Charles Frederick Holder.

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the poor man of to-morrow, and no-
thing is truer than that the American

nation must prepare itself to face new,
and hitherto untested economic prob-
lems. The of wealth and
population of the central, intermon-
tane, and Pacific States of the Union,
the development of new and varied
industries, the production of articles
at home which hitherto were obtained
only from abroad, the admission of
new states into the Union, and the
changed industrial conditions of many
of the older, states, have given a new
trend to business enterprises, and a
broader and more national sweep to
American finances. And thus America
must have a financial policy of its own.
Our country will then prosper, because
the American people will build upon
foundations laid on American soil, con-
structed by American industry, and
Abstained by American money.



THE Hon. R. P. Bland, Democratic
Congressman from Missouri, the
champion of the free coinage of
silver, attempts, in an article in the
April number of the North American
Review, to show that the only hope of
free coinage lies with the Democratic
party and that it is a party question ;
that the Democratic party is on one
side and the Republican party on the
other. The attempt is a flat failure.
His party to-day, no matter what has
been its position in the past, is against
him and against free coinage. If he
does not know this, he is certainly one
of the blindest men now in public life,
as regards the status of free coinage of
silver. The article has not in any
manner advanced the measure to which
he professes such devotion. Mr. Bland
begins his article with a rhetorical
fusilade of rather well-worn Demo-
cratic stock phrases, which have no
foundation outside a Democratic im-

Great latitude is allowed the stump

.speaker in a canvass, but wnen a
man in Mr. Bland's position carefully
prepares an article for a leading mag-
azine, upon an important public ques-
tion to which he has devoted years of
time, the public has the right to ex-
pect reasonably correct statements of
common, well-known facts, respecting
the condition of public affairs. These,
carelessly or incorrectly stated at the
outset, beget distrust as regards the
correctness of what follows. In the
first paragraph of his article he says :

" The appalling demands upon the
resources of the country, to meet the
enormous appropriations of money,
nearly one-half of which are for pen-
sions alone ; an onerous system of tax-
ation, and yet a depleted treasury ; a
makeshift and disjointed currency,
satisfactory to no one ; problems of
imperialism presented in the questions
of the annexation of foreign territory
and peoples ; all pressing for consider-
ation; etc., etc., etc."

Here in seven lines are six state-



meats that are not only very loose,
but are wholly Pickwickian.

But what are the facts ? These.
Taxation is not appalling ;.not nearly
one-half of the appropriations are re-
quired for the payment of pensions ;
the Treasury is not depleted ; the
country has the best and safest, most
satisfactory system of currency it ever
had since its foundation, and it re-
quires an immense stretch of imagin-
ation to discover where the question
of imperialism comes in. " The appall-
ing demands upon the resources of
the country " exist only in the imag-
ination of politicians and stump-
speakers. If any class is appalled it
is the money barons and speculators.
If they are appalled why should the
common people mourn ? Fancy Mr.
John Wanamaker growing more and
more " appalled " at the " increasing
demands upon his resources " during
the past ten years, made by the pay-
roll of his employees, as it steadily and
rapidly increased with his business,
and he grew richer and richer. He is
"appalled" in the same way every
sensible man is at the rapid growth of
this nation. It takes more money to
run one of our first-class modern steam-
ships than it does to navigate a prim-
itive dugout, and the earnings and
resources are correspondingly differ-
ent ; but this is a fact our Democratic
friends seem to forget, or never to have

The total appropriation made by
the fifty-second Congress was, for
the two years, $1,004,178,000, and
the total appropriation for pen-
sions for the two years, was $3 13, 268,-
700. That's very far from " nearly
one-half." In this connection it may
be remarked that but for these pen-
sioners, dead and alive, Mr. Bland
could not have been a member of the
Congress of the United States. As
to the "onerous system of taxation,"
nearly one-half the revenues come
from the tax on whisky and tobacco.
Would Mr. Bland take off this
onerous (?) tax from these articles?
By far the largest half of the revenue

obtained from other sources comes

from duties levied on imported articles
that can be produced in this country,
and if the consumer pays more than
he would if the duty were removed,
the difference is paid the American
workingman in the way of wages.
Not a workingman, nor any man in
the United States has ever lost a dollar,
or a penny through the national cur
rency ; not one dollar of it was ever
dishonored ; never, since the issue of
the first bill to the present hour, lias
there been a moment when a national
bank dollar was not worth a dollar
anywhere in any civilized count
and this is the kind of currency Mr.
Bland characterizes as "makeshift and
disjointed." How many millions of
dollars did the laboring men of this
country lose through the Deinoc a
" rag " money issued by irresponsible
State banks between '40 and '60?
There is to-day a greater "seeming
preference " on the part of the I)c
cratic party for that rag money, than
it ever had for gold or silver. W not.
why that plank in the last Democratic
platform which reads: "Section S.
We recommend that the prohibitory
(?) ten per cent tax on State bank
issues be repealed." If that does not
mean the re-establishment of these
wild-cat banks, then it has no mean-
ing at all.

Mr. Bland essays to explain a
"seeming preference on the part oi
the Democratic party for gold in the
days of Benton." Here is an oppor-
tunity for him to explain this " seem-
ing preference," on the part of the
Democratic party, for the old-fashioned
Democratic wild-cat currency.

As to Mr. Bland's assertion that the
Treasury of the United St. itea is bank
nipt or depleted, the "Statement
the Public Debt and of the Cash 111
the Treasury of the United Stat-
made by the Secretary of the Treasury,
dated May 1st, 1893, is the I
answer. This shows that at the
close of business, April 29th, 1893,
there was cash in the Treasun
follows :


Gold coin $12 1,753,585 -35 House is responsible for everything

Gold in bars 80,529,773 73 done in that body, the Republican

Total gold 1202,283,359.08 f enate ^ everything in that body,

Silver dollars ...... 360, 359, 9* 2 .00 during the fifty-second Congress.

Subsidiary coin ... . 11,113,573.21 Without exception, the Democratic

Bars 110,315,196.23 party holds the Republican party re-

„ .« IT, T~r sponsible for the demonetization of sil-

Total silver.... $481,788,691. 44 ver in jS? ^ beC they controlled

Grand total coin... .$684,072,040.52 every i )ranch f the Government at

This is rather a remarkable showing that time,

for a " bankrupt Treasury." Can the Mr. Bland says : "The most recent

Treasury of any other country make vote on this question (i. e., the free

one as good? The statement also coinage of silver) was in the House,
shows that during the thirty days of March 17th, 1892." This is a mis-

the month of April, the public debt take. There was no action on the

had decreased $1,832,475.00. silver bill OB that day, but the vote

As to the "problem of imperialism," he refers to was taken on March 24th,

that is .so very far-fetched that it docs and there were in all, ten votes taken

not require further notice — so much on that day on the question. So, in

for Mr. Bland's predicates. the House of Representatives, where

A considerable part of Mr. Bland's the Democrats had 227 members, the

article is made up of extracts from the Republicans 88, Mr. Bland could not

Congressional Record to show that a pass his free coinage bill. But none

larger number and greater proportion of these were the most recent votes on

of Democrats than Republicans voted the question. On July ist, 1892, Sen-

in favor of free coinage, that, there- ator Stewart's Bill, S. 51. providing

fore, the Republicans are responsible for the free coinage of silver, and

for the defeat. Is his deduction cor- which bill was substantially the same

rect and his argument sound ? Wall as Mr. Bland's, passed a Republican

he accept that rule in fixing the Senate by a vote of 29 to 25. On

responsibility as to all other measures? page 5,742 of the Congressional Re-

If so, we will accept and will say at cord, giving the proceedings of the

once that under such rule, the attempt House for July 2nd, 1892, will be

to destroy the Union was a party found the following: "A message

measure, a Democratic party measure, from the Senate, by Mr. Piatt, one of

for not only were the majority of those its clerks, announced that the Senate

who took up arms against the Gov- had passed the Bill S. 51, to provide

ernment, Democrats, but of the hun- for the free coinage of gold and silver

dreds of thousands who did, every bullion, and for other purposes, in

one was a Democrat — not one was a which the concurrence of the House

Republican. Yet we know that many was requested. (Applause on the

thousands of Democrats were fighting Democratic side)." A Republican

in the Union army for the preserva- Senate asks a Democratic House to

tion of the Union. The Democratic concur with it in voting for the free

party, as well as the people of the coinage of silver. On the 13th day of

United States, has always and most July, 1892, as may be seen by referr-

justly held the party in power respon- ing to page 6,133 °f tne Record, the

sible for all legislation. The party in most recent vote, save one, was taken

power, in any branch of the Govern- on the silver question. It was on the

ment, is wholly responsible for all adoption of the resolution reported by

things done or not done in that the Committee on Rules, to take up

branch. The responsibility cannot in the Silver Bill S. 51, for consideration,

any degree be shifted from the majority This was defeated by a vote of 154 to

to the minority. The Democratic 136. Of the 154 negative votes, 96



were Democrats and 58 Republicans ;
and so, for the second time, free coin-
age was slaughtered in the house of
its friends. The "applause" with
which the Democratic side of the
House greeted the request of the Re-
publican Senate to concur with it in
the passage of a free coinage bill, did
not materialize when the vote was
taken. It appears convenient for Mr.
Bland to forget these more recent
votes ; but there has been a still later
vote on the silver question. It was
on the 8th day of November last,
when the Democratic party, as a party,
throughout the United States voted
solidly for Grover Cleveland, the most
vigorous and relentless, as well as the
ablest opponent of the free coinage of
silver that could be found in the Dem-
ocratic party ; who, before he was
inaugurated as President, is credited
with the attempt to coerce the legis-
lative branch of the Government
(through the power he holds in the
matter of official patronage) to repeal
the present act authorizing the limited
coinage of silver.

The great city of New York is the
heart and stomach of the Democratic
party. They are Mr. Bland's Demo-
cratic colleagues in that money center
that demand an extra session of Con-
gress to be called at once, to absolutely
demonetize silver, and to repeal the
Sherman Act. They are his Demo-
cratic colleagues who are attempting to
force this extra session by shipping gold
out of the country. The extra session
is to be called for the sole purpose of
prohibiting the further coinage of sil-
ver — to destroy its money character,
and for no other purpose. Already
Mr. Bland's Democratic colleagues are
tugging at their tethers, eager to be
in at the death.

One other fact Mr. Bland forgets is
that while every Democratic State
stood solid for the anti-silver Demo-
cratic candidate, four hitherto safe
Republican States left the Republican
party on account of its uncertain posi-
tion on the silver question. These
States did not go to the Democratic

party, for its position on the question
was no more satisfactory. The silver

planks in both platforms were substan-
tially the same— miserable and CO*
ardly to the last degree.

So long as Mr. Bland urged the free
coinage of silver as a business
sition, he was on a solid foundation.
When he attempts to make a partisan
question of it and calls attention to
the record of the Democratic party
upon it, he is floundering in mud
there is nothing in the past history
of the Democratic party which indi-
cates that at any time it was t:
of honest money. The record shows
that it was always the friend of the
worthless, irresponsible State banks,
with their rag money, and dining
every year of its supremacy they A
ished, and the people were robbed
right and left. The bills issued by
the banks in one State were worthless
in an adjoining State, and after twenty
years of almost uninterrupted rule of
the Democratic party, in time of pe
the Treasury of the United Si
bankrupt; Government bonds, bearing
twelve per cent, interest, could only
be sold at a discount of from twelve
to fifteen per cent., for under Demo-
cratic business methods gold and sil-
ver were driven out of the country.
We had only rags left. The financial
methods of the Democratic part\
attested by its history, were, and
dishonest and disastrous. The era of
honest money for the people only
came in with the advent of the Repub-
lican party to power. Today the
workingman who has a dollar, whether
it is a silver, gold or paper dollar,
knows that he can purchase as much
with one as with the other, that it is
good in any State, and that it will be-
as good to-morrow as it is t<> day.
This was not possible until the Dem-
ocratic party, with its ignorant and
defective financial system. -
moved from power, and supplanted by
the sound financial methods of the
Republican party, under which this
country has attained its present unex-
ampled prosperity.



UST t wo years

ago, August 2 2d,
1 89 1, a crowd of
men met in one of
the justices' dingy
little courtrooms
in the City Hall of
San Francisco, ami
together they were sworn in as the
first company of naval reserves on the
Pacific coast.

Soon after, another company was
sworn in at San Diego, another and
another followed at San Francisco in
quick succession, and the four com-
panies of the battalion being then
formed, their officers met and elected
F. B. Chandler, who had been identi-
fied with the movement from the start,
as Lieutenant Commander.

This last act completed the organi-
zation of the California Naval Bat-
talion. Almost without warning it had
sprung into existence, and in a little
over two months after the first com-
pany had taken the oath of enlistment,
the Lieutenant Commander issued
his first order, in which he assumed

The act of the Legislature by which
the California Naval Battalion became
a possibility, was approved March 31,
1891. It was entitled : ''An act to
establish a naval battalion, to be
attached to the National Guard of
California/' It provided for "not
more than four companies of naval
militia, which shall constitute a bat-
talion, to be known as the Naval

Battalion of the National Guard."
It further provided that the battalion
Should be commanded by a Lieuten-
ant Commander, that each company
should be commanded by a Lieutenant,
and should have in addition three other
officers and eighty petty officers and

By the terms of the act, the organi-
zation of the battalion was mad
conform generally to the provisions of
the laws of the United States govern-
ing militia bodies, and the System of
discipline and exercises was made to
conform as nearly as might be, to that
of the United States Navy, as at pres-
sent existing, or as may be hereafter
prescribed by Congress. When not
otherwise provided for, the govern-
ment of this new organization was
placed under the laws which govern
the National Guard of California, and
the Governor has the same power over
it as he has over the other State
military forces.

It was also set forth in the act
that the duty, or any part of the duty
of this naval militia, could be per-
formed afloat in United States vessels,
and the Governor was empowered to
apply to the President for the detail of
eomnrtssioned or petty officers of the
navy, to act as inspectors and instruct-
ors in the art of naval warfare.

Such was the act under which the
"fresh water sailors," as at first the
newspapers delighted to call them, were
ushered into the service of the United
vStates and of the State of California.




As may be seen, the act of the
Legislature, while providing for the
formation of the companies, was woe-
fully silent regarding the means with
which they were to be supported ; and
as the Legislature had adjourned only
a few months previous to the organi-
zation of the first company, the pros-
pect of financial assistance from the
State was not particularly brilliant.
This was the first difficulty encoun-

The second was a question of pre-
cedence. The first com-
pany had been sworn in
as Company A; yet with-
out warning the coveted
first letter, of which the
boys were so proud, was
shifted to the San Diego
Company, the second one
organized, and the oldest
company became Coin-
pan) 7 B. In the discus-
sion which followed, the
individuality of the com-
panies was strongly
brought out, and being
emphasized from the first
and intensified afterwards
in the struggle for exist-
ence, it now forms the
weakest spot in an other-
wise powerful and pros-
perous organization.

As a matter of fact, the
theory of the Naval Bat-
talion does not recognize
companies in the mili-
tary sense of the word, at all, but rates
the entire organization as a ship's crew.
Each so-called company is a division,
destined to man a certain number of
guns on shipboard and to take a
certa in place in a land attack ; the bill
called them companies, however, and
the designation has stuck to them
ever since.

The Naval Battalion occupies a
peculiar position in its relation to the
military forces, both regular and mili-
tia, and the naval forces of the United
States. It partakes of the properties
of all, and yet the true reserve man is

every inch a sailor. Following the

theory of the organization to its
logical conclusion, the finished reserve
man should be a fighter of the first
order. He must know the duties of a
sailor on shipboard, first of all ; he
must know how to land on a beach or
rocky shore, and that, too, in the face
of an enemy ; then when he lands lie
becomes a soldier, and a soldier's
duties and the theory of land warfare
must be familiar to him. He must
be a good shot with his rifle, whether


on solid ground, on the rolling deck of
a ship, or in the swaying "top" at
the mast head. He must understand
machine guns, torpedoes and powder
in all its forms ; he must be able to
use his cutlass and revolver with
deadly effect, and above all, those
long black, wicked looking naval
breech loaders must be as familiar to
his hand and eye, as his vessel itself.
He must be a sailor at sea, a soldier
on land, a sharp-shooter in the top, a
gunner on deck, and at home effi-
cient in any or all of his numerous



The California Naval Battalion, at
present, contains nearly 300 men.
They are fully armed with the Lee
magazine rifle — the navy arm — and
with the navy revolver. Their uniform
is similar to that of an able seaman in
the United States service, with the
exception of the hat ribbon, which, in
the Reserve, bears the words ' ' Naval
Battalion," instead of the name of a
ship. The officers are armed and
uniformed exactly
as the regular
officers, and in
every detail the
California Naval
Battalion has been
made to conform
as nearly as possi-
ble with the regu-
lar service.

Having organ-
ized, the next .step
was to procure a
place to drill, and
here the first .seri-
ous mistake was
made, an unavoid-
able one, however,
because of lack of
funds. Each com-
pany shifted for
itself. For some
time Company B
then Company A,
drilled by moon-
light, when avail-
able, and by guess-
work when dark,
in the big, gloomy
courtyard of the
City Hall. It soon
went into an armo-
ry, however, as did the other compa-
nies, and then the battalion began to
take some .semblance of a permanent
organization. But the armories were
in different parts of the city and the
companies were separated.

The dues of the men, by careful
management, sufficed for armory rent
and current and incidental expenses,
but they were not sufficient to pur-
chase uniforms. The merchants of


the city were then appealed to, and
they responded with nearly $3,000.
This went for uniforms for the men,
the officers providing their own. The
$25,000 annually appropriated by
Congress, becoming due about that
time, the battalion held its first mus-
ter, March 22d, 1892, and applied soon
after for a pro rata for 371 men, as
shown at the muster. This meant
$8,584.43. The California Battalion
was then the larg-
est in America,
and the amount of
its share of the
appropriation was
nearly $1 ,000 more
than that of the
New York Battal-
ion, the next in

The federal ap-
propriation, how-
ever, is not furn-
ished in money,
but in arms and
equipments. The
battalio n com-
mander, therefore,
applied for every-
thing necessary to
equip the men,
and the following
list of what was
.sent will show
how the battalion
is armed and
equipped at pres-
ent, as no accoutre-
ments have been
furnished the men
since that time :
280 rifles, 280 gun
slings, 280 bayonet scabbards, 40
revolvers, 40 belts, 40 holsters, 40 car-
tridge boxes, 40 packs for revolvers,
280 single web belts, 360 haversacks
and straps, 370 rubber ponchos, 360
canteens and straps, 3 grubbing hoes,
6 shovels, 370 coat straps.

The rifles were all new and furnished
with bayonets. The web belts have
loops for cartridges and pockets for
magazines, and the haversacks are of


55 1

r. S. S. BOSTON.

canvas. In addition, with each gun
were furnished all the necessary
cleaning and repairing tools and over
half a dozen magazines.

A flag, consisting of a blue field, in
the center of which are two crossed
anchors, fouled in their cables and
surrounded by thirteen white stars,
was then adopted. A fac simile of
this flag heads all battalion stationery,
and its miniature, on a button, forms
the official badge of the battalion.

A three-inch breech loading rifle
and all its accessories was secured
from the Mare Island Navy Yard, and
things were beginning to look well for
the reserve, when Lieutenant Com-
mander Chandler resigned. Captain
Charles Miner Goodall, a man well
known among the shipping men of
San Francisco, was elected to the
vacancy. Captain Goodall is a master
mariner, and as he took hold with en-
thusiasm, the battalion has prospered
under his rule.

A sixteen-oared barge, fitted with
two masts and sails, was the next
Vol. IV— ^6

addition to the equipment. Forobvi

ous reasons she was called the May
flower, and her triangular sails and
flowing ensign at the stern have been
familiar figures on the bay ever since
From the time of her appearance, the
nautical instinct in the men developed
rapidly. When the cruisers ( hark sto>i
and San Francisco came into the har-
bor and anchored, this sentiment was
at its height, and when the boyfl weie
invited on board to drill with the big
guns and to behave like seamen gen
erally, there once more sprang up
between the companies a fellow feel-
ing, which has done more thai, all else

Online LibraryCharles Frederick HolderThe Californian (Volume 4) → online text (page 73 of 120)