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streets of Honolulu, whose ignorance or
cupidity will permit of their being properly
"instructed." Further than this a Junior
branch of the Annexation Club has been
formed for the purpose of obtaining the
signatures of every minor capable of writ-
ing his name, and it is gravely proposed to
submit this precious document obtained by
coercion of school children, to Mr. Blount
and the people of the United States, as ad-
ditional evidence of the strong public senti-
ment favoring annexation. The public press
on the islands has been suddenly augmented
by the addition of newly-born papers, all
of which are in favor of union with the
United States on any terms. The slogan of
the party in power has been promulgated.
It is " Annexation or Anarchy." In their
desperate anxiety to enlist the sympathy of
Mr. Blount, the editors of the annexation
papers have committed the unpardonable
offense of trying to influence his opinion,
by appeals to his supposed racial prejudice
against "nigger rule." With but few ex-
ceptions the correspondents of the American
dailies sent into the field to gather news,
have wilfully and persistently distorted facts
in order to bring their reports into line with
the editorial views at home. This fact is so
apparent that it needs only a glance to de-
tect it. Let any one of the great dailies
change its views as to annexation, and forth-
with by next mail the Hawaiian correspond-
ent sends along an opinion to suit the altered
condition of the Editorial sentiment. In
this way the people of the United States
relying on the Public Press for information
have been misled in forming an estimate of
the true condition of affairs in the Islands.
When the news came that the United States
flag had been raised over the Government
Building at Hawaii and a Protectorate as-
sumed by our Minister, a wave of public

enthusiasm swept over the country which
could not be stayed. Conservative papers
which counseled delay were condemned as
un-American, and statesmen having the
moral courage to decry the unseemly haste
with which the first steps toward annexation
were taken, or whose clear sense of justice
cause them to believe that there was a pos-
sibility of a "job," were denounced as
enemies to progress, if nothing worse. The
result of all this demand for sensational news
was not unexpected. The public clamored
for annexation news, and got it. But in
order to write only one side of a story, it
sometimes happens, as in the present in-
stance, that accuracy of statement is not
always adhered to.

Much has been written and said by the
enemies of Hawaiian independence with
regard to the insupportable extravagance of
Hawaiian Royalty, and the |3,ooo,ooo debt
of the little country is put in evidence to
prove the truth of these strictures. Care
has always been taken, however, to conceal
the true causes of the drain on the Hawaiian
Treasury. A true statement of the case
would run something like this : The sugar
barons, in order to insure their enormous
dividends, must have cheap labor, and the
native not caring to prostitute himself to
the slavery of plantation field-work at wages
ranging from ten dollars to fifteen dollars
per month, refused to pass under the labor-
contract yoke for two or more years, and
sought his subsistence in fishing, sea-faring,
cultivating his taro patches, or other work
more congenial to his tastes and less likely
to abridge his freedom. But labor must be
had, and Chinese and Japanese were brought
into the country by the thousands. To help
out the indigent planter, the treasury was
tapped from 1864 to 18S8, under the specious
heading of M Encouragement to Immigra-
tion," to the tune of $1,254,797. This was
not the worst feature of the ' ' Encourage-
ment " scheme. In 188 1, the fever to secure
cheap labor ran so high that all reasonable
quarantine regulations were trampled in the
dust, and some 6,000 Chinese were landed
from tramp steamers in the port of Hono-
lulu, bringing with them an epidemic of
small-pox which resulted in the laying of
over 300 Hawaiian corpses forever to rest in
the sands of the Quarantine Station. To



stamp out this epidemic cost the Hawaiian
Treasury a sum of $110,000, which should
be added to the above item for " Encourage-
ment." Another item which should not be
overlooked, is the fact that a former Minis-
ter of the Interior, at present acting as one
of the Commissioners sent to this coun-
try to negotiate the treaty of annexation,
used, during his incumbency in office, the
deposits of the Postal Savings Bank as a
grab-bag, squandering in unproductive
and useless public improvements nearly
$1, 000, 000, which should have been kept on
deposit in the Treasury. If these various sums
which have been used for purposes in no way
for the support of royalty , are added together,
it will be found that the Hawaiian National
Debt could have been avoided. The secur-
ing of cheap labor, together with the reci-
procity treaty, made the accumulation of
immense fortunes possible for the sugar
planters who, with few exceptions, have
invested their surplus in Europe or America.
The operations of the McKinley Bill having
cut down their dividends of from fifty to
eighty per cent, to a fair commercial profit,
the sugar barons are now reaching out for
the tempting bait of the two-cents a pound
bounty on sugar raised in the United States.
This is the keynote of the whole annexation
scheme. Were it not for the insatiable
greed of this already too favored portion of
the little country, who have for years arro-
gated to themselves every virtue and
grasped everything worth having, and who
are now trying to rob the Hawaiian of his
country and flag, the United States would
never have known of the present scheme to
annex the Hawaiian Islands

One of the stock arguments of the annex-
ationists is that a large amount of American
capital has been invested in the Kingdom.
The actual fact is that outside of whatever
capital Claus Spreckels may have brought
to the country, there is not one dollar of
American capital invested there. Every
cent of the large accumulations of such men
as C. R. Bishop, H. P. Baldwin, the Wilcox
brothers, W. H. Rice, the Castles, the
Cookes, W. O. Smith, S. M. Damon and a
host of others, has been dug out of Hawaiian
soil and has been the result of cheap
Asiatic labor and the Reciprocity Treaty
with the United States. Yet in the face of

the fact that the foregoing statement can be
so easily proved, the sugar planters are con-
tinually trying to make people in the
United States believe that American lives
and American capital are endangered, be-
cause of the ignorance and the inability of
the Hawaiian to carry on self-government.
Mr. Blount has doubtless found out by this
time that property, life and good order are
not now and never have been in the least
danger in the Hawaiian Islands, except at
the hands of the filibusters who are holding
office — not by the will of the people, but by
the mistaken action of a too-zealous Minis-
ter of the United States.

That this action should be at once dis-
avowed must seem to every patriotic citizen
of the United States not only eminently
right and proper, but absolutely imperative
if we are to sustain our character of the
Great Free Republic. In order to clear the
way to future action, whatever it may be,
there is only one course to pursue. The
United States cannot afford to allow the
fair, white page of a hundred years of hoi_-
orable history to be smirched by the record
of a single action which savors of injustice
to a weak and inoffensive people.

The kind of patriotism which suffers
u humiliation " on account of Mr. Blount's
prompt withdrawal of the ill-advised and
never necessary Protectorate over the Ha-
waiian Islands, is too narrow and circum-
scribed to deserve much notice. The haul-
ing down of the United States Flag, under
the circumstances, ought not to cause any
really patriotic citizen of the United States
any feeling of chagrin. On the contrary, it
should be a matter of pride that ours is a
country which can stand up before all the
world and dare to do right. Nor ought the
matter of reparation end here. Whatever
may have been the state of affairs when the
American troops were landed and a Protec-
torate assumed, it should be re-established
exactly as it existed, before another step is
taken in the settlement of the question of
annexation. Then, freed from the lestraint
of the present government officials, and pro-
tected if necessary from intimidation, coer-
cion or fraud from any other source, let the
people decide what they want. If it is
argued as against this plan that they are not
capable of a sensible vote, then it certainly



follows that the country is not fit to become
a State of the Union. If the moneyed men
of the Islands claim to have the exclusive
right of the elective franchise by reason of
their wealth or superior intelligence, the
answer is that the Constitution of the
United States which proclaims that before
the law all men are equal without regard to
race, color, or previous condition of servi-
tude, has been upheld by the verdict of
four years of bloody war. We do not want
to have this question to settle again.

The primary question of the nation's
honor having been settled, that of annexa-
tion may be considered at leisure. It is not
the purpose at the present time to discuss
the merits of this proposition in these col-
umns. All the matter pertaining to it is
being carefully prepared and will in due
time be laid before the United States Senate
for examination. In the meanwhile it is
safe to predict that neither President Cleve-
land nor his Commissioner, Mr. Blount, are
going to annex Hawaii without the consent
of the people, and that no other country
will step in and gobble up the Islands while
we are deliberating as to the best steps to
take in the matter. Allan Dare.


A foreigner who recently received much
attention in this country, has, like many
others, recoiled upon us in a manner not
altogether pleasant to American sensitive-
ness. The subject of his lament was his
appalling discovery of the total lack of
chivalry, or even ordinary courtesy between
Americans of the male sex. Not to put too
fine a point upon it, the critic insinuated

that the gentleman, as the term applies in
Europe, was a rare bird in America. It
would seem a waste of time to reply to such
an attack ; yet it may be worth while to say
that it is the general impression among
those who have wandered well over the
globe that there is more courtesy and more
true chivalry among men in America than
in any other land under the sun.

If the American does not shine before the
world in this respect, it is because his mod-
esty prevents the publicity. The writer
recalls an incident illustrating the cour-
tesy of the American gentleman that has
possibly never appeared in print.

The Monitor Tecumseh, under Captain
Craven, was ordered to Mobile Bay during
the war to aid Farragut, and on the way
stopped at Fort Jefferson. At a dinner
given to the Commander, the latter re-
marked within hearing of the writer that if
the Monitor went down there would be a
poor chance, as the means of exit were ex-
tremely limited. A few weeks later, the
Tecum seh made the charge up the bay,
struck a torpedo, rose heavily, and in a few
moments went to the bottom. When she
was going down there was naturally a rush
for the narrow stairway. Craven and the
pilot, who were in the turret, met at the
bottom at a moment when there was time
only for one man to escape before the ship
made her final plunge. The two men faced
each other for one terrible second, when
Craven drew back with the words, " After
you sir." This act of politeness cost him
his life ; the pilot sprang through the open-
ing, while the officer went down before the
rush of water that poured in. Can true
chivalry reach a nobler plane than this ?

They are slaves who fear to speak
For the fallen and the weak ;
* * * * •

They are slaves who dare not be
In the right with two or three.

— Lowell.

ONE of the greatest laws outside of justice
is that of economy. The true meaning
of the word economy seems to be little un-
derstood, for it is appropriated by those
who subject themselves to a species of star-
vation of mind, body and soul, their great
mistake consisting in their failure to econ-
omize anything save that which seems to
most immediately represent material gain.
The fear of suffering and the greed for per-
sonal wealth and prosperity have proven
incentives to a selfish competition in which
everything else is forgotten. The physical,
moral and intellectual forces are neglected,
and before the toiling pilgrim is aware they
have become so corroded that he is unable
to recover the necessary equilibrium to suc-
cessfully continue his career. He has failed
to realize the importance of the equal devel-
opment and the interdependence of every
faculty. He has neglected those whose ten-
dency is to broaden his comprehension and
elucidate and strengthen his judgment.
Having entered a narrow channel, his nature
has become cramped and perverted, and
his sphere has become narrowed. He for-
gets his obligations to his fellow creatures,
and recedes so far from touch with them
that he ceases to realize their individuality,
excepting as they come in contact with him
and serve his own selfish purposes. It is
impossible for him to understand that he is
not economizing by using others for the
furtherance of his own ends, regardless of
their welfare. He fails to perceive the great
spirit of unity pervading all things, so that
the misplacement of the minutest particle is
infinite in its influence, and that an injury,
however slight, to any human being, re-
venges itself on all humanity, particularly
the perpetrator. The great law of justice
is inexorable and carries within * itself its
own compensation, regulated by a natural
economy. Only upon these scales can

human events be balanced, and only
through their balance may prosperity and
happiness be attained. This is beginning
to be realized to some extent, and the most
advanced thinkers seem at present seeking
just and economic laws to apply to every
condition of life. The results of their efforts
and investigations are given to the world
through the different mediums employed by
our most eminent writers, artists, musicians,
statesmen, politicians and other laborers, to
aid those who are unable to grasp the great
principles of life, save through the interpre-
tation of others.

George C. Lorimer, in a well- written vol-
ume entitled, What I Know About Books*
speaks of the danger and ineffectualness of
promiscuous reading. He thoroughly un-
derstands the tendency of the lover of books
when selecting his volumes, to purchase
more than he can handle, and the fascina-
tion which many of them exercise by a
mere suggestive appeal to his thoughts and
ideas. This temptation should in a measure
be resisted, as even these intellectual allure-
ments distract from the power of concen-
tration to a plan of work, and their very
presence invites the attention and intrudes
upon the hours of industry. The occupa-
tions of one's recreation hours should be
planned with as much method, care and
precision as those of labor, and chosen with
regard to the strictest economy and profit.
Lorimer dwells upon the importance and
power of books, saying of them that they
are " more potent than bullets in righting
wrongs and slaying oppressions." He also
calls the attention of his readers to the lim-
ited time and opportunity for the absorption
of the great heritage of knowledge, and
gives some valuable hints concerning the
most economic use of books. He considers
the first requisite that of knowing one's self
and requirements as well as possible, then
selecting reading matter to bear most di-
rectly upon them. The present methods of

1 James H. Earle, Publisher, 178 Washington St.,




education of children, usually employed, do
not seem conducive to self knowledge. The
ambitions and prerogatives of parents, and
the rules of teachers are sometimes strongly
at variance with the natural inclinations
and possibilities of a child's mind, and in
many cases when it reaches maturity much
of what has been taught is of little benefit.
There seems to be more of an effort at
present among thinking people to study
and understand the child mind, which
though apparently so simple, is very
enigmatical because its faculties are un-
developed, and it has not the remotest
comprehension of itself.

Many books and schemes of education
for children are being published and put
into other tangible forms. Among them
are Robinson's Arithmetics, 1 Primary, Ru-
dimentary and Practical, in which the prin-
ciples and applications of this study and rea-
son developer are arranged in simple and
compact form. Another book prepared for
the use of school children is an edition
of Scott's Marmion 2 which has been pub-
lished among the "English Classics for
Schools." Marmion is one of those talcs
which is interesting to young and old, for
it possesses the charms of incident, adven-
ture, history, philosophy and poetry.

Maria Ellery MacKaye has published a
good translation of the Convent Life of
George Sand? which was taken from "L'His-
toire de Ma Vie " written by George Sand,
"mystic pupil of the English convent, —
the dreamy adventurous country girl," and
" the aggressive, uncompromising celebrity
of 183 1 ; the apostle of social and domestic
liberty, arraigning the legalized tyranny of
the husband, while illogically clinging to
marriage." Aurore Dupin, afterwards Ma-
dame Dudevant, who wrote under the name
of George Sand, has a very interesting his-
tory. She was a descendent of Frederic Au-
gustus II., Elector of Saxony and King of
Poland, and from her mother's side she was
the descendent of a Parisian bird fancier. In
the little volume containing the description
of her life in the English Augustinian Con-
vent in Paris during the time of Cromwell,
she calls the attention of the reader to the pe-
culiarities of the growth and development of
a child's mind, and the importance of plac-
ing the education of children in the hands
of persons competent to understand, sym-

1 American Book Co., N. Y., Cincinnati and

'American Book Co., N. Y., Cincinnati and

8 Roberts Bros., Boston.

pathize with and instruct them. She says
of those whose natures are at variance with
these requirements, " No doubt some re-
pulsive persons become so conscious of the
effect they produce that they are thereby
incapacitated from helping others, feeling
that they make duty disagreeable merely by
recommending it, and thus they come at
last to care only for their own salvation, ir-
respective of others."

Two attractive and wholesome books for
young people are Facing the World* by
Horatio Alger, Jr., and Two Ways of Becom-
ing a Hunter? by Harry Castleman. Both
of these authors are well known and appre-
ciated, having published many interesting
books of travel and adventure. The expe-
riences of the young heroes of thesestories
are full of color and interest, and benefit to
the young readers, as they present many
good examples for the proper course of
action to pursue in unexpected emergencies.

Citizenship? containing " some sugges-
tions as to the obligations, the difficulties
and the preparation of voters," by Chas. A.
Brinley, gives some excellent practical sug-
gestions for politicians. He believes that
the political education should commence at
an early age, primarily by surrounding one
with noble and wholesome associations and
influences. He says" History, not in detail,
but in its broad aspects, exhibiting the de-
velopment of civilized man from savagery,
the influence of local conditions, of physical
geography, climate, race and neighbors;
explaining the forces of custom and religion;
showing the evolution of social relations
and government and the growth of political
ideas— should be taught wherever and when-
ever it is possible, as a preliminary to
special teaching as to the questions of obliga-
tions of the hour." He also says that in
order to avoid errors and facilitate move-
ments among voters, " The State or Munic-
ipality ought to furnish a clear and compact
statement of the privileges of voters, of
political divisions, and of the requirements
of the law in regard to every act of which a
man, as voter, is legally capable." It should
be issued, he says, in a manual to be " re-
published or supplemented whenever it
ceases to be accurate." His suggestions are
undoubtedly good, and calculated to impress
the reader with the importance of the obli-
gations of our people to the country and the

Lyman Allen, M. D., has written an inter-

• Porter & Coates, Philadelphia.

• Porter & Coates, Philadelphia.

• Porter & Coates, Philadelphia.



>ting volume entitled Political Problems}
[t is a series of practical " Essays on Ques-
ions of the Day." He speaks at some
length on the corruption pervading politics
ind society, and the opposition to anything
rhich will rob their votaries of the possi-
>ility of gaining personal ends through the

>rruption of public instruments. He calls
ittention to the morbid tone of the daily
>ress, in which every sensational episode

id every crime is faithfully recorded and
[welt upon, while great reform movements
ind deeds of heroism or sacrifice are not
sought after unless of a sensational charac-
ter. The author does not advocate tariff,
seeming to consider it beneficial only to
those engaged in "protected industries,"
and that it is of little benefit to the laboring
classes, which is demonstrated, he says, by
the want and adversity existing among them.
He also speaks against the evils of large
corporations and monopolies, and for na-
tional ownership of those inventions which
are entirely public servitors.

Concerning the coinage question he says,
"The nation should make and should issue
all money, and should have all the profit
accruing therefrom, and all the people —
not silver mine owners more than bankers
— should receive the benefit." He demon-
strates the injustice of the lack of equal
suffrage, political and civil rights for both
sexes. He believes that the presence of
women in the political field would elevate
the standard of purity in the management
of public and governmental affairs. The
woman who learns to cast a vote or fill a
public office conscientiously will, by reason
of the common sense and good judgment
that would enable her to occupy such posi-
tions, lose nothing of her womanly dignity,
and will be better qualified by her experi-
ence to educate her children and conduct
her household. While in some ideas Allen
is inclined to be extreme, most of them are
well balanced and broad. He says : " We
should be slow to ridicule or denounce any
one without due consideration for advocat-
ing some new method or plan r or improving
the physical, the material, the social or
moral condition of mankind, simply because
it strikes us as being absurd or unwise."

The Story of Government? by Henry
Austin, is a handsome volume which gives
some interesting facts concerning the sys-
tems of government among animals, the
code of government and honor among
gypsies, brigands and thieves, the govern-

1 Californian Publishing Company. San Francisco.
3 A. M. Thayer & Co., Publishers, Boston and Lon-

ment of empires, oligarchies, monarchies
feudal and constitutional, theocracy or
priestly rule, secret orders, republics, and
the effect of those governments in which
women have participated. He endorses
woman's suffrage, showing how she has suc-
cessfully participated in governmental
affairs among different people from time
immemorial. The work is illustrated with
over 250 engravings, and many double page
plates by the best American and European
artists. The book is highly recommended
by such people as Douglas Frazer, Mary
A. Livermore and Edward Everett Hale,
and is pronounced authentic and reliable.
The author gives us an opportunity to
obtain a broad view of the development and
condition of government generally, and we
are enabled to look beyond the platitudes
and bias of present conditions.

Byron, that melancholy, misanthropic,

Online LibraryCharles Frederick HolderThe Californian (Volume 4) → online text (page 18 of 120)