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from long exposure nearly worn away. My guide, a very
intellio-ent native, told me the meanino- of the enofravina;



was that the elejihant represents the government or ruling
powers ; the figure in the centre is supposed to be justice
or tlie executioner, and the round tiling is a man's head ;
the body is buried in tlie ground, and underneath the
man's head is written his name, or offence. In old times
all religious crimes and misdeeds against the priests were
punished in this way, that is to say, the culprit was
buried up to his neck in the ground, facing the sun and
his eyelids cut ofi. The pain and agony that would thus
be caused by gazing at the sun becomes unendurable, so
the old records say, and produces the worst type of fever,
followed by madness, until death relieves the poor wretch.
This mode of torture was invented by the Nepaulese,
and is still practised in certain parts of China.

This buried city was about two miles in circumference,
and, judging from the densely-packed buildings and walls,
it must have had a population of quite fifty thousand
inhabitants. It showed signs of being fortified, and had
evidently been joillaged and burnt, my guide said he
thought it more than prol^able by Alexander the Great.
Certain tombs on the outskirts of the city were after
the style and order of Western architecture and there
was nothing Indian about them, and if n\j guide's
surmises are correct, this city must have flourished about
2,500 years ago. These tombs were four in number and
of s^reat elevation, the hio-hest measurino; 70 feet from
the ground, and 25 feet square at the base. (Plate i.)

Half way up the pillar or obelisk Avas a tablet with
the inscription perfectly clear and distinct. It is very
evident, therefore, that it cannot have been Mahomedan,
because the Mahoniedans were not permitted to put any
inscriptions over their tombs. It cannot be of Hindoo
origin either, because they invariably burn their dead,
and I am therefore inclined to think my native guide
is correct. He is of opinion that the writing is between
Hebrew and Sanscrit, and that the four tombs mark the
resting-places of four distinguished officers of Alexander
tlie Great's army, who fell in attacking the place. The
inscription of the writing l)uried in the column is in the
most perfect state of preservation, and the accompanying
sketch is a fac-simile. (Plate ii.) Tlie whole piece, I
regret to say, I was unable to bring away without breaking

Plate I.



the slal). I have placed the three pieces In the order I
found them, and I have drawn them one-fifth their natural
size. The distance apart is from the cast, and in due
proportion as I found them emhedded in the obelisk.

The houses were generally small, the rooms being
about 12 feet by 10 feet long, although occasionally they
exceeded this. The principal houses had back courts
and passages, and the whole of the buildings v^ere built
of brick, which were of the old pattern, being about 8
inches square, and 1:^ deep. The inner walls had nnid
run into the joints, and the facing and all exposed points
were well covered with mortar, which had become very
hard although here and there atmospheric, or other in-
fluences had damaged and worn the brickw^ay away. All
exterior joints were pointed with mortar. Many baked
earthen jars and vessels were unearthed, some in a
wonderful state of preservation. One huge jar (pottery)
was discovered under a wall, and what my guide called
a " charity jar," came to light close hj it. In former
times this " charity jar " rested before the door of a
privileged person, such as a priest or licensed mendicant,
and all passers by were invited to throw in any coin,
grain, or food for the poor man or people the jar belonged
to. I have drawn the jar one twentieth its natural size,
(Plate II.) Its weight is about 50 lbs. The inscription I
have copied, but I cannot make out whether it be Sanscrit
or a mixture of Hebrew and Sanscrit.

There were several circular plates with a similar inscrip-
tion round the edo-es and some blue mosaic work, a soit of
enamel, perfectly flat, about one foot square, and an inch
and a half in depth. The circular plates were nine inches
in diameter and perfectly flat. They measin-ed half an
inch to an inch and a quarter in depth, and were
thoroughly well burnt ; some were almost vitrified. A
brass vase of very elegant workmansliip was discovered
in the middle of a lot of square and circular plates ; the
under part and one side is rather damaged by heat, the
brass having melted, but the side I have drawn is in
perfect order and intact. The vase stands about eighteen
inches high, and the drawing rei:»resents it as about one
eighteenth its natural size. It is about ten inches deep,
and was intended either for flowers or fruit ; its


weight is about 35 lbs. The stone objects (1 — 5) are one
tweh'th their natural size ; the stone is the same as the
hard blue granite of the Betoch hills. No. 1 is scooped
out for seven inches in depth ; No, 2 is a ring ; No. 3 an
oval plate slightly hollowed out towards the centre ; Nos.
4 and 5 are pounders or jumpers for bruising grain, &c.,
in the vessels 1 and 3. These were found five feet below
some ruins, among bones and bricks, evidently at one
time the interior of a house.

Tlie following brass instruments of torture (1 — 7) were
found quite by themselves at the opposite side underneath
a mass of ruins. No. 1 is one twentieth its natural size,
all the others are one tenth their natural size. No. 1 is
evidently for the throat, there are two pins to fasten the
victim in. Nos. 3, 4, and 5 are for the wrists. No. 6 is
for the thigh or leg. No. 2 is for the small of the back,
and No. 7 is very likely a mouth and nose gag, to prevent
the victim from calling out. They are nearly all round
in section with the exception of Nos. 1 and 2 which stand
upright. No. 2 is reversed. No. 3 is intended to be driven
into the ground to fasten the victim out.

Keturning by way of my camp my men discovered a
most curious idol, which appeared much damaged, or
rather it was a sort of tliree idols in one. The sketch
(No. 8) represents it one thirtieth its natural size and is
a fac-simile ; it is of the same hard blue granite as the
pounders. On the opposite side it has a similar repre-
sentation, the figures being equally hideous and un-
meaning. The legs and arms are damaged or broken off
quite short to the stumps. Its weight was about 120 lbs.
It had evidently been nearly twice its present size. The
nose, ears, mouth, hps, and sides were almost worn away.
Such an idol is totally different to anything I ever saw in
India before, and is not luilike a sketch I once saw, made
I think by Mr. Gerald Massey, of certain gods and idols
peculiar to the ancient Egyptians.

There cannot be the least doubt that in spite of the
instruments of tortui-e and gods, this place must have
been in a very floiu'ishing state, and enjoyed (considering
the time) a very high state of civilization, and judging
from the Ijuildings and knowledge of order, ideas of
comibrt and luxury, and appreciation of certain arts, &c,,


GMV. 4.

AN-riaui-riEs from the chit-duen wi lderness.n.i,


that it could not have been in this state less than 2500
years ago, and it is highly probable that it was known and
reached a certain degree of importance 4000 years ago.

From observations taken along the base of this lost
city, I find there is a gradual fall to^^'a^ds tlie south west,
and it has a sort of hollow or basin scooped out for some
distance in that direction.

There cannot be a doubt that this hollow basin is the
channel of a river, and that that river is no other than the
" Lost River of the Indian Desert." It has been clearly
proved that the Narra or Hakra was not the old l^ed of
the Indus, and the course of the lost river is traced from
the Himalayas to the Sea. Evidence is brought forward to
show that the Hakra did not dry up in consequence of any
diminution of rainfall or failure of the course ; but that its
waters, having ceased to flow in their ancient bed, still
find their way by another channel to the ocean. It has
also been demonstrated that the missino- river was not the
Gaggar, nor the sacred Sarawasti, nor yet a mythic
stream, but was no other than the well-known Satlaj.
The Dhora Purani may be traced under different names
from above Halla to the Ranu of Kach. There can be no
doubt that, as observed by Pottmger, (see "Journal of
Asiatic Society"), this was the eastern branch of the
Indus, down which Alexander the Great sailed to the
great lake and to the sea.

This also was evidently the eastern or greater arm of
the Mihran described by Rashid-ud-deen as branching off
from above Mansura to the east to the borders of Kach,
and known by the name of Sindh Sagara. (Elhott i, 49)
This ancient river bed is also identical with the Sankra-
Nala, which was constituted by Nadir Shah, the boundary
between his dominions and those of the Emperor of Delhi.

The coins I have found are certainly of a much later
date, and show possibly that this country was under the
power and control of Porus or Plioor, as they bear his
authority. They may not, however, have been in circula-
tion, or were j^erhaps brought here by some traveller for
inspection, so that the evidence they afford is scarcely

But there cannot be the smallest doubt that the present
wilderness was at one time under cultivation, that the


land was as licli and good as elsewhere about, that the
Satlaj passuig through it watered the whole of the
surrounding country and produced sufficiently good crops
for a thriving and industrious population, that vegetation
Avas abundant and covered the country, and that the
rainfall was as great as in the present surrounding
provinces. It is more than probable that at some date
subsequent to the country being overrun by a victorious
army, who pillaged the towns, killed the inhabitants,
and left their route to the flames, the severe
erosion, always going on in the Punjab streams,
changed the Satlaj course higher up near the
Himalayas, and forming for it a new channel, the country
was left to its fate, and without water everything became
parched and consequently died. When vegetation was
gone the rain ceased to fall, and the ten'ilic sand-storms
from Scind soon laid waste a thriving province and
changed it into a barren desert. The sub -stratum of the
vast sandy regions and boundless arid plains in the
Ajmere direction and again to the north of Bickanneer
2:»rove that at some period the whole of this country was
watered by the neighbouring rivers, and most likely much
of it has been in byegone ages peopled and cultivated.

Marching northwards towards Montgomery and branch-
ing off on reaching the high road to Lahore, I came to
high impenetrable jungles and patches of cultivation,
Avhere the antelope and ravine-deer, partridges, sand
grouse, bustard, coolan, and other large game birds
abounded in number, and where the shooting is very
good, I had been wandering in the jungles and desert
for nine months without once seeing a European face or
hearing a word of English spoken, and was delighted to
get back again to civilised life.



I am a second time called by tlie favour of the Institute
to the presidency of its Historical Section in a part of the
island which lies far away indeed from that in which I
had the honour of holding the same office some years back.
I held it then on a spot which still keeps its British
name, in a land whicli our formal geography still ac-
knowledges as part of the land of the Briton, a land from
which, if the British tongue is fast passing away, it is
passing away mainly through the immediate circumstances
of our own day. I am now called to hold that place on
a spot whose name speaks alike of Roman and of Teutonic
victory, in a land to which Teutonic invasions once gave
the name of the Saxon shore, and to part of whicli Teu-
tonic settlement has given the more abiding name of the
land of the East- Saxons. It seems a wide step from the
land of the Silures, to the land of the Trinobantes, from
Morganwg to Essex, from British Carditf to Saxon
Colchester. And yet tJiere are points of connexion
between the two lands and the two spots. Colchester
has in its earlier days a privilege A^^hich is shared by no
other city or borough of England. The hrst beginnings
of its history are not to be found in Britisli legend or in
English annals ; they are recorded by the pen of the
greatest historian of Rome. It is in the pages of Tacitus
himself that we read of the foundation of that veteran
colony which, swept away in its first childhood by the
revolted Briton, rose again to life, first to be emphatically
the Colony of Rome, and to become in after days the
fortress which the men of the East-Saxon land wrested
by their own swords from the grasp of the invading Dane.
But, in the very page in which he records the beginnings


of the Trinobantliie colony, he l^rlng.s that colony into a
strange, and at first sight puzzling, connexion with move-
ments in the far Silurian land. Later on in his Annals,
he has to record the overthrow of the new-born colony,
the first of all the siegfes of Colchester. His narrative of
that stao-e of British affairs brino-s in in its first clause a
name which, in legend at least if not in history, is held to
be preserved in the name of the greatest fortress of Mor-
tfanwfj*. Before Tacitus can tell us how much Suetonius
did in the ea3t of Britain, he has first to tell us how
little Didius had done in the west. Now this same
Didius is, at least by a legendary etymology, said to have
given his name to Oaerdydd, the fortress of Didius, as a
more certain etymology sees in the name of the town
where we are met the name of the fortress of the Colony.
If then there be any truth in the popular etymology of
Cardiff, the beginnings of Cardiff and of Colchester must
be dated from nearly the same time. And, even with-
out trustino' too much to so doubtful a leo-end, we at least
find the land of the Silures and the land of the Trino-
bantes brought close together in our earliest glimpse of
both. The foundation of a Boman colony in the east
is directly connected in the narrative of Tacitus with
patriotic movements in the west. And, as it was in the
earliest days of which we have any record, so it was in
the latest days which can be looked on as old enough to
claim the attention of sucli a gathering as this. If the
elder Colchester sank before the arms of Boadicea., the
younger Colchester had to surrender to the arms of Fair-
fax. And then too warf^ire in the Silurian and in the
Trinobantine land has to be recorded in the same page.
In the royalist revolt of which the fall of Colchester was
the last stage, no part of the island took a greater share
than the land to check whose earliest revolt Colchester
was first founded. When the royal standard was again"
unfurled at Colchester, it had but lately been hauled down
at Chepstow ; it was still floating over Pembroke. And
one of the fortresses of the land of Morgan wg, one of the
lowlier castles which surround the proud mound and keep
of Ptobert Fitzhamon, saw perhaps the last encounter in
that last stage of the civil war which even local imagina-
tion can venture to dignify with the name of battle. The


fight of St. Fagans does not rank in Englisli liistory along
Avitli tlie figlits of Marston and Naseljy ; and the siege of
Colchester, with all its deep interest, military, local and
personal, can hardly, in its real bearing on English history,
be placed on a level with the siege of Bristol. Yet the
siege of Colchester and the war in South Wales were
parts of one last and hopeless struggle. The remembrance
of its leaguers and skirmishes lives in local memory there
as keenly as the last siege of Colchester lives in local
memory here. And if the name of Fairfax may be
bracketed in the East with tlie name of Suetonius
Paullinus, in the West the name of (31iver Cromwell
has left but small room for the memory of Aulus Didius.
I have then, I trust, done something to establish my
point, on that side of it at least which is personal to
myself, that there is a certain propriety in the conrse
which this Institute has taken in translating me as it
were from the Silures to the Trinobontes, from the Caer
of Didins to the Ceaster of the Colony. But the historical
connexion between the two districts in tlie earliest stage
of the history of the two is as clear as it is strange. I
am not going here to give you a history of Colchester or
of Essex, or to dispute at large on points ^vliich will be
more properly argued by other members than ruled by
the President of the Section. I presume h(jwever that I
may at least assume that Camulodunum is Colchester,
and not any other place, in the kingdom of the East-
Saxons or out of it. I feel sure that, if I liad any mind
so to do, my East-Saxon hearers would not allow me
to carry the Colony of the Veterans up to Malton in
Yorkshire ; and I certainly cannot find any safe or direct
road to guide tliem thither. I trust too that there may
be no civil war in the East-Saxon camp, that no one may
seek to wile away the veteran band from the banks of
Colne to the banks of Panta. Maldon has it own glories :
its name lives for ever in the noblest of the battle -songs
of England ; but I at least can listen to no etymologies
which strive to give a lloman origin to its purely English
name. Let more minute philologers than I am explain
the exact force of the first syllable alike in Northumbrian
Malton and in East-Saxon Maldon. Both cannot be
contractions of Camulodmium ; what one is the otlier



must surely be ; one is the town, the other the hill, of
whatever the syllable common to both may be taken to
be. I at least feel no doubt that it is the town in which
we are now met which has the unique privilege of having
its earliest dnjs recorded by the hand of Tacitus.

But if it is Tacitus who records the foundation of the
Colony, it is not in what is left to us of his pages that we
find our first mention of the name of Camulodunum. That
unlucky gap in his writings, which every scholar has to
lament, sends us for the hrst surviving appearance of the
name to the later, but far from contemptible, narrative of
Dio. Claudius crossed into Britain, and went as far as
Camulodunum, the royal dwelling place of Cynobellinus.
That royal dwelling place he took, and, on the strength of
that and of tlie other events of his short campaign in the
island which men looked on as another world, he enlarged
the 2^omce)'inm of Rome and brought the Aventine within
the sacred precinct. Whether the royal dwelling place
of Cynobellinus stood on the site which was so soon to
become the Roman colony, I do not profess to determine.
The Roman town often arose on a spot near to, but not
actually on the British site. Roman Dorchester — if any
trace of it be left — looked up on the forsaken hill-fort
of the Briton of Sinodun. Roman Linduni came nearer to
the brink of its steep hill than the British settlement which
it supplanted. I do not pretend to rule what may be
the date or purpose of the earthworks at Lexden.^ All
that I ask is that I may iiot l)e constrained to believe
in King Coel's kitchen. But wherever the British
settlement was, I cannot ])ring myself to believe that
the site of the colony was other tlian the site of the
present town. It was a site well suited for a militaiy
post, fixed on a height whicli, in tliis flatter eastern land,
is not to be despised ; it approaches in some faint measure
to the peninsular position of Shrewsbury, Bern, and
Besancon, On this site then the Colony of Veterans
was founded while (Jlaudius still reigned. Wiien he had
taken his place among tlie gods — Senec.a to be sure liad

^ It has been suggested that tho ex- time of British icsistanco to Teutonic
tensive eartliwoiks to bo seen at Li'xdeu invasions. They would be a defence
are part of a systi^m wliicli toolc in tlu^ raised against the East-Saxons, ns Ware-
site botli of an okler and a later Caniii- I'lam and Wallingford are defenoes raised
lodumim, a system belonging to tie/ against the West-Saxons.


tuiotbur name tor tlio cluiugo in liim — -the tuniple of the
deitied coiujueror arose within the site which the Koman
occupied to hold down the conquered jjeople. And now
conies tlie diiiiculty, the strange relation in wdiich two
such distant parts of Britain as Camulodununi and the
land of the Silures a.p|)ea,i' in the narrative of Tacitus.
The Iceni are sul)dued ; the Cangi Imve their lands
harried ; the Brigantes submit. But in the East and in
the West, by the banks of the eastern and of the
western Colne, another spirit reigns. The Silures, the
people of Caradoc, still hold out. Neither gentleness nor
sternness will move them ; notliino; short of reofular
warfare, I'egular establislnnent of logionai'y camps, can
bow those stubborn necks to the yoke. AVith a view to
this warfare in the West, the Colony of Veterans is
planted in the East. Some have therefore carried
Camulodununi elsewhere — though assuredly matters are
not much mended by carrying it into Yorkshire — others,
more daring still, have sought to depreciate the authority
of Tacitus himself But, as I read the passage, though
the connexion is 2)erliaps a little startling, though
the wording is })erhaps a little harsh, the general mean-
ing seems plain. In order that the legions and
their camps might be more easily established among the
threatening Silures, a feebler defence was provided for
the conquered Trinobantes. As I understand the terse
phrases of the historian, the legi(jns w^ere removed from
the East for the war with Caradoc, and a colony of
veterans was tli(.)uglit enough to occupy a land where
little danger Avas feared. How little danger was feared,
liow thoroughly the land was held to be subdued, appears
from the defenceless sta.te of the colony eleven years
after. The colonists lived at their ease, as if in expecta-
tion of unbroken peace. The town was unwalled ; the
only citadel, the " ai'x a3terme dominationis," was the
temple of the deified coiiqueroi-. The mission of the
veterans was less to fio-ht tha.n to civilize their barbarian
neighbours. They were sent there indeed as " subsidium
adversus rebelles " ; l)ut they were sent there also
" inibuendis sociis ad olhcia leguni." Sterner w^ork than
this had to be done amono- the hills ^vhere Caradoc was
m arms ; Ijut those aa'Iio founded the unwalled colony


luirdly drcaiiicd that, before long, work no less stern was
to bo done there also. They little dreamed what feats of
arms Avei'e to Ije done upon the Roman as well as by him,
in the land which they had deemed so thorougiily their
own that its capital hardly needed warlike defences
against an enemy.

For eleven years the colonists lived a merry life, the
life of conquerors settled upon the lands of their victims.
The dominion of law which the veterans set up at
Camulodumun did not hinder the conquering race from
seizing the lands and houses of the natives, and insulting
them with the scornful names of slaves and captives.
Such doings are not peculiar to the dominion of the
l\oman ; but it does say something for the Roman, as
distinguished from the oppressors of our own day, that
it is from a Roman historian that we learn the evil
deeds of his countrymen. Tacitus neither conceals nor
palliates the wrongs which led to the revolt of eastern
Britain, as wrongs of the same kind still lead to revolts
before our own eyes, as they always will lead to
revolts as long as such deeds continue to be done. Crime
vvas avenged liy crime, as crime ever will be avenged, till
men unlearn that harsh rule which excuses the wanton
t)})pi'ession of the tyrant and bids men lift up their hands
in holy horror when his deeds are returned on himself in
kind. Fearful indeed was the vengeance of the revolted
Briton : but when he used the cross, the stake, the flame,

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