or its influence secured. ' I'he people of the respective counties are,
indeed, requested to signify their opinion, respecting the adoption of
the bill, to the next session of Assembly." But the representation
must be made equal, before the voice, either of the representatives or
of the counties, will be that of the people. Our hope is, that neither
of the former will, after due consideration, espouse the dangerous
principle ot the bill. Should the event disappoint us, it will still leave
Us in full confidence, that a fair appeal to the latter will reverse the
sentence against our liberties.
Because, finally, " the equal right of every citizen to the free exer-
ciie of his tehgion according to the dictates of his conscience," is
held by tne same tenure with all our orher rights. Jf we recur to its
origin, it is> eqaalsy the gift ot nature ; it we weigh its importance, it
cannot be less dear to us ; it we consult the " Declaration of those
rights which pertain to the good people of Virginia, as the basis and
foundation of government," it is enumerated witn equal solemnity, or
raiher wi f h studied empdasis. Eitrei then we must say, that the will
of the Legislature is the only measure ot their autnonty ; and that in
the plenitude of this authority, they may sweep away all cur funda-
mental rights; or, that they are bound to leave this particular right
untouched and sacred : either we must say, that they may control the
freedom of the press ; may abolish the trial by jury ; may swallow
up the executive and judiciary powers of the State ; nay, that they
may annihilate our very right of suffrage, and erect themselves into
an independent and hereditary assembly ; or we must say that they
have no authority to enact into a law, the bill under consideration.
We the subscribers say, that the General Assembly ot this Common-
wealth have no such authority ; and that no effort may be omitted on
our part, against so dangerous an usurpation, we oppose to it this
Remonstrance, earnestly praying, as we are in duty bound, that the Su-
preme Lawgiver ot ihe Universe, by illuminating those to whom it is ad-
dressed, may, on the one hand, turn their councils from every act, which
would affront his holy preiogative, or violate the trust committed to
them ; and, on the other, guide them into every measure which may
be worthy of his blessing, may redound to their own praise, and may
establish more firmly the liberties, the property, and the happiness of
this Commonwealth.*
* The particular objects of the bill so often mentioned in this Remonstrance,
and also some observations on this distinguished instrument, may be seen in V '
B. p. 83, 84.
Appendix. 479
[No. II.]
THI prayers and wishes of the Virginia people, about the time the
foregoing remonstrance WAS drawn, were presented to the Legisla-
ture in many different forms. And among the reit, the following
lines, written by Rev. David Thomas, accompanied the petition sent
by the Baptists, and wai addressed as follows :
To the Honorable General Assembly, now sitting at Williams Lurgh t the humble
Petition of a Country Poet,
Now liberty is all the plan,
The chief pursuit of every man
Whose heart is right, and fills the mouth
Of patriots all, from north to south.
May a poor b^rd, from bushes sprung,
Who yet has but to rusticks sung,
Address your honojable House,
And not your angry passions rouse ?
Hark ! for a while, your business stop ;
One word into your ears I'll drop :
No longer spend your needless pains,
To mend and polish o'er our chains }
But break them off before you rise,
Nor disappoint our watchful eyes.
What says great Washington and Lee ?
" Our country is, and must be free."
What says great Henry, Pendleton,
And Liberty's minutest son ?
r Tis all one voice they all agree
" God made us, and we must be, free."
Freedom we crave, with ev'ry breath,
An equal freedom, or a death.
The heav'nly blessing freely give,
Or make an net we shall not live.
Tax all things ; water, air, and light,
If need there be ; yea, tax the night ;
But let our brave heroick minds
Move freely as celestial winds.
Make vice and folly feel your rod,
But leave our consciences to God :
Leave each man free to choose his form
Of piety, nor at him storm.
And he who minds the civil law,
And keeps it whole, without a flaw,
Let him, just as he pleat es, pray,
And seek for heav'n in his own way ;
And if he miss, we all must own,
Ne man is wrong'd but he alone.
480 Appendix.
[No. III.]
The Addrest of the Committee of the United Bapl'nt ChurcJ.es in Virginia,
assembled in the city of Richm'jnd, August 8, 1789, to the President of the
Ua'i'ed Sta^i of Ameriia.
SIR,
AMONG the many shouts of congratulation that you receive from
cit'es, societies, States, and the whole world, we wish to take an active
part in the universal chorus, in expressing our great satisfaction in
your appointment to the first office in the nation. When America,
on a former occasion, was reduced to the necessity of appealing to
arms, to defend her natural and civil rights, a Washington was found
full adequate to the exigencies of the dangerous attempt ; who, by the
philanthropy of his heart, and prudence of his head, led forth her un-
tutored troops into the field of battle ; and, by the skilfulness of his
hands, baffled the projects of the insulting foe, and pointed out the
road to independence, even at a time when the energy of the cabinet
was not sufficient to bring into action the natural aid of the confedera-
tion, from its respective sources.
The grand object being obtained, the independence of the States
acknowledged, free from ambition, devoid of sanguine thirst of blood,
our hero returned with those he commanded, and laid down the
sword at the feet of those who gave it him. *' Such an example to
the world ib new." Like other nations, we experience that it requires
as great valour and wisdom to make an advantage of the conquest, as
to gain one.
The want of efficacy in the confederation, the redundancy of laws,
and their partial administration in the States, called aloud for a new
arrangement of our systems. The wisdom of the States, for that pur-
pose, was collected in a grand convention, over which you, Sir, had
the honour to preside. A national government in all its parts was
recommended, as the only preservative of the union, which plan of
government is now in actual operation.
When the constitution first made its appearance in Virginia, we, as
a society, had unusual strugglings of mind, fearing that the liberty of
conscience (dearer to us than property and life) was not sufficiently
secured. Perhaps our jealousies were heightened, on account of the
usage we received in Virginia, under the regal government, when
mobs, bonds, fine* and prisons were our frequent repast.
Convinced, on the one hand, that without an effective National
Government, the States would fall into disunion and all the consequent
evils ; and, on the other hand, feaiing we should be accessary to some
religious oppression, should any one society in the Union preponder-
ate over all the rest. But amidst all the inquietudes of mind, our con-
solation arose from this consideration the plan must be good, for it
bears the signature of a tried, trusty friend ; and if religious liberty
is rather insecure in the Constitution, " the Administration will cer-
tainly prevent all oppression, for a Washington will preside." Accord-
ing to our wishes, the unanimous voice of the Union has called you
Sir, from your beloved retreat, to launch forth again into the faith-
less seas of human affairs, to guide the helm of the States. May that
Divine Munificence, which covered your head in battle, make you a
Appendix. 481
yet greater blessing to your admiring country, in time of peace.
Should the horrid evils that have been so pestiferous in Asia and Eu-
rope, faction, ambition, war, perfidy, fraud, and persecution for con-
science sake, ever approach the borders of our happy nation ; may
the name and administration of our beloved President, like the radiant
source of day, scatter all those dark clouds from the American hem-
isphere.
And while we speak freely the language of our own hearts, we are
satisfied that we express the sentiments of our brethren, whom we rep-
resent. The very name ot Waihington is musick in our ears ; and al-
though the great evil in the States, ib the want of mutual confidence
between rulers and people, yet, we all have the utmost confidence in
the President of the States ; and it is our fervent prayer to Almighty
God, that the federal government, and the governments of the respec-
tive States, without rivalship, may so co-operate together, as to make
the numerous people, over whom you preside, the happiest nation on
earth ; and you, Sir, the happiest man, in seeing the people, who, by
the smiles of Providence, you saved from vassalage by your martial
valour, and made wise by your maxims, sitting securely under their
vines and fig-trees, enjoying the perfection of human felicity. May
God long preserve your lite and health for a blessing to the world in
general, and the United Stales in particular; and wnen, like the sun,
you have finished your course of great and unparalleled services, and
you go the way of all the earth, may the Divine Being who will reward
every man according to his works, grant unto you a glorious admis-
sion into his everlasting kingdom, through Jesus Christ. This, Sir,
is the prayer of your happy admirers.
By order of the Committee, S \MUEL HARRIS, Chairman,
REUBEN FORD, Clerk.
[No. IV.]
To the General Committee, representing tie United Baptist Churches in
Virginia.
GENTLEM
I REQUEST that you will accept my best acknowledgments for
your congratulation on my appointment to the first office in the nation.
The kind manner in which you mention my past conduct, equally
claims the expression of my gratitude.
After we had, by the smiles of Divine Providence on our exertions,
obtained the object foi which we contended, I retired, at the conclu-
sion of the war, with an idea that my country could have no farther
occasion for my services, and with the intention of never entering again
into publick life. But when the exigencies of my country seemed to
require me once more to engage in publick afFiirs, an honest conviction
of duty superseded my former resolution, and became my apology for
deviating from the huppy plan which I had adopted.
If I could have entertained the slightest apprehension that the consti-
tution framed in the Convention where I had the honour to preside,
might possibly endanger the religious rights of any ecclesiastical socie-
ty, certainly I would never have placed my signature to it ; and if I
VOL. 2. 61
4S& Appendix.
could now conceive that the general government might ever be so ad-
ministered as to render the liberty of conscience insecure, I beg you
will be persuaded, that no one would be more zealous than myself, to
establish effectual barriers against the horrors of spiritual tyranny, and
every species of religious persecution.
For y.>u doubtless remember, I have often expressed my sentiments,
that every man, conducting himself as a good citizen, and being ac-
countable to God alone for his religious opinions, ought to be protected
in worshipping the Deity according to the dictates of his own conscience.
While I recollect with satisfaction that the religious society of which
you are members, have been, throughout America, uniformly and al-
most unanimously the firm friends to civil liberty, and the persevering
promoters of our glorious revolution ; I cannot hesitate to believe, that
they will be the faithful supporters of a free, yet efficient general gov-
ernment. Under this pleasing expectation, I rejoice to assure them,
that they may rely upon my best wishes and endeavours to advance
their prosperity.
In the mean time, be assured, gentlemen, that I entertain a proper
sense of your fervent supplications to God for my temporal and eter-
nal happiness.
I am, gentlemen, your most obedient servant,
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
[No. V.]
MR. LELAND's SPEECH,
Delivered in tbs House of Representatives of Massachusetts^ on the subject
of Religious Freedom, 1 8 1 1 .
MR. SPEAKER,
THE right of private judgment, like sight and hearing, is inalienable
in nature Should an individual attempt to surrender it to society,
it nevertheless would remain with him still, in all its vigour. Whatever
individuals, from the source of private judgment, might be led to say-
on the subject now before the House, provided the House was in the
capacity of a convention, assembled for the purpose of framing a con-
stitution, I cannot determine ; but at the present time, the House is
on legislative ground, under the solemnity of an oath, to legislate ac-
cording to the meaning of the Constitution, in their best judgments.
The part of the Constitution, Sir, which the subject before the House
has particular bearings upon, is contained in the 2d and 3d articles of
the Declaration of Rights, tt is well known, Mr. Speaker, that the
inhabitants of this Commonwealth were, when the Constitution was
framed, as well as at the present time, divided in sentiment about re-
ligion and the mode of its support. From the face of the Constitution,
as well as from a knowledge of those times, there exists no doubt, that
a decided majority believed that religious duties ought to be inter-
woven in the civil compact that Protestant Christianity was the best
religion in die world and that all the inhabitants ought to be forced,
by law, to support it with their money, as a necessary institute, for
the good of the body politick, unless they did it voluntarily. While
a respectable minority, equally firm in the belief of the divinity of
Christianity, and still more protestant in their views ; conceiving of it
to he a measure as presumptuous in a legislature as in a Pope, to lord
it over consciences, or interfere either in the mode or support of Chris-
tianity. This minority, Mr. Speaker did then, and do, still believe that
religion is a matter between individuals and their God a rijjht inali-
enable an article not within the cognizance of civil government, nor
any wayi> under its control. In this discordance of religious senti-
ments, the 2d and jd articles of the Declaration of Rights, are evident-
ly a com promibe of parties, in which mutual concessions are made for
a general union. The language of the Convention, in the Constitution
appears to be as follows : ' Let those towns, parishes, precincts, and
other religious societies, possessed of corporate powers, support their
religion by force of law ; but if there be any one residing within the
limits of those corporate bodies, who attends other worship, and yet
has no scruples of conscience in being legally taxed, his money when
paid, if he requests it, shall be paid over, by the collector, to the minis-
ter of his choice. And whereas there are many religious societies,
who have scruples of conscience about availing themselves of corpo-
rate powers ; if such societies voluntarily, in their own mode, make
suitable provision for the maintenance of their ministers, all such
societies of Protestant Christians, properly demeaning themselves as
peaceable citizens, shall not be forced by law to support the teachers
or worship of any other society. But as we cannot well know how
ihese principles will operate on experiment, we lay down one funda-
mental maxim as a pole-star, for the legislature : No subordination of
ne religious sect to another shall ever be established by law.' Taking this,
Sir, to be a good translation of those two articles, which seem to be
somewhat obscure, the question is, whether the laws, made since the
adoption of the Constitution, or more particularly whether the inter-
pretation of that part of the Constitution and laws, have not affected
a subordination of one religious sect to another ? The Congregational-
ists, Sir, have no scruples about supporting their worship, in its various
parts, by law ; but some other societies have : some indeed have availed
themselvts of corporate powers, for no other purpose but to defend
themselves from being taxed to support a worship in which they had
no faith. In such instances they have been subordinate in time and
expense, to extricate themselves from the clutches of the Congregation-
alists. Others are so well convinced ot the all-bufficiency of Protest-
ant Christianity, and the completeness of its code to govern in all
things, that they will not they cannot in good conscience, submit to
a power, which they believe, in their best judgments, was never given
to government to be exercised. These are peaceable subjects of State
ready to arm in defence of their country freely contribute to support
Protestant Christianity ; but cannot pay a legal tax for religious services.
This Sir, is one of the essentials which constitutes them a distinct sect :
and what have these endured since the adoption of the Constitution ?
Have they not been reduced to subordination ? How many law-suiti
"how much cost and how much property has been taken from them to
support other societies ? Mr. Speaker, is not this subordination ?
According to a late decision of the Bench, in the county of Cum-
berland, which, it is presumed, is to be a precedent for future decisions,
'3,ese noa-incorporated societies are nobody can do nothing, and afre
484 Appendix.
never to be known, except in shearing time, when their money is vant-
ed to support the teachers that they never hear. And all this must be
done for the good of the State. One hundred and seventeen years ago,
wearing long hair as considered the crying sin of the land : a con-
vention was called, March 1 8, 1 694, in Boston, to prevent it : after a
long expostulation, the convention close thus, ' if any man will now
presume to wear long hair, let him know that God and man witness
against him.' Our pious ancestors were for bobbing the hair, fur the
good of the Colony ; but now Sir, not the hair, but the purses must be
bobbed for the good of the State. If these bobbing decisions continue
to be the order of the day, it is past calculation to say, whose heads
will be first bobbed off, for the gotd of the State. The petitioners pray
for the right of going to heaven in that way which they believe is the
most direct ; and shall this be denied them ? Must they be obliged to
pay legal toll for walking the king's high- way, which he has made free
for all ? Is not this a greater subordination than to sail under British
licences? or to pay 3 pence on every pound of tea? In Rhode-Island,
New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware, of the old Colo-
nies, and in Kentucky, Tennessee and Ohio, the new States, there has
never been any legal establishment of religion, nor any assessment to
support Protestant Christianity, for the good of the States ; and yet, Sir,
these States have srood and flourished as well as Massachusetts. Since
the revolution, all the old States, except two or three in New-England,
have established religious liberty upon its true bottom ; and yet they
are not sunk with earthquakes, or destroyed with fire and brimstone.
Should this Commonwealth, Mr. Speaker, proceed so far as to distrib-
ute all settlements and meeting-houses which they procured by pub-
lick taxes, among ail the inhabitants, without regard to denomination ;
it is probable that the outcry of sacrilege, profanity and infidelity
would be echoed around ; and yet, Sir, all this has been done, in a
State which has given birth and education to a Henry, a Washington, a
Jefferson, 'and a Madison ; each of which contributed their aid, to ef-
fect the grand event, for which event the Presbyterians and others
prayed and gained. It is there believed, Sir, that God hates robbery for
burnt- offerings ; and ought not Massachusetts to pay a decent respect
to the voice of fifteen of her sister States ? We should imagine that
laudable pride would prevent any one religious society from forcing
another to pay her labourers ; and that the same principle would not
admit a publick teacher to take money collected by distraint, from
those who did not hear him ; but in this particular, we find that reli-
gion is made a covert to do that which common honesty blushes at.
Sir, it is not our wish to disrobe towns, parishes, precincts or any
religious society of their corporate powers : nc let them go to
heaven in such turnpike-roads, and pay legal toll at every ministerial
gate, which they choose ; and what can they wish for more ? Accord-
ing to our L '.-icnts, we cannot pay legal taxes for religious ser-
vices ; descending even to the grade of a chaplain for the legislature.
It is disrouing Chmti, :vty of her virgin beauty turning the churches
of Christ into creatures of State and metamorphosing gospel ambas-
sadors to state pensioners. If my information be correct, the town of
Boiton has enjoyed the liberty which we plead for, more than one hun-
dred years j yet the inhabitants increase and are virtuous. Fifteen
Appendix- 485
States now in the union, have all that we ask for ; and is relic ion de-
molished in those States ? Mr. Speaker, let gentlemen turn their eyes
to the religious Magazines, published in this State, by those who plead
for law-regulated religion ; and they will find, that while the editors, in
one page, plead lor the old firm of Moses and Aaron ruler and
priest ; where the language is, ' You comb my head, and I'll scratch
your elbows you make laws to support me, and I'll persuade the
people to obey you;' In the next page, they will narrate the wonder-
ful works of God in those States wherein there are no religious laws ;
and indeed wherein the inhabitants know that religious establishments
and assessments serve only to make one part of the community fools,
and the other hypocrites to support fraud, superstition and violence
in the earth.
Let Christianity stand upon its own basis, it is the greatest blessing
that ever was among men ; but incorporate it into the civil code, and
it becomes the mother of cruelties.
It is questioned, Mr. Speaker, by good judges, whether it is possible
for the legislature to execute the power vested in them, in the jd ar-
ticle of the Declaration of Rights, without defeating the provision in
the same article, 'that no subordination of any one sect or denomina-
tion to another, shall ever be established by law.' I know not, Sir,
what can be done ; but one thing is certain, it never has been done
since the adoption of the Constitution. Supposing, Sir, it cannot be
done, to which part of it ought the legislature to adhere ? to that
which supports partiality and injustice, or to that which secures right
and equality ? Can any gentleman be at a loss ?
Tyranny, Mr. Speaker, always speaks the same language. The
tyrant of Amon would be friendly to Israel, if he might put out their
right eyes. The tyrant on the Nile would let his subjects go free, pro-
vided they would leave their flocks arid herds behind.
Mr. Chairman, if Christianity it false, it cannot be the duty of gov-
ernment to support imposture ; but if it be true, the following extracts
are true, ' The natural man receiveth not the things of God, neither
tan he know them the world by wisdom knew not God none of the
princes of this world know the genius of Christ's kingdom.' If, Sir,
Christianity is true, these sayings are true ; and if these sayings are
true, natural men, a? such, with all the proficiency of science, cannrt
understand the religion of Christ ; and if they cannot understand the
subject, they must be very unfit to legislate about it. If, to escape
this dilemma, we adopt the papal maxim, that government is foundtd in
grace, and therefore none but gracious men have right to rule ; and
that these gracious rulers have both right and knowledge to legislate
about religion, we shall find, what other nations have found ; that
these divine rulers will be the most cruel tyrant?. Under this notion,
Mr. Chairman, the crusades were formed in the Xlth centuiy, which
lasted about two hundred years, and destroyed neaily two millions of
lives. In view of all this, and ten thousand times as much, is it to be
wondered at, that the present petitioners should be fearful of attaching
corporate powers to religious societies ? These petitioners, Sir, pay the
civil list, and arm to defend their country as readily as ethers, and
only ask for the liberty of forming their societies and paying their
preachers in the or.ly way that the Christians did for the tirit three
Appendix.