These turn the scale with the societies in favour
of France. Ferrum est quod amant. The frauds,
the violences, the sacrileges, the havock and ruin
of families, the dispersion and exile of the pride
and flower of a great country, the disorder, the
confusion, the anarchy, the violation of property,
the cruel murders, the inhuman confiscations, and
in the end the insolent domination of bloody, fe-
rocious, and senseless clubs These are the things
which they love and admire. What men admire
and love, they would surely act. Let us see what
is done in France ; and then.let us undervalue any
the slightest danger of falling into the hands of
such a merciless and savage faction !
' But the leaders of the factious societies are too
* wild to succeed in this their undertaking.' I hope
u 4> so*
248 APPEAL FROM THE NEW
so. But supposing them wild and absurd, is there
no danger but from wise and reflecting men? Per-
haps the greatest mischiefs that have happened in
the world have happened from persons as wild as
those we think the wildest. In truth, they are
the fittest beginners of all great changes. Why
encourage men in a mischievous proceeding, be-
cause their absurdity may disappoint their ma-
lice ? ' But noticing them may give them conse-
' quence.' Certainly. But they are noticed ; and
they are noticed, not with reproof, but with that
kind of countenance which is given by an apparent
concurrence (not a real one, I am convinced) . of
a great party, in the praises of the object which
they hold out to imitation.
But I hear a language still more extraordinary,
and indeed of such a nature as must suppose, or
leave, us at their mercy. It is this ' You know
' their promptitude in writing, and their diligence
' in caballing ; to write, speak, or act against them,
' will only stimulate them to new efforts.' This
way of considering the principle of their conduct
pays but a poor compliment to these gentlemen.
They pretend that their doctrines are infinitely
beneficial to mankind: but it seems they would
keep them to themselves, if they were not greatly
provoked. They are benevolent from spite. Their
oracles are like those of Proteus^ whom some people
think
TO THE OLD WHIGS.
think they resemble in many particulars) who ne-
ver would give his responses unless you used him
as ill as possible. These cats, it seems, would not
give out their electrical light without having their
backs well rubbed. But this is not to do them
perfect justice. They are sufficiently communi-
cative. Had they been quiet, the propriety of any
agitation of topicks on the origin and primary
rights of government, in opposition to their pri-
vate sentiments, might possibly be doubted. But,
as it is notorious, that they were proceeding as
fast, and as far, as time and circumstances would
admit, both in their discussions and cabals as it
is not to be denied, that they had opened a cor-
respondence with a foreign faction, the most wick-
ed the world ever saw, and established anniversa-
ries to commemorate the most monstrous, cruel,
and perfidious of all the proceedings of that fac-
tion the question is, whether their conduct was
to be regarded in silence, lest our interference
should render them outrageous? Then let them
deal as they please with the constitution. Let the
lady be passive, lest the ravisher should be driven
to force. Resistance will only increase his desires.
Yes, truly, if the resistance be feigned and feeble.
But they who are wedded to the constitution will
not act the part of wittols. They will drive such
seducers from the house on the first appearance of
their love-letters and offered assignations. But if
the
250 APPEAL FROM THE NEW
the author of the Reflections, though a vigilant,,
was not a discreet guardian of the constitution, let
those, who have the same regard to it, shew them-
selves as vigilant and more skilful in repelling the
attacks of seduction or violence. Their freedom
from jealousy is equivocal, and may arise as well
from indifference to the object, as from confidence
in her virtue.
On their principle, it is the resistance, and not
the assault, which produces the danger. I admit,
indeed, that if we estimated the danger by the va-
lue of the writings, it would be little worthy of
our attention : contemptible these writings are in
every sense. But they are not the cause, they are
the disgusting symptoms, of a frightful distemper.
They are not otherwise of consequence than as
they shew the evil habit of the bodies from whence
they come. In that light the meanest of them is
a serious thing. If however I should under-rate
them ; and if the truth is, that they are not the
result, but the cause of the disorders I speak of,
surely those who circulate operative poisons, and
give, to whatever force they have by their nature,
the further operation of their authority and adop-
tion, are to be censured, watched, and, if pos-
sible, repressed.
At what distance the direct danger from such
factions may be, it is not easy to fix. An adap-
tation of circumstances to designs and principles
is
TO THE OLD WHIGS. 251
is necessary. But these cannot be wanting for any
long time in the ordinary course of sublunary
affairs. Great discontents frequently arise in the
best constituted governments from causes which
no human wisdom can foresee, and no human
power can prevent. They occur at uncertain pe-
riods, but at periods which are not commonly far
asunder. Governments of all kinds are adminis-
tered only by men ; and great mistakes, tending
to inflame these discontents, may concur. The
indecision of those who happen to rule at the cri-
tical time, their supine neglect, or their precipitate
and ill-judged attention, may aggravate the publick
misfortunes. In such a state of things, the prin-
ciples, now only sown, will shoot out and vege-
tate in full luxuriance. In such circumstances the
minds of the people become sore and ulcerated.
They are put out of humour with all publick
men, and all publick parties ; they are fatigued
with their dissensions ; they are irritated at their
coalitions ; they are made easily to believe, (what
much pains are taken to make them believe) that
all oppositions are factious, and all courtiers base
and servile. From their disgust at men, they are
soon led to quarrel with their frame of govern-
ment, which they presume gives nourishment to
the vices, real or supposed, of those who administer
to it. Mistaking malignity for sagacity, they are
soon led to cast off all hope from a good
administration
APPEAL FROM THE NEVT
administration of affairs, and come to think that all
reformation depends, not on the change of actors,
but upon an alteration in the machinery. Then
will be felt the full effect of encouraging doctrines
which tend to make the citizens despise their con-
stitution. Then will be felt the plenitude of the
mischief of teaching the people to believe, that all
ancient institutions are the results of ignorance ;
and that all prescriptive government is in its
nature usurpation. Then will be felt, in all its
energy, the danger of encouraging a spirit of liti-
gation in persons of that immature and imperfect
state of knowledge which serves to render them
susceptible of doubts, but incapable of their solu-
tion. Then will be felt, in all its aggravation, the
pernicious consequence of destroying all docility
in the minds of those who are not formed for
finding their own way in the labyrinths of politi-
cal theory, and are made to reject the clue, and to
disdain the guide. Then will be felt, and too late
will be acknowledged, the ruin which follows the
disjoining of religion from the state ; the separa-
tion of morality from policy ; and the giving con-
science no concern and no coactive or .coercive
force in the most material of all the social ties, the
principle of our obligations to government.
I know too, that besides this vain, contradic-
tory, and self-destructive security, which some
men derive from the habitual attachment of the
people
TO THE OLD WHIGS. 253
people to this constitution, whilst they suffer it
with a sort of sportive acquiescence to be brought
into contempt before their faces, they have other
grounds for removing all apprehension from their
minds. They are of opinion, that there are too
many men of great hereditary estates and influ-
ence in the kingdom, to suffer the establishment
of the levelling system which has taken place in
France. This is very true, if in order to guide
the power, which now attends their property,
these men possess the wisdom which is involved
in early fear. But if through a supine security,
to which such fortunes are peculiarly liable, they
neglect the use of their influence in the season of
their power, on the first derangement of society,
the nerves of their strength will be cut. Their
estates, instead of being the means of their se-
curity, will become the very causes of their dan-
ger. Instead of bestowing influence they will ex-
cite rapacity. They will be looked to as a prey.
Such will be the impotent condition of those
men of great hereditary estates, who indeed dis-
like the designs that are carried on, but whose
dislike is rather that of spectators, than of parties
that may be concerned in the catastrophe of the
piece. But riches do not in all cases secure even
an inert and passive resistance. There are always,
in that description, men whose fortunes, when
their minds are once vitiated by passion or by evil
principle,
254 APPEAL FROM THE NEW
principle, are by no means a security from their
actually taking their part against the public tran-
quillity. We see to what low and despicable pas-
sions of all kinds many men in that class are ready
to sacrifice the patrimonial estates, which might
be perpetuated in their families with splendour,
and with the fame of hereditary benefactors to
mankind from generation to generation. Do we
not see how lightly people treat their fortunes,
when under the influence of the passion of gam-
ing ? The game of ambition or resentment will be
played by many of the rich and great, as despe-
rately, and with as much blindness to the conse-
quences, as any other game. Was he a man of
no rank or fortune, who first set on foot the dis-
turbances which have ruined France ? Passion
blinded him to the consequences, so far as they
concerned himself; and as to the consequences
with regard to others, they were no part of his
consideration ; nor ever will be with those who
bear any resemblance to that virtuous patriot and
lover of the rights of man.
There is also a time of insecurity, when interests
of all sorts become objects of speculation. Then
it is, that their very attachment to wealth and
importance will induce several persons of opulence
to list themselves, and even to take a lead with
the party which they think most likely to prevail,
in order to obtain to themselves consideration in
some
TO THE OLD WHIGS. 255
some new order or disorder of things. They may
be led to act in this manner, that they may se-
cure some portion of their own property ; and
perhaps to become partakers of the spoil of their
own order. Those, who speculate on change, al-
ways make a great number among people of rank
and fortune, as well as amongst the low and the
indigent.
What security against all this ? All human se-
curities are liable to uncertainty. But if any thing
bids fair for the prevention of so great a calamity,
it must consist in the use of the ordinary means
of just influence in society, whilst those means con-
tinue unimpaired. The public judgment ought
to receive a proper direction. All weighty men
may have their share in so good a work. As
yet, notwithstanding the strutting and lying inde-
pendence of a braggart philosophy, nature main-
tains her rights, and great names have great pre-
valence. Two such men as Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox,
adding to their authority in a point in which they
concur, even by their disunion in every thing else,
might frown these wicked opinions out of the
kingdom, But if the influence of either of them,
or the influence of men like them, should, against
their serious intentions, be otherwise perverted,
they may countenance opinions which (as I have
said before, and could wish over and over again
to press) they may in vain attempt to controul.
In
256 APPEAL FROM THE NEW
In their theory, these doctrines admit no limit, no
qualification whatsoever. No man can say how
far he will go, who joins with those who are
avowedly going to the utmost extremities. What
security is there for stopping short at all in these
wild conceits? Why, neither more nor less than
this that the moral sentiments of some few
amongst them do put some check on their savage
theories. But let us take care. The moral senti-
ments, so nearly connected with early prejudice as
to be almost one and the same thing, will assuredly
not live long under a discipline, which has for its
basis the destruction of all prejudices, and the
making the mind proof against all dread of con-
Sequences flowing from the pretended truths that
are taught by their philosophy.
In this school the moral sentiments must grow
weaker and weaker every day. The more cautious
of these teachers, in laying down their maxims,
draw as much of the conclusion as suits, not with
their premises, but with their policy. They trust
the rest to the sagacity of their pupils. Others,
and these are the most vaunted for their spirit, not
only lay down the same premises, but boldly draw
the conclusions to the destruction of our whole
constitution in church and state. But are these
conclusions truly drawn ? Yes, most certainly.
The principles are wild and wicked. But let jus-
tice be done even to phrensy and villainy. These
teachers
TO THE OLD WHIGS.
teachers are perfectly systematick. No man who
assumes their grounds can tolerate the British
constitution in church or state. These teachers
profess to scorn all mediocrity; to engage for per-
fection ; to proceed by the simplest and shortest
course. They build their politicks, not on con-
venience but on truth; and they profess to conduct
men to certain happiness by the assertion of their
undoubted rights. With them there is no com-
promise. .All other governments are usurpations,
which justify and even demand resistance.
Their principles always go to the extreme. They
who go with the principles of the ancient whigs,
which are those contained in Mr. Burke's book,
never can go too far. They may indeed stop short
of some hazardous and ambiguous excellence, which
they will be taught to postpone to any reasonable
degree of good they may actually possess. The
opinions maintained in that book never can lead
to an extreme, because their foundation is laid in
an opposition to extremes. The foundation of go-
vernment is there laid, not in imaginary rights of
men, (which at best is a confusion of judicial with
civil principles) but in political convenience, and
in human nature ; either as that nature is univer-
sal, or as it is modified by local habits and social
aptitudes. The foundation of government (those
who have read that book will recollect) is laid in
a provision for our wants, and in a conformity to
VOL. vz. S our
258 APPEAL FROM THE NEW
our duties ; it is to purvey for the one ; it is to
enforce the other. These doctrines do of them-
selves gravitate to a middle point, or to some point
near a middle. They suppose indeed a certain
portion of liberty to be essential to all good govern-
ment; but they infer that this liberty is to be
blended into the government; to harmonize with its
forms and its rules ; and to be made subordinate
to its end. Those who are not with that book are
with its opposite. For there is no medium besides
the medium itself. That medium is not such,
because it is found there ; but it is found there
because it is conformable to truth and nature. In
this we do not follow the author ; but we and the
author travel together upon the same safe and
middle path.
The theory contained in his book is not to fur-
nish principles for making a new constitution, but
for illustrating the principles of a constitution
already made. It is a theory drawn from the fact
of our government. They who oppose it are bound
to shew, that his theory militates with that fact.
Otherwise, their quarrel is not with his book, but
with the constitution of their country. The whole
scheme of our mixed constitution is to prevent any
one of its principles from being carried as far, as
taken by itself, and theoretically, it would go. Allow
that to be the true policy of the British system,
then most of the faults with which that system
stands
TO THE OLD WHIGS. 259
stands charged will appear to be, not imperfections
into which it has inadvertently fallen, but excel-
lencies which it has studiously sought. To avoid
the perfections of extreme, all its several parts are
so constituted, as not alone to answer their own
several ends, but also each to limit and controul the
others : insomuch, that take which of the principles
you please you will find its operation checked
and stopped at a certain point. The whole move-
ment stands still rather than that any part should
proceed beyond its boundary. From thence it
results, that in the British constitution, there is a
perpetual treaty and compromise going on, some-
times openly, sometimes with less observation. To
him who contemplates the British constitution, as
to him who contemplates the subordinate material
world, it will always be a matter of his most cu-
rious investigation, to discover the secret of this
mutual imitation.
Finita potestas denique cuique
Quanam sit ratione, atque alte terminus h&rens ?
They who have acted, as in France they have
done, upon a scheme wholly different, and who
aim at the abstract and unlimited perfection of
power in the popular part, can be of no service to
us in any of our political arrangements. They, who
in their headlong career have overpassed the goal,
s 2 can
260 APPEAL FROM THE NEW
can furnish no example to those who aim to go no
further. The temerity of such speculators is no
more an example than the timidity of others. The
one sort scorns the right ; the others fear it ; both
miss it. But those, who by violence go beyond
the barrier, are without question the most mis-
chievous ; because to go beyond it they overturn
and destroy it. To say they have spirit, is to say
nothing in their praise. The untempered spirit of
madness, blindness, immorality, and impiety, de-
serves no commendation. He that sets his house
on fire because his fingers are frost-bitten, can
never be a fit instructor in the method of provid-
ing our habitations with a cheerful and salutary
warmth. We want no foreign examples to re-
kindle in us the flame of liberty. The example of
our own ancestors is abundantly sufficient to main-
tain the spirit of freedom in its full vigour, and to
qualify it in all its exertions. The example of a
wise, moral, well-natured, and well-tempered spirit
of freedom, is that alone which can be useful to
us, or in the least degree reputable or safe. Our
fabrick is so constituted, one part of it bears so
much on the other, the parts are so made for one
another, and for nothing else, that to introduce
any foreign matter into it, is to destroy it.
What has been said of the Roman empire,
is at least as true of the British constitution
" Octingentonim atmorum fortuna, disciplinaque,
" compages
TO THE OLD WHIGS. 26l
" compages hcec coaluit ; qua convelli sine con-
" vellentium exitio non potest." This British con-
stitution has not been struck out at an heat by a
set of presumptuous men, like the assembly of
pettifoggers run mad in Paris.
" 'Tis not the hasty product of a day,
" But the well-ripen d fruit of wise delay"
It is the result of the thoughts of many minds, in
many ages. It is no simple, no superficial thing,
nor to be estimated by superficial understandings.
An ignorant man, who is not fool enough to
meddle with his clock, is however sufficiently con-
fident to think he can safely take to pieces, and
put together at his pleasure, a moral machine of
another guise, importance and complexity, com-
posed of far other wheels, and springs, and ba-
lances, and counteracting and co-operating powers.
Men little think how immorally they act in rashly
meddling with what they do not understand. Their
delusive good intention is no sort of excuse for
their presumption. They who truly mean well
must be fearful of acting ill. The British consti-
tution may have its advantages pointed out to
wise and reflecting minds ; but it is of too high an
order of excellence to be adapted to those which
are common. It takes in too many views, it
makes too many combinations, to be so much as
s 3 comprehended
APPEAL FROM THE NEW
comprehended by shallow and superficial under-
standings. Profound thinkers will know it in its rea-
son and spirit. The less inquiring will recognise it
in their feelings and their experience. They will
thank God they have a standard, which, in the most
essential point of this great concern, will put them
on a par with the most wise and knowing.
If we do not take to our aid the foregone studies
of men reputed intelligent and learned, we shall
be always beginners. But men must learn some-
where; and the new teachers mean no more than
what they effect, as far as they succeed, that is, to
deprive men of the benefit of the collected wisdom
of mankind, and to make them blind disciples of
their own particular presumption. Talk to these
deluded creatures (all the disciples and most of the
masters) who are taught to think themselves so
newly fitted up and furnished, and you will find
nothing in their houses but the refuse of Knaves
Acre ; nothing but the rotten stuff, worn out in
the service of delusion and sedition in all ages, and
which being newly furbished up, patched, and var-
nished, serves well enough for those who being un-
acquainted with the conflict which has always been
maintained between the sense and the nonsense of
mankind, know nothing of the former existence
and the ancient refutation of the same follies. It
is nearly two thousand years since it has been ob-
served, that these devices of ambition, avarice, and
turbulence*
TO THE OLD WHIGS. 263
turbulence, were antiquated. They are, indeed,
the most ancient of all common-places ; common-
places, sometimes of good and necessary causes ;
more frequently of the worst, but which decide upon
neither. Eadem semper causa, libido et avaritia,
et mutandarum rerum amor. Ceterum libertas
et speciosa nomina pretexuntur ; nee quisquam
aliemtm servitium, et dominationem sibi concupi-
vit, ut non eadem ista vocabula usurparet.
Rational and experienced men tolerably well
know, and have always known, how to distinguish
between true and false liberty ; and between the
genuine adherence and the false pretence to what
is true. But none, except those who are profoundly
studied, can comprehend the elaborate contrivance
of a fabrick fitted to unite private and publick
liberty with publick force, with order, with peace,
with justice, and, above all, with the institutions
formed for bestowing permanence and stability,
through ages, upon this invaluable whole.
Place, for instance, before your eyes, such a man
as Montesquieu. Think of a genius not born in
every country, or every time ; a man gifted by
nature with a penetrating, aquiline eye ; with a
judgment prepared with the most extensive erudi-
tion ; with an herculean robustness of mind, and
nerves not to be broken with labour ; a man who
could spend twenty years in one pursuit. Think
of a man, like the universal patriarch in Milton
s 4> (who
APPEAL FROM THE NEW
(who had drawn up before him in his prophetick
vision the whole series of the generations which
were to issue from his loins) a man capable of
placing in review, after having brought together,
from the east, the west, the north and the south,
from the coarseness of the rudest barbarism to the
most refined and subtle civilization, all the schemes
of goernvment which had ever prevailed amongst
mankind, weighing, measuring, collating, and com-
paring them all, joining fact with theory, and call-
ing into council, upon all this infinite assemblage
of things, all the speculations which have fatigued
the understandings of profound reasoners in all
times ! Let us then consider, that all these were
but so many preparatory steps to qualify a man,
and such a man, tinctured with no national preju-