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Class _Ej.1Ll
Bnnic . M 3




New Nethei^Iand
Registeif '

Vol. I January, 1911 No. 1



A Notable Visit to New Amsterdam

Pioneers and Founders of New Netherland

Jacob Jansen Flodder alias Gardenier

Claes Martenszen Van Rosenvelt

Steven Koerts Van Voorhecs

Albert Zaborowsky

A Sensational Escape
Some Holland Society Year Books

Publisher and Editor

99 Nassau Street New York, N. Y.


€^822224 4

A The New Netherland Register

A Notable Visit to New Amsterdam ^

■^' Parts of the three days between July i8 and July 21, 1661,
the day of the proposed sailing of the ships Eagle, Hope and
Faith, appear to have been gala days for New Amsterdam
and Breuckelen. Doubtless on July 18 the Dutch tricolor
floated from most buildings in both places, and every Brit-
isher in town, possessing an English flag swung it out to the
breezes. From the Fort, the City Hall, the Ferry-houses on
both banks of the East River, from the ships and yachts
riding at anchor floated the national bunting and such other
flags as the masters could command. The company's barge
and the ferry boat were gaily bedecked. Doubtless such
other gay colors as the inhabitants possessed had been dis-
played to give the towns a holiday appearance while here
and there leafy branches of trees and garlands of flowers
further decorated the outside of many houses. Possibly one
or more leafy arches spanned some of the more pretentious
streets of the metropolis.

Very few of the town's people worked on that day,
most were in holiday attire. Doubtless hundreds of the in-
habitants of the surrounding villages, but especially of the
English settlements on Long Island, had left their arduous
labors for that day and had hied to Breuckelen and New
Amsterdam, whose streets and roads, leading to the ferry
houses were crowded with residents and strangers.

The authorities in the Fort, the Magistrates at the City
Hall, Schout and Schepenen of Breuckelen had donned their
robes of office, the military officers had put on their best
uniform, the privates had taken special pains to make
a favorable impression, the officers of the civil guard in
both towns tried their best to look like real soldiers, the
militia had burnished their arms, vieing with the garrison
as to who should make the finest military appearance.

The troops in the Fort were under arms, and a detach-
ment of them, eighty-four strong, had received special orders
to march out headed by Stuyvesant himself, and take the
ferryboat — or more probably the Company's barge — for
Breuckelen. The Breuckelen militia, twenty or more strong,
was waiting at the Breuckelen ferry house, fired a salute
upon the landing of their governor and his escort, and prob-

2 The New Netherland Register

ably joined the troops. A company, at least a hundred
strong, of the New Amsterdam burgher guard had been
stationed at the Manhattan ferry house or some other land-
ing place. To each of the members of the forces about half
a pound of gunpowder had been allowed by the general
government, to be fired as a salute.

In the course of the day a simple cavalcade from Long
Island neared Breukelen's ferry house. A shout of welcome
from the gathered multitude went up, the courteous Director
General, hat in hand and bowing deeply, advanced, the
troops presented arms. At the word of command the pieces
were discharged and a noisy greeting from a hundred or
more muskets welcomed John Winthrop, governor of the
English colony of Connecticut, who with the Rev. Stone was
to sail on a political mission to England in the Dutch ship

After having crossed the ferry and alighting on Manhat-
tan's soil Connecticut's governor was greeted by the dis-
charge of the hundred or more muskets from the local militia
stationed there to welcome him, doubtless followed by the
cheers from the hundreds of on-lookers gathered to catch a
glimpse of the distinguished Englisher. Stuyvesant, who
never did things by halves, certainly had put his private
carriage at the exalted foreigner's disposal, the members of
the Council, the City Magistrates, the representative burgh-
ers, also followed in their own or borrowed conveyances.
Preceded by the buglers and the drummers of the garrison
and of the local militia the entire cortege wended its way
through the gaily decorated streets, maybe first to the City
Hall, probably afterward to the Director's newly built town
house not far from the pier where the Faith was yet taking
in cargo. As soon as the procession neared the neighbor-
hood of the Fort the gunner got busy and the shouts of the
multitude as well as the music of the instruments were
drowned by the detonation of the heavy guns from the walls
of the stronghold, using up twenty-seven pounds of gun-
powder in extending a gubernatorial salute to John Win-
throp, governor of Connecticut.

During the five days intervening between his arrival
and the time of his departure Winthrop doubtless was the
guest of New Netherland's governor, either at his Bouwery

The New Netherland Register 15

transfer. Not too late however to seize the Fortune which was
hauled up before the Fort, to await the action of the authorities
in this case of smuggling.

It seems that the authorities had not secured the Fortune,
perhaps trusting in the captain's ignorance of the waterway out
to sea. But, if Captain Blenck was ignorant of the way out,
not so his newly found friend, Captain David De Vries, who was
to pilot the Fortune to Virginia, and who, once before during
the night, had piloted a ship from Sandy Hook to before the

For twenty years Captain De Vries had been warring on
the West India Company and its officials. The destruction of
his colonies at Swaenendael, the coast of Guiana, and more es-
pecially those at Staten Island and Vriesendael — all within the
territories of the Company — had only served to increase his
rancor against an association which, if not able to save his
foundings, at least had power to thwart him.

In the case of the Fortune, a fine opportunity offered itself
to baffle and expose to ridicule the hated officials of the detested
Company, and Captain De Vries was sufficiently bold to grasp
it. In the dead of night of October 8th. 1643, he quietly slipped
on board Blenck's ship, had the anchor heaved, and through the
darkness safely piloted the vessel to Sandy Hook. Here, how-
ever, contrary winds delayed them for two days, and could the
authorities have pursued the fleeing ship, she certainly would
have been captured and returned to the anchorage under the
guns of the Fort.

After the authorities in the morning found that Captain
Blenck and the Fortune had disappeared, they took up his case
in Court and sentenced him "by verstek" (by default). In the
sentence "Jacob Gerritsen Blenck is declared a rebel, a con-
temner of justice and a defrauder of the Company's duties ;
fined three hundred guilders ($120.) and his ship and cargo
confiscated, with costs."

If De Vries and Blenck ever heard of the sentence, they,
doubtless cracked a few jokes at the expense of the baffled
Director and Council at New Amsterdam. Yet, neither Blenck
nor De Vries — as far as known — ever returned to New Nether-
land. The world was wide enough for them, without going back
where the resentment of the powers might jeopardize their

After having paid a visit to the South River (Delaware).

16 The New Netherland Register

where Captain Blenck traded some wine and sweetmeats with
the Swedish governor for peltries, the Fortune, on October 21st,
reached Virginia. Here De Vries found lying fully thirty ships,
among them four from Holland, all waiting to complete their
cargo of tobacco. De Vries stayed in Virginia all winter and
on April loth, 1644, took passage on an English vessel, arriving
in her at the Downs on the last day of May, Thence, after some
delay, he took passage for Holland, and on June 21st, as stated
in his journal, "arrived here within my paternal city of Hoorn,
where I have an ancestry of two hundred years on the father's
side, and at Amsterdam on my mother's side, and came to my
house at three o'clock."

Some Holland Society Year Books

Most of the Holland Society's Year Books are worth look-
ing over from the standpoint of the genealogist. The one for
1896 is especially valuable in this regard, containing reprints of
Lists of early emigrants to New Netherland, Early settlers in
Rensselaerswyck, Lists of those taking the oath of allegiance in
Kings County, N. Y., in 1687, House owners in New Amster-
dam in 1674, and members of the Dutch church in New York
in 1686. The Book for 1897 contains records of the First
Church of Brooklyn and also a list of Early Dutch Settlers in
Ulster County, N. Y. The Flatbush Church Records are a leading
feature of the Year Book for 1898, while the one for 1899 has
quite a full list of burials in the New York Dutch burial ground,
between 1727 and 1803. The Year Books for 1900 and 1901
contain extracts from some of the early Dutch records in the
City Clerk's office in New York, which have quite a genealogical
value. That for 1902 is invaluable in that it contains a corrected
list of passengers to New Netherland, between 1657 and 1664,
while the Year Book for 1903 contains some of the earliest exist-
ing records of the New York Lutheran Church, which at the
time embraced most of the Colony of New York, and much of
New Jersey. The Year Books for 1904, 1905 and 1906 contain
the Albany Dutch Church marriage and baptismal records, be-
tween 1683 and 1749, and forthcoming Year Books will bring
these down to 1808.

The Records of the Reformed Church of Hackensack,
Schraalenburgh and New Paltz, to about 1800, published sepa-
rately, are highly prized by students of local history as well as
by genealogists.

The New Netherland Register i

or his town house. The time no doubt was -divided betvveen
discussing the differences separating the two nations, visits
to the leading men of the town and seeing the island as. far'
North as the thriving little village of New Haerlem, all in-
termixed with parades of the garrison and the militia.

Yet even during the celebrations attending governor
Winthrop's stay in town the serious busines of life could
not be neglected. The day following his arrival the City
Court assembled as usual, and one of the many contestants
appearing before it was the Captain of the very ship that
was to convey the New England visitor to Europe. This
time, however, Captain Bestevaer was at variance with no
less an opponent than the City Government itself.

Bestevaer had refused to pay the wharfage or pier
charges and consequently the city had attached the Faith's
papers, so that Bestevaer would be prevented from sailing.-
He said he was willing to pay one third of the charges, the
balance to be paid by those receiving the freight. The mag-
istrates replied that the other captains advanced the entire
amount, and that he ought to do the same. Bestevaer de-
murred, giving for answer that he could "not resolve on that,
but as heretofore will pay one third, requesting discharge of the
attachment on his papers." The court decided that he was tO
satisfy the full claim, and that he was not to receive his papers
until he should have settled the entire charge. This contro-
versy may have been the cause of keeping the Faith in port two
days longer than had been intended.

At last the differences between the City and Captain Beste-
vaer were adjusted. On July 23, five days after Winthrop's
arrival, the Faith was ready to sail. Again the garrison was
called under arms, a guard of honor consisting of fifty eight
soldiers attended Connecticut's governor on his way to the ship.
Arrived at the place of embarkation, the troops presented arms
and thereupon fired their muskets in honor of the departing
guest. When the anchor had been heaved, and the Faith amid
the shouts of the gathered multitude, slowly sailed down the
East River, the heavy pieces on the Fort's bastion, charged with
twenty five pounds of gunpowder, again belched forth a guber-
natorial salute, and Connecticut's governor, greatly pleased with
his "honorable and kind reception" in New Netherland's capital,
departed on his mission.

4 The New Netherland Register

That the Eagle must have left at least one or more days
earlier than the Hope and the Faith is evident from a paragraph
in the Haerlemse Saterdaeghse Courant (Harlem Saturday
Newspaper) of September 17, 1661, which contained the fol-
lowing news item in regard to Winthrop's proposed sailing:
"Amsterdam, September 16, Last Monday there arrived in
Texel the ship Arent [Eagle] from New Netherland, laden with
tobacco and some peltries. The ships Faith and Klock [should
be Hope] lay ready to sail, intending to go to sea on the day
after her departure, and may now be daily expected, having
been sighted, as is supposed near Fairhill, In the Faith comes
Mr. WinthrOp, Governor of Connecticut, together with the Rev.
Mr. Stone, on a mission to his Majesty of England. The trade
in tobacco has been tolerable, but that in peltries bad. In every
other respect matters were in good condition. In the Sopus
[Wildwyck, Kingston] the tilling of the soil proceeded briskly,
and likewise at the South River. In the beginning of the sum-
mer there' was a great storm in New England in which many
ships were lost."

■ The Faith arrived at Amsterdam after Monday, September 12,
1661. Before leaving for England Winthrop held a conference
with the Directors at Amsterdam of which they informed
Stuyvesant in their letter of January, 27, 1662.

Pioneers and Founders of New Netherland

Jacob Jansen Flodder, alias Gardenier.

One of New Netherland's most enterprising and successful
p^ioneers was Jacob Jansen Flodder or Gardenier, who hailed
ft*om the small city of Campen in the Province of Overysel.

Settling in the colony of Rensselaerswyck as a humble car-
penter, without capital, without influential or wealthy friends,
without the good will of the Patroon even, he made his way
by the sheer force of his character, and generally correct judg-
ment, so that at the time of his death, prior to 1688, he left a
considerable estate, and his operations had extended all the way
from Rensselaerswyck to New Amsterdam.

Like every struggling business man in those pioneer days,
he was at times in financial straits, and temporarily unable to
meet his obligations at their maturity. Sometimes, also, his dis-
tance from the scene of his operations prevented him from

The New Netherland Register 5

satisfying his creditors at the exact time agreed upon. At other
periods the ice of the winter had closed navigation, prevented
his mills from running, and forced him to suspend business for
the time being, when he would need an extension of som?
months in order to enable him to fulfill his contracts. But his
indomitable grit surmounted every obstacle, and his innate hon-
esty gained him friends and confidence everywhere. Had he
lived in this age he certainly would have been the organizer and
the head of one or more of the country's great enterprises, a true
Captain of Industry.

Jacob Jansen Plodder or Gardenier is stated to have been
in New Netherland as early as 1638. In 1642 he had returned
to Holland and while at Amsterdam called on Kiliaen Van
Rensselaer "to ask permission to do carpenter's work in the
colony." The patroon "was willing to engage him at the daily
wages agreed upon with the freemen." Flodder would not con-
sent to this but "wanted a good deal more." The upshot was
that Flodder returned to the colony as an independent carpen-
ter, taking work on contract, sometimes laboring for private
parties, at other times working for 'the colony "upon definite
specifications and at a definite price."

Flodder soon noted that there were better prospects by en-
gaging in the business of sawing wood and grinding grain than
in carpentering. Consequently, in 1647, he rented of the pa-
troon's agent a saw and gristmill in Greenbush at an annual
rental of one hundred and twenty-five guilders. Two years
later he gave up this mill and on November 8, 1649, it was
rented by Evert Pels and Willem Fredericks Bout.

It would appear that Flodder then rented two other saw-
mills together with four acres of land, for which, in 1651, he
was also charged a hundred and twenty-five guilders annually.
It is evident that while engaged in the milling business he also
had commercial dealings with parties at New Amsterdam and
had embarked in the fur trade with the Indians around Rens-
selaerswyck. At least on August 12, 1649, Andries Roelofsen
passed a Power of Attorney to J. L. Appel to collect a parcel of
beavers from Flodder, who in the documents is referred to as
Jan Jansen Flodder.

He soon gave up the mill he had last rented and during
1653 and 1654 appears to have operated a sawmill at Bethle-
hem. This mill he also abandoned and on February 2, 1654,

6 The New Netherland Register

leased for a period of eight years, beginning May i8 of the same
year, a saw and grist mill "on the Fifth Creek" with the use of
two stallions at an annual charge of fifteen hundred and eighty-
eight guilders.

To show his confident optimism, it may be stated that his
predecessors in the lease had paid only five hundred and fifty
guilders a year, and that when on May i8, 1654, Plodder took
possession of the mills, they were in a very bad condition, neces-
sitating a considerable outlay on his part for repairs. It is quite
probable that Plodder had been encouraged in renting the mills
because on October 18, 1653, li^ had entered into an agreement
with Abraham Staats, Sander Glen, Willem Teller and Captain
Laurens Van der Wei, about the fitting out of vessels. Doubt-
less, for the sake of increasing his working capital, he bor-
rowed on August 24, 1654, of Eldert Gerbertsen eighty beavers
or six hundred and forty guilders, for the repayment of which
he specially mortgaged his sloop or yacht. At the same time he
took as partners in his milling business Claas Hendricksen Schoon-
hoven, a practical carpenter, and Elbert Gerbertsen, the capital-
ist who had provided him with the loan.

As early as 1655 Plodder also owned, in company with
Sander Glen, another sloop, which usually made the trips be-
tween New Amsterdam and Rensselaerswyck under command
of Glen. The sloop or yacht whereof he was sole owner, Plod-
der hired out to the government, on July 5, 1663, to serve as a
transport during the war with the Esopus Indians after their
horrible massacre, on June 7 of the same year, at \Vildwyck and
Nieu Dorp.

While engaged in his varied industrial undertakings, Plod-
der had a keen eye for possibilities offered by the ownership of
land and the small forest streams. On March 13, 1650, he pur-
chased, with the assistance of Hans Jansen Eencluys as inter-
preter, from the Indian possessor of Aepjes Island, a parcel of
land on said Island, together with a small kil, or brook, on the
main land opposite the Island. This kil was the Goyer's Kill,
where a few years later he erected a sawmill of his own. The
price paid for the two properties was four and one-half pieces
of cloth, two handfuls of powder, an axe, and two and three
quarters pieces additional, probably duffels or perhaps blankets.
On August 5, 1669, he mortgaged this mill and his other prop-

The New Netherland Register 7

erty as security for a loan, he had received from the adminis-
trators of the estate of Jan Bastiaans Van Gutsenhoven.

Long before the expiration of the lease of the mills on the
Fifth Creek, Flodder met with serious competition when on
August I, 1657, Barent Pietersz and Teunis Cornelisz were
granted "permission to erect another sawmill above the saw-
mill situated at the Fifth Creek." Still it does not appear to
have harmed him much, and he continued to prosper.

Besides extending his commercial operations as far as New
Amsterdam, Gardenier also speculated there in land. On April
3, 1654, he purchased of the widow of Jan Damen a parcel of
land on the south side of Wall Street, near the Water Gate. He
divided this property into lots which he subsequently sold, with
the exception of a strip on the East River shore. After the lots
near this strip had been built on, the various owners were re-
quired to sheath the river bank to prevent its washing away by
the tide. Gardenier, living one hundred and fifty miles away,
and perhaps having half forgotten his small Manhattan hold-
ing, neglected to line the portion of the bank before his lot.
The owners of neighboring lots repeatedly complained about
this neglect, and the clerk of the City Council more than once
wrote to the authorities at Albany, requesting them to call Gar-
denier's attention to this oversight.

At another time, on August 6, 1667, John Laurens, his next
door neighbor, petitioned the Council to be permitted to reim-
burse himself for the expense of keeping in repair the fence be-
tween the two lots, by appropriating a quantity of stone, stored
on Gardenier's property.

His chief real estate operations, however, he confined to
his immediate neighborhood, in and around the Colony of Rens-
selaerswyck. In 1656, it is stated that he owned at Beverwyck,
the north side of Wall Street, from William to Pearl Streets,
which he divided into lots and sold through his agent, Sander
Glen. Besides his purchase of land at the Goyer's Kill, he also
early bought large tracts between Kinderhoeck and Schodack,
and here most of his immediate descendants settled. As late
as 1683, in company with J. T. Van Tappen and H. Van Gan-
sevoort, he yet secured, by the payment of a barrel of good beer,
from the Esopus chief, Jan Bachter, an option on a tract of land
with the Kills and creeks on the east side of the Hudson River,
near Magdalen Island. The special stress laid on the "kills

8 The New Netherland Register

and creeks" seems to indicate that — with Gardenier at least —
water power for future sawmills was the chief incentive in se-
curing the option.

At first he usually subscribed himself Jacob Jans Plodder,
but later on his signature often read Jacob Jans Plodder alyas
Gerdenyer or Gerdenier. His children adopted the name Gar-
denier, which, in the course of time, was written Gardinier,
Guardenear, Gaudineer, Gerdner, Gardiner and in many more

Through his sons Jan, Samuel, Andries, Hendrick and Al-
bert, this notable pioneer became the ancestor of a numerous
progeny, and through the marriage of his daughter Aeltie to Adam
Dingman, the members of the Dingman family likewise number
Gerdenier among their earliest American ancestors.

Claes Martenszen Van Rosenvelt.

On August 26, 1638, the Council of New Netherland had
met in the Council Chamber of Port Amsterdam to dispense jus-
tice. The great majority of the cases brought before them on
that day were, as usual, very insignificant, such as would hardly
claim the serious attention of our present Police Court. One of
the cases was that of Philip Teyler against Nicolas Martens for
referring to him in less flattering terms. Martens declared that
he "has nothing to say against the plaintiff," and the case was
settled to the apparent satisfaction of all concerned.

Claes Martenszen is not met again in the records until Oc-
tober 23, 1650, when his first child, Christiaen, was baptized.
Pour more children of his were baptized in the following eight
years, one of whom, Nicolaes, christened on October 2, 1658,
became the ancestor of the American Roosevelt family.

In the record the first Roosevelt is usually put down as
Claes Martenszen and twice only as Claes Martenszen Van Ro-
senvelt. His descendants dropped the Van and generally took
the name of Roosevelt.

The wife of Claes Martenszen was sometimes referred to
as Jannetje Samuels and at other times as Jannetie Thomas.
Once she is called Jannetie Hamel, but this is evidently a mistake
in the record for Samuels. The peculiar method of naming
people during Dutch times is doubtless responsible for the vari-
ations in the names of Claes Martens' wife. Her father's name

The New Netherland Register 9

probably was Thomas Samuels. Therefore, according to the
general usage of the day, she would have been known as Jan-
netie Thomas, after her father's given name. More rarely she
would be named Jannetie Samuels after her father's own patro-
nymic, which was Samuels, and this accounts for the differences.

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