and



HAYNE, ROBERT YOUNG



which appears never to have been entirely
abandoned.

In the language of the writers of that
day (1796), "rather than have a Con-
stitution such as the Anti-Federalists were
contending for " ( such as we now are con-
tending for), "the Union ought to be dis-
solved " ; and to prepare the way for that
measure the same methods were resorted
to then that have always been relied on
for that purpose, exciting prejudice
against the South. Yes, sir, our North-
ern brethren were then told " that if the
negroes were good for food their Southern
masters would claim the right to destroy
them at pleasure." (Olive Branch, page
267.) Sir, in 1814 all these topics were
revived. Again we hear of " a Northern
confederacy " ; " the slave States by them-
selves " ; " the mountains are the natural
boundary " ; we want neither " the coun-
sels nor the power of the West," etc.
The papers teemed with accusations
against the South and the West, and the
calls for a dissolution of all connection
with them were loud and strong. I can-
not consent to go through the disgusting
details. But, to show the height to which
the spirit of disaffection was carried, I
will take you to the temple of the living
God, and show you that sacred place
(which should be devoted to the extension
of " peace on earth and good will towards
men," where one day's truce ought surely
to be allowed to the dissensions and ani-
mosities of mankind) converted into a
fierce arena of political strife, where, from
the lips of the priest standing between the
horns of the altar, there went forth the
most terrible denunciations against all
who should be true to their country in the
hour of her utmost need.

" If you do not wish," said a reverend
clergyman in a sermon preached in Boston
on July 23, 1812, "to become the slaves
of those who own slaves, and who are
themselves the slaves of French slaves,
you must either, in the language of the
day, cut the connection, or so far alter
the national compact as to insure to your-
selves a due share in the government."
(Olive Branch, page 319.) "The Union,"
says the same writer (page 320), "has
been long since virtually dissolved, and it
is full time that this part of the disunited
States should take care of itself."



358



Another reverend gentleman, pastor of
a church at Medford (page 321), issues
his anathema, " Let him stand accursed,"
against all, all who, by their "personal
services," or " loans of money," " conver-
sations," or " writing," or " influence,"
give countenance or support to the un-
righteous war, in the following terms:
" That man is an accomplice in the wick-
edness, he loads his conscience with the
blackest crimes, he brings the guilt of
blood upon his soul, and in the sight of
God and his law he is a murderer."

One more quotation, sir, and I shall
have done. A reverend doctor of divinity,
the pastor of a church at Byfield,
Mass., on April 7, 1814, thus addressed
his flock (page 321): "The Israelites be-
came weary of yielding the fruit of their
labor to pamper their splendid tyrants.
They left their political woes. They
separated. Where is our Moses? Where
the rod of his miracles? Where is our
Aaron? Alas! no voice from the burn-
ing bush has directed them here." " We
must trample on the mandates of despot-
ism, or remain slaves forever " ( page
322). "You must drag the chains of
Virginia despotism, unless you discover
some other mode of escape." " Those
Western States which have been violent
in this abominable war, those States
which have thirsted for blood, God has
given them blood to drink" (page 323).
Mr. President, I can go no further. The
records of the day are full of such senti-
ments, issued from the pres3, spoken in
public assemblies, poured out from the
sacred desk. God forbid, sir, that I
should charge the people of Massachusetts
with participating in these sentiments.
The South and the West had there their
friends, men who stood by their country,
though encompassed all arour.d by their
enemies. The Senator from Massachu-
setts (Mr. Silsbee) was one of them; the
Senator from Connecticut (Mr. Foote)
was another, and there are others now
on this floor. The sentiments I have read
were the sentiments of a party embrac-
ing the political associates of the gentle-
man from Massachusetts. If they could
only be found in the columns of a news-
paper, in a few occasional pamphlets, is-
sued by men of intemperate feeling, I
should not consider them as affording any



HAYNE, ROBERT YOUNG

evidence of the opinions even of the then; if we could find it recorded in the

peace party of New England. But, sir, history of those times that, like the im-

they were the common language of that mortal Dexter, he had breasted that

day; they pervaded the whole land; they mighty torrent which was sweeping before

were issued from the legislative hall, from it all that was great and valuable in our

the pulpit, and the press. Our books are political institutions; if like him he had

full of them; and there is no man who stood by his country in opposition to his

now hears me but knows that they were party — sir, we would, like little children,

the sentiments of a party by whose mem- listen to his precepts, and abide by his

bers they were promulgated. Indeed, no counsels.

evidence of this wouid seem to be re- As soon as the public mind was suffi-
quired beyond the fact that such senti- ciently prepared for the measure, the cele-
ments found their way even into the pul- brated Hartford Convention was got up;
pits of New England. What must be not as the act of a few unorganized indi-
the state of public opinion where any re- viduals, but by the authority of the legis-
spectable clergyman would venture to lature of Massachusetts, and, as has been
preach and to print sermons containing shown by the able historian of that con-
the sentiments I have quoted? I doubt vention, in accordance with the views and
not the piety or moral worth of these wishes of the party of which it was the
gentlemen. I am told they were respect- organ. Now, sir, I do not desire to call
able and pious men. But they were men, in question the motives of the gentlemen
and they " kindled in a common blaze." who composed that assembly. I knew
And now, sir, I must be suffered to re- many of them to be in private life ac-
mark that, at this awful and melancholy complished and honorable men, and I
period of our national history, the gentle- doubt not there were some among them
man from Massachusetts who now mani- who did not perceive the dangerous ten-
fests so great a devotion to the Union, dency of their proceedings. I will even go
and so much anxiety lest it should be further, and say that if the authors of
endangered by the South, was " with his the Hartford Convention believed that
brethren in Israel." He saw all these "gross, deliberate, and palpable viola-
things passing before his eyes; he heard tions of the Constitution" had taken
these sentiments uttered all around him. place, utterly destructive of their rights
I do not charge that gentleman with any and interests, I should be the last man
participation in these acts, or with ap- to deny their right to resort to any
proving of these sentiments. constitutional measures for redress. But,
But I will ask, why if he was animated sir, in any view of the case, the time
by the same sentiments then which he when and the circumstances under which
now professes, if he can " augur disunion that convention assembled, as well as the
at a distance, and snuff up rebellion in measures recommended, render their con-
every tainted breeze," why did he not at duct, in my opinion, wholly indefensible,
that day exert his great talents and ac- Let us contemplate, for a moment, the
knowledged influence with the political spectacle then exhibited to the view of the
associates by whom he was surrounded, world. I will not go over the disasters
and who then, as now, looked up to him of the war, nor describe the difficulties in
for guidance and direction, in allaying which the government was involved. It
this general excitement, in pointing out will be recollected that its credit was
to his deluded friends the value of the nearly gone, Washington had fallen, the
Union, in instructing them that, instead whole coast was blockaded, and an im-
of looking " to some prophet to lead them mense force, collected in the West Indies,
out of the land of Egypt," they should be- was about to make a descent which it was
come reconciled to their brethren, and supposed we had no means of resisting,
unite with them in the support of a just In this awful state of our public affairs,
and necessary war? Sir, the gentleman when the government seemed almost
must excuse me from saying that, if the to be tottering on its base, when Great
record of our country afforded any evi- Britain, relieved from all her other ene-
dence that he had pursued such a course, mies, had proclaimed her purpose of "re-

350



HAYNE, ROBERT YOUNG



ducing us to unconditional submission,"
we beheld the peace party of New England
(in the language of the work before us)
pursuing a course calculated to do more
injury to their country, " and to render
England more effective service than all her
armies." Those who could not find it in
their hearts to rejoice at our victories
sang Te Deum at the King's Chapel in
Boston for the restoration of the Bour-
bons. Those who could not consent to il-
luminate their dwellings for the capture
of the Ouerriere could give visible tokens
of their joy at the fall of Detroit. The
" beacon fires " of their hills were lighted
up, not for the encouragement of their
friends, but as signals to the enemy; and
in the gloomy hours of midnight the very
lights burned blue. Such were the dark
and portentous signs of the times which
ushered into being the renowned Hartford
Convention. That convention met, and
from their proceedings it appears that
their chief object was to keep back the men
and money of New England from the ser-
vice of the Union, and to effect radical
changes in the government — changes that
can never be effected without a dissolution
of the Union.

Let us now, sir, look at their proceed-
ings. I read from A Short Account of the
Hartford Convention (written by one of
its members), a very rare book, of which
I was fortunate enough, a few years ago,
to obtain a copy. [Here Senator Hayne
read from the proceedings.]

It is unnecessary to trace the matter
further, or to ask what would have been
the next chapter in this history if the
measures recommended had been carried
into effect: and if, with the men and
money of New England withheld from the
government of the United States, she had
been withdrawn from the war; if New
Orleans had fallen into the hands of the
enemy; and if, without troops and almost
destitute of money, the Southern and
Western States had been thrown upon
their own resources for the prosecution of
the war and the recovery of New Orleans.
Sir, whatever may have been the issue of
the contest, the Union must have been dis-
solved. But a wise and just Providence,
which " shapes our ends, rough hew them
how we will," gave us the victory, and
crowned our efforts with a glorious peace.



The ambassadors of Hartford were seen
retracing their steps from Washington,
" the bearers of the glad tidings of great
joy." Courage and patriotism triumphed;
the country was saved; the Union was
preserved. And are we, Mr. President, who
stood by our country then, who threw open
our coffers, who bared our bosoms, who
freely periled all in that conflict, to be
reproached with want of attachment to the
Union? If, sir, we are to have lessons of
patriotism read to us, they must come
from a different quarter. The Senator from
Massachusetts, who is now so sensitive on
all subjects connected with the Union,
seems to have a memory forgetful of the
political events that have passed away. I
must therefore refresh his recollection a
little further on these subjects. The his-
tory of disunion has been written by one
whose authority stands too high with the
American people to be questioned — I mean
Thomas Jefferson. I know not how the
gentleman may receive this authority.
When that great and good man occupied
the Presidential chair, I believe he com-
manded no portion of that gentleman's
respect.

1 hold in my hand a celebrated pamphlet
on the embargo, in which language is
held, in relation to Mr. Jefferson, which
my respect for his memory will prevent
me from reading, unless any gentleman
should call for it. But the Senator from
Massachusetts has since joined in sing-
ing hosannas to his name; he has assist-
ed at his apotheosis, and has fixed him as
" a brilliant star in the clear upper sky."
I hope, therefore, he is now prepared to
receive with deference and respect the
high authority of Mr. Jefferson. In the
fourth volume of his Memoirs, which have
just issued from the press, we have the
following history of disunion from the
pen of that illustrious statesman: "Mr.
Adams called on me pending the embargo,
and while endeavors were making to ob-
tain its repeal; he spoke of the dissatis-
faction of the Eastern portion of our
confederacy with the restraints of the
embargo then existing, and their restless-
ness under it; that there was nothing
which might not be attempted to rid them-
selves of it; that he had information of the
most unquestioned authority that certain
citizens of the Eastern States (I think he



HAYNE, ROBERT YOUNG



rained Massachusetts particularly) were
in negotiation with the agents of the Brit-
ish government, the object of which was
an agreement that the New England States
should take no further part in the war
(the commercial war, the 'war of re-



found in the protests made by New Eng-
land against the acquisition of Louisiana.
In relation to that subject, the New Eng«
land doctrine is thus laid down by one
of her learned political doctors of that
day, now a doctor of laws at the head of



strictions,' as it was called, then going the great literary institution of the East;



on, and that, without formally declaring
their separation from the Union, they
should withdraw from all aid and obedi-
ence to them," etc.

'* From that moment," says Mr. Jeffer-
son, " I saw the necessity of abandoning
it (the embargo), and, instead of effect-
ing our purpose by this peaceful measure,
we must fight it out or break the Union."
In another letter Mr. Jefferson adds: "I
doubt whether a single fact known to the
world will carry as clear conviction to it
of the correctness of our knowledge of
the treasonable views of the Federal party
of that day as that disclosed by this, the
most nefarious and daring attempt to dis-
sever the Union, of which the Hartford
Convention was a subsequent chapter;
and, both of these having failed, consolida-
tion becomes the fourth chapter of the
next book of their history. But it opens
with a vast accession of strength from
their young recruits, who, having nothing
in them of the feelings and principles of
'76, now look to a single and splendid gov-
ernment, etc., riding and ruling over the
plundered ploughman and beggared yeo-
manry." (Vol. iv., pp. 419, 422.)

The last chapter, says Mr. Jefferson, of
that history is to be found in the con-
duct of those who are endeavoring to
bring about consolidation ; ay, sir, that
very consolidation for which the gentle-
man from Massachusetts is contending —
the exercise by the federal government
of powers not delegated in relation to
" internal improvements " and " the pro-
tection of manufactures." And why, sir,
does Mr. Jefferson consider consolidation
as leading directly to disunion? Because
he knew that the exercise by the federal
government of the powers contended for
would make this " a government without
limitation of powers." the submission to
which he considered as a greater evil than
disunion itself. There is one chapter in
this history, however, which Mr. Jeffer-
son has not filled up, and I must there
fore supply the deficiency. It is to



I mean Josiah Quincy, president of Har-
vard College. I quote from the speech
delivered by that gentleman on the floor
of Congress, on the occasion of the ad-
mission of Louisiana into the Union.

Mr. Quincy repeated and justified a re-
mark he had made, which, to save all
misapprehension, he had committed to
writing, in the following words : " If this
bill passes, it is my deliberate opinion
that it is virtually a dissolution of the
Union; that it will free the States from
their moral obligation; and as it will be
the right of all, so it will be the duty
of some to prepare for a separation,
amicably if they can, violently if they
must."

Mr. President, I wish it to be distinctly
understood that all the remarks I have
made on this subject are intended to be
exclusively applied to a party which I
have described as the " peace party of
New England," embracing the political as-
sociates of the Senator from Massachu-
setts, a party which controlled the opera-
tions of that State during the embargo
and the war, and who are justly charge-
able with all the measures I have repro-
bated. Sir, nothing has been further from
my thoughts than to impeach the charac-
ter or conduct of the people of New Eng-
land. For their steady habits and hardy
virtues I trust I entertain a becoming re-
spect. I fully subscribe to the truth of
the description given before the Revolu-
tion, by one whose praise is the highest
eulogy, " that the perseverance of Holland,
the activity of France, and the dexterous
and firm sagacity of English enterprise
have been more than equalled by this re-
cent people." Hardy, enterprising, saga-
cious, industrious, and moral, the people
of New England of the present day are
worthy of their ancestors. Still less, Mr.
President, has it been my intention to say
anything that could be construed into
a want of respect for that party who,
trampling on all narrow, sectional feel-
be ing, have been true to their principles in
361



HAYNE, ROBERT YOUNG



the worst of times ; I mean the Democracy
of New England.

Sir, I will declare that, highly as I
appreciate the Democracy of the South, I
consider even higher praise to be due to
the Democracy of New England, who have
maintained their principles " through
good and through evil report," who, at
every period of our national history, have
stood up manfully for " their country,
their whole country, and nothing but their
country." In the great political revolu-
tion of '98 they were found united with
the Democracy of the South, marching
under the banner of the Constitution, led
on by the patriarch of liberty, in search
of the land of political promise, which
they lived not only to behold, but to pos-
sess and to enjoy. Again, sir, in the dark-
est and most gloomy period of the war,
when our country stood single-handed
against " the conqueror of the conquerors
of the world," when all about and around
them was dark and dreary, disastrous and
discouraging, they stood a Spartan band
in that narrow pass, where the honor of
their country was to be defended, or to
find its grave. And in the last great
struggle, involving, as we believe, the very
existence of the principle of popular sover-
eignty, where were the Democracy of New
England? Where they have always been
found, sir, struggling side by side with
their brethren of the South and the West
for popular rights, and assisting in
that glorious triumph by which the man
of the people was elevated to the highest
office in their gift.

Who, then, Mr. President, are the true
friends of the Union? Those who would
confine the federal government strictly
within the limits prescribed by the Con-
stitution; who would preserve to the
States and the people all powers not
expressly delegated; who would make
this a federal and not a national Union;
and who, administering the government
in a spirit of equal justice, would make
it a blessing and not a curse. And who
are its enemies? Those who are in favor
of consolidation; who are constantly
stealing power from the States, and add-
ing strength to the federal government;
who, assuming an unwarrantable juris-
diction over the States and the people,
undertake to regulate the whole industry



and capital of the country. But, sir, of
all descriptions of men, I consider those
as the worst enemies of the Union who
sacrifice the equal rights which belong
to every member of the confederacy to
combinations of interested majorities for
personal or political objects. But the
gentleman apprehends no evil from the
dependence of the States on the federal
government; he can see no danger of
money or of patronage. Sir, I know that
it is supposed to be a wise saying that
'* patronage is a source of weakness,"
and in support of that maxim it has been
said that " every ten appointments make
a hundred enemies." But I am rather
inclined to think, with the eloquent and
sagacious orator now reposing on his
laurels on the banks of the Roanoke, that
" the power of conferring favors creates
a crowd of dependents." He gave a for-
cible illustration of the truth of the re-
mark when he told us of the effect of
holding up the savory morsel to the
eager eyes of the hungry hounds gathered
around his door. It mattered not whether
the gift was bestowed on Towser or
Sweetlips, Tray, Blanche, or Sweetheart;
while held in suspense they were all
governed by a nod, and, when the mor-
sel was bestowed, the expectation of the
favors of to-morrow kept up the sub-
jection of to-day.