than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by
common councils and modified by mutual interests. However
combinations or associations of the above description may now
and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of
time and things, to become potent engines by which cunning,
ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the
power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of
government; destroying afterwards the very engines which have
lifted them to unjust dominion.
Towards the preservation of your government and the perma-
nency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that
you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowl-
edged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of
innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts.
One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the
5^74
GEORGE WASHINGTON
Constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the sys-
tem; and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown.
In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that
time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character
of governments as of other human institutions; that experience
is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the
existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes upon
the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual
change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion: and
remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your
common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a govern-
ment of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security
of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a
government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its
surest guardian. — It is indeed little else than a name, where the
government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction,
to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed
by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil en-
joyment of the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the
State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geo-
graphical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehens-
ive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the
baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature,
having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It
exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less
stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form
it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharp-
ened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which
in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid
enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at
length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The dis-
orders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of
men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an
individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing fac-
tion — more able or more fortunate than his competitors — turns
this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins
of public liberty.
•GEORGE WASHINGTON
15675
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which
nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common
and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to
make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and
restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble
the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-
founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one
part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection.
It opens the doors to foreign influence and corruption, which find
a facilitated access to the government itself, through the channels
of party passions. Thus the policy and will of one country are
subjected to the policy and will of another.
There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful
checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to
keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within limits is probably
true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may
look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party.
But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elect-
ive, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tend-
ency, it is certain that there will always be enough of that spirit
for every salutary purpose; and there being constant danger of
excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to miti-
gate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands
a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame; lest
instead of warming, it should consume.
It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free
country should inspire caution in those intrusted with its admin-
istration, to confine themselves within their respective constitu-
tional spheres; avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one
department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroach-
ment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in
one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real
despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness
to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient
to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of recip-
rocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing it and
distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the
guardian of the public weal against invasion by the others, has
been evinced by experiments ancient and modern: some of them
15676
GEORGE WASHINGTON
in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must
be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the
people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional pow-
ers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amend-
ment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there
be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance,
may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by
which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must al-
ways greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or trans-
ient benefit which the use can at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political pros-
perity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain
would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor
to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest
props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician,
equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them.
A volume could not trace all their connections with private and
public felicity. Let it simply be asked where is the security for
property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obli-
gation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation
in courts of justice ? And let us with caution indulge the sup-
position that morality can be maintained without religion. What-
ever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on
minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us
to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of reli-
gious principle.
'Tis substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary
spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with
more or less force to every species of free government. Who
that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon
attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ?
Promote then, as an object of primary importance, institu-
tions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as
the structure of government gives force to public opinion, it is
essential that public opinion should be enlightened.
As a very important source of strength and security, cherish
public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as spar-
ingly as possible : avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating
peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to pre-
pare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements
GEORGE WASHINGTON 15677
to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only
by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in
time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars
may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity
the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution
of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is neces-
sary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them
the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should
practically bear in mind that towards the payment of debts there
must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes;
that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less incon-
venient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment insepa-
rable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a
choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid
construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and
for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue
which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate
peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this
conduct, and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin
it ? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant
period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and
too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted just-
ice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time
and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any
temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence
to it ? Can it be that Providence has not connected the per-
manent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? The experiment, at
least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human
nature ; alas ! is it rendered impossible by its vices ?
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential
than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular na-
tions, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded;
and that in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all
should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another
an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a
slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of
which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest.
Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more
readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of
15678
GEORGE WASHINGTON
umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or
trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, —
obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation prompted
by ill-will and resentment sometimes impels to war the govern-
ment, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The govern-
ment sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts
through passion what reason would reject: at other times it
makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hos-
tility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and per-
nicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty,
of nations has been the victim.
So likewise a passionate attachment of one nation for another
produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation,
facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest where
no real interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the
other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and
wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification.
It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges
denied to others; which is apt doubly to injure the nation mak-
ing the concessions, by unnecessarily parting with what ought to
have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a dis-
position to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges
are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded
citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation), facility to
betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without
odium, sometimes even wath popularity; gilding with the appear-
ances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference
for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base
or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such
attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened
and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford
to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduc-
tion, to mislead public councils! Such an attachment of a small
or weak towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former
to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you
to believe me, fellow-citizens), the jealousy of a free people ought
to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that
foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican
GEORGE WASHINGTON
15679
g-overnment. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial;
else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be
avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for
one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those
whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to
veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real
patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to
become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp
the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their
interests.
The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations
is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as
little political connection as possible. So far as we have already
formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith.
Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none,
or a very remote, relation. Hence she must be engaged in fre-
quent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign
to our concerns. Hence therefore it must be unwise in us to
implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes
of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her
friendships or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to
pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an
efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy
material injury from external annoyance; when we may take
such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any
time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent
nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us,
will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may
choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall
counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation ? Why
quit our own to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by inter-
weaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle
our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rival-
ship, interest, humor, or caprice ?
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances
with any portion of the foreign world, — so far, I mean, as we are
now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable
15680
GEORGE WASHINGTON
of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the
maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that
honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let
those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in
my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend
them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establish-
m.ents, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust
to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended
by pohcy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial pol-
icy should hold an equal and impartial hand : neither seeking nor
granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural
course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the
streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing wath
powers so disposed — in order to give trade a stable course, to
define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government
to support them — conventional rules of intercourse, the best that
present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but tem-
porary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied
as experience and circumstances shall dictate: constantly keeping
in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested
favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its inde-
pendence for whatever it may accept under that character; that
by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having
given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached
with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater
error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to
nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a
just pride ought to discard.
In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old
and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the
strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will con-
trol the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation
from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny
of nations. But if I may even flatter myself that they may be
productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that
they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party
spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard
against the impostures of pretended patriotism: this hope will be
GEORGE WASHINGTON
15681
a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which
they have been dictated.
How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been
guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public
records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you
and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own con-
science is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by
them.
In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Procla-
mation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan.
Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Repre-
sentatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure
has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to
deter or divert me from it.
After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I
could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the
circumstances of the case, had a right to take a neutral position.
Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me,
to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.
The considerations which respect the right to hold this con-
duct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only
observe that according to my understanding of the matter, that
right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers,
has been virtually admitted by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, with-
out anything more, from the obligation which justice and human-
ity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to
maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other
nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will
best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With
me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to
our country to settle and nurture its yet recent institutions, and
to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and
consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the
command of its own fortunes.
Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am
unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of
my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed
many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the
XXVI — 981
J -(532 GEORGE WASHINGTON
Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend.
I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never
cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five
years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the
faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as
myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actu-
ated by that fervent love towards it which is so natural to a man
who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors
for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that
retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the
sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens,
the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the
ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust,
of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.
George Washington.
United States, September 17th, 1796.
15683
DAVID ATWOOD WASSON
(1823-1887)
!n the life and writings of David Atwood Wasson, New Eng-
land Transcendentalism found a singularly perfect expres-
sion, a fine, clean, austere embodiment, conspicuous even in
that rare era of incarnate philosophy. He had not the genius of
Emerson, nor the glowing beauty of Parker: he dwelt for the most
part in the chambers of the pure intellect, looking from their high
windows toward the stars. He taught individualism, and the oneness
of the soul with God, and the unity of all things seen and unseen. In
him, perhaps, as in many of his brethren, the forces which are now
producing the << pestilence-stricken multitude >^ of writers whose concep-
tion of individualism is love and hate let loose, — in him, these same
forces showed their mystical white side. To him also, love was all,
but love was also law; man was all, but man was all through God:
to him also the natural man was pure ; but the natural man was the
spiritual man. Like many of the clamorous school of literature,
nothing less than the universe would suffice Wasson; but he believed
that man receives his inheritance of the universe through harmony
with its moral law.
He came into his own intellectual freedom through much trial.
Born in Brooksville, a coast town of Maine, May 14th, 1823, the child
of a ship-builder, his childhood was spent under a double tyranny of
stern theology and stern labor. He took a child's privilege of hating
Deity and loving dear Nature ; so grew with a fragmentary schooling
into a youth who began to find ways of his own into the unseen, and
now congenial, world. He passed through North Yarmouth Academy,
through Phillips Academy, and partly through Bowdoin College. A
few years before entering college, an accident in a wrestling match
left him with the ill-health which all his life hampered him. His
college course was succeeded by law studies at Belfast, but these
were soon discontinued. Carlyle was speaking to him through < Sartor
Resartus*; his soul was thirsty for reality.
Entering the Theological School in Bangor in 1849, he remained
there two years, and was then ordained pastor of an evangelical
church in Groveland, Massachusetts. His intellectual development
had now brought him into that position of entire acquiescence with
the demands of the Whole, the Good, and the Beautiful, which may
15684
DAVID ATWOOD WASSON
be so easily confounded with indifference. His congregation admired
but could not comprehend his exquisite mysticism, which bound the
reason and the soul in so loving a marriage. Some doubted; the
crisis came when Wasson preached a sermon against what were to
him obnoxious doctrines in the orthodox faith. His own orthodoxy
seemed to his congregation too much a part of the sunlight and air.