continue, and in August 1908 re-enacted it for two
years. That it was difficult for them to take any
other course must be admitted, and Lord Elgin,
who succeeded to the office of Colonial Secretary,
publicly, m the House of Lords, disclaimed the use
of the word slavery. But the word had already
done the work expected from it by the Liberal party
organisers in the 1900 election.
Mr. Chamberlain, speaking in the House of
Commons on the 29th of July 1902 on Crown Colony
government, stated with regard to the Transvaal
u
3 oo ALFRED LYTTELTON
that His Majesty's Government ' should go on from
that probably to substitute for the nominative
element, an elective element, and after that nothing
would separate us, but the circumstances of the time,
from that full self-government which is, and always
has been, our ultimate goal.' As early as May 1904
Lord Milner was urging the appointment of some
form of representative government as a first step
towards full responsible government, and in July
Alfred telegraphed to him :
His Majesty's Government feel . . . that successive
steps should be taken, ultimately leading to full self-
government.
In July Alfred announced in the House of
Commons that the Government had decided to
give representative institutions to the Transvaal.
He had already for many months been engaged
upon the problem, and had drawn up a scheme,
afterwards called the Lyttelton Constitution. This
was intended only as a temporary measure to bridge
over the time until full responsible government
would be granted. The Times History of the War
gives the following summary of the arrange-
ments :
The framework of the Lyttelton Constitution was laid
on broad and statesmanlike lines, the franchise was
liberal, and at the same time fair between the two races.
The principle of equal rights was consistently and logically
applied in the distribution of seats. Though not granting
complete self-government, the Constitution yet marked an
advance which, considering the circumstances, was both
bold and generous.
COLONIAL OFFICE, 1903-1905 307
Alfred wrote of this to Bernard Holland :
House of Commons,
Zth May 1905.
My dear B. H., ā It is not necessary for me as a rule
to say anything to you about the value which I set on
the assistance you give me, but I may break through
this reserve on the occasion of the promulgation of the
Constitution. You know what I feel about it, and how
largely I attribute the success which has greeted it to
your large and liberal view of the matter, and your
admirable gifts in expressing our common thoughts.
I like being under obligations to you, and wish that I
could ever repay them. But come what may, we have
together set some mark on the fabric of our time, and will,
if we live, yet again as comrades, aim at some high pinnacle
of the temple of destiny. ā Ever your affectionate
A. L.
Later, when the Unionists left office, Liberal
politicians made much of the extraordinary
generosity of their Government in granting com-
plete autonomy at once, and contrasted their
action with the niggardly performance of the
Unionists. To make this statement effective, it
became necessary to imply that the Unionist
Government meant the Lyttelton Constitution to
be permanent. But this was not the case, as
has been conclusively shown. The Constitution
was promulgated under Letters Patent, but these
were not despatched until after Lord Milner's
departure in April 1905.
Lord Milner had refused to leave South Africa
and go to the Colonial Office, in 1903, feeling that
the work of reconstruction was not yet securely
308 ALFRED LYTTELTON
built. He toiled indefatigably all through the year
1904, and the strain, coming on the top of his long
years of effort, was telling on his health. He began
to urge that his successor should be chosen. His
wonderful administration had laid down the lines
of development, the economic difficulty was solved,
and a settlement of the constitutional question
was in sight.
He wrote to Alfred privately on September the
12th,; 1904 :
Selborne himself would, in my opinion, be absolutely
the fittest man for the job, if you hunted the whole Empire
through. Of old days when thinking, as of course I con-
stantly did, of my successor, there were only two men
whom I could contemplate with complete satisfaction ā
yourself and Selborne. Now you are out of the question
and Selborne almost equally so, of course not quite. If
there is the faintest chance of Selborne taking it, then I
exultantly desist from all further suggestions. It would
be an ideal solution, but I fear, like so many ideals, un-
attainable.
Lord Selborne, however, was urged to take up
the task with vigour. He was at the time First
Lord of the Admiralty, and it was distasteful
to him to leave his post. But the call to carry on
Lord Milner's work was a great one, and it was
hoped that when the Liberals came into office again,
they would trust his known impartiality and saga-
city. In February 1905 he was therefore appointed,
and he started for South Africa during the month
of April.
Lord Selborne was at once occupied with various
measures, such as registration, demarcation of con-
COLONIAL OFFICE, 1903-1905 309
stituencies, and preparation for the new form of
government which was to be inaugurated in a year's
time. The question of the Orange River Colony
exercised the minds of both the Secretary of State
and the High Commissioner very greatly. The
position of affairs was different from that in the
Transvaal, and to grant representative Government
there, was to hand over the country, and the British
minority in it, to men who were still Britain's
enemies. A scheme was elaborated which promised
success, but none of the provisions in either case
were ever put in force, as the Liberal Government
upset all the preliminary work, and at once granted
responsible government to both Colonies. This
action, no doubt, relieved them of the worst of their
difficulties over the Chinese question.
It was a gamble, and let it at once be admitted,
a gamble which on the whole succeeded. But it
was at most only an anticipation of the settled
policy of the government of the Unionists, and
not, as was constantly reiterated, an entirely new
and generous idea of the Liberals. The question
at issue was merely one of date.
It would be wearisome to go through all the
various South African problems which occupied
Alfred's mind during the months after Lord
Milner's departure ; such as the status of the
British Indians, that of the Natives, and the ques-
tion of the War Contribution from the Transvaal,
a delicate and difficult matter, finally settled to
the satisfaction of every one. Lord Selborne
threw himself into the question of the Federation
310 ALFRED LYTTELTON
of the Railways, feeling this to be a first step
towards a consummation desired by all statesmen,
of whatever party ā the Union of the South African
Colonies.
Perhaps the most important action which Alfred
took in his two years of office was his attempt at
founding a permanent Imperial Secretariat in
London to prepare questions for discussion by the
Colonial Conferences. A circular despatch, dated the
20th of April 1905, was sent to the governors of the
self-governing colonies, asking them to confer with
their Ministers and to furnish him with their views.
The circular set out the gradual development of
the Colonial Conferences, from the first one in 1887
to the two next in 1899 and 1902, and the establish-
ment then of Conferences to meet every four years.
A definite suggestion was made, from which the
following is an extract :
It is obvious that the Prime Ministers of the Colonies,
when they come to London for these meetings, cannot
remain there for long, on account of their important duties
at home. It is therefore desirable that subjects which
they may agree to discuss should be as much as possible
prepared beforehand by a body on which they would be
represented, and should be presented to them in as concise
and clear a form, and with as much material for forming
a judgment as possible.
This proposal was warmly approved by the South
African, Australian, and New Zealand Governments.
The Canadian Government looked at it with suspicion,
fearing a weakening of complete self-government.
But the seed was sown, and the gradual development
COLONIAL OFFICE, 1903-1905 311
of the Union of the Empire carried a step forward.
Without doubt this problem of the future government
of the British Empire, now that its component parts
have identified themselves with Great Britain in
the life-and-death struggle of the great war, is
the most important which has ever confronted the
statesmen of any one race.
Outside South African affairs, matters during
Alfred's years of office went smoothly, in spite of
various difficulties, such as echoes of the Alaskan
Arbitration and of the riots in Trinidad, and dis-
putes about the Pearl Fisheries in Ce}don. A new
Governor-General for Canada had to be appointed,
and Alfred chose Lord Grey. This selection, it is
unnecessary to state, was justified in the most
brilliant way. On the eve of Lord Grej^'s departure,
Lady Wantage gave a dinner party, to which we
were bidden . Alfred made a charming and humorous
speech ; in it he expressed something of his own
diffidence, and constant appreciation of the gifts
and faculties of others. ' In the world of realities,'
he said, ' I am only a pupil and follower of Albert
Grey : ā in the world of shadows, in which we all live,
I am supposed to be his chief. But I am sure it
will be as difficult for me to call him His Excellency
as it would be ridiculous in him to call me Mr.
Lyttelton/
It was really one of the difficulties of the new
Colonial Secretary's position, that he was on inti-
mate and friendly terms with such a large number
of people. He had to prove himself among intimates,
and his great popularity, while it helped in some
312 ALFRED LYTTELTON
ways, was a hindrance in others. ' Every one who
comes here calls him Alfred/ said one of his Colonial
Office secretaries.
Sir Charles Lucas, then Assistant Under Secretary
of State, in a letter to me writes :
I am not, perhaps, very well qualified to speak of your
husband's work at the Colonial Office, partly because I
was so fond of him and so delighted to serve under him that
I could not and cannot judge him and his work as dis-
passionately as if he had been a stranger to me when he
came to the Office, and partly also because, while he was
Secretary of State, my duties did not bring me into contact
with him on the most important political questions which
were to the front at the time.
In forming any estimate of his work as Secretary of State
for the Colonies, it should always be borne in mind that
he became Secretary of State at a time when party feeling
was unusually bitter : that this party bitterness tended
to focus upon the Colonial Office because it had been Mr.
Chamberlain's office and the office directly concerned with
the South African War ; that he succeeded in Mr. Chamber-
lain a Secretary of State of singular strength and person-
ality ; that he succeeded him without ever having been in
office before ; and that he only held office for a short time.
Under these circumstances I think he was extraordinarily
successful. I should say ā simply carrying my memory
back ā that perhaps his best and most fruitful piece of work
was a circular despatch to the Self-Governing Dominions
written in April 1905, in which he pointed the way to the
evolution of what is now the Imperial Conference. It is
a despatch which no one who traces or reads the growth of
Imperial Unity can ever leave out of sight.
Most of the great questions with which he had to deal
had been handed on to him ; he had to take them up as he
found them and carry them on. In dealing with questions
which came into being for the first time, he had knowledge
of the world, good judgment, high courage, legal training,
COLONIAL OFFICE, 1903-1905 313
and a natural instinct as to what was at once right and
practicable, all to guide him, and they did guide him.
He looked upon himself, I should say, at the Colonial
Office, as the Captain of an Eleven, and all of us who served
under him as his friends and colleagues. Most loyal of
men himself, and relying implicitly on others' loyalty, giving
us the utmost confidence, ready to take the fullest respon-
sibility for whatever went amiss, and delighted to give credit
to others for any good piece of work.
His interest in the work was intense, quite outside and
beyond the interest of an ordinary party politician. I
remember his telling me how he would think over the
different questions that were coming up, at odd times,
when walking in the streets, in hansom cabs and so forth.
He evidently felt to the full the keen joy of dealing with an
immense variety of living problems and an equal variety
of living men.
My long experience in the Colonial Office taught me how
much good or harm is done by personal sympathy or want
of sympathy with those who come home from beyond the
Seas. They may be citizens of the Self-Go verning Dominions,
they may be Crown Colony Officers from some out-of-the-
way part of the world. If those whom they see at the
Colonial Office appear to take little interest in what interests
them, and to know little of where they have been and what
they have done, the effect must be a sense of discouragement
and disappointment. If, on the other hand, they find know-
ledge and interest and sympathy, appreciation of difficulties,
and recognition of good work, then the Colonial Office is
looked to with gratitude and confidence, and a visit to it
stimulates to further good work. He brought the human
element into official relations with the happiest results,
and, may I say, for I remember noting it at the time, the
opening of your house in Great College Street to small in-
formal parties and gatherings contributed to the same end.
Alfred was convinced that nothing could help
his work more than personal intercourse with as
3 I4 ALFRED LYTTELTON
large a number as possible of the people over
whose public affairs he had, by virtue of his
office, either some power or some influence. He
made a point of seeing every one who came from
the Colonies, or was in the Colonial Service, and
that not merely in a formal way. Within the
Office also he was in the habit of calling together
the various officials who had written minutes on
any important matter and consulting with them
verbally. The efforts of the Victoria League,
already referred to, received great encouragement
from the new Colonial Secretary : he made arrange-
ments by which, through the League, the arrival of
distinguished visitors from the Colonies was com-
municated to a few people who undertook to direct
hospitality. The desire to meet and to make friends
was keen on both sides, it needed only to bring the
hosts and the guests together. We did what we could
ourselves, but we had only a small house in London ;
we were, however, helped in the most spirited way by
friends. The luncheon hour was the best moment for
Alfred, and some people will remember the talks they
had with him at this time, talks often fruitful in new
ideas, better understanding and closer co-operation
between those whose countries were separated by
hundreds of miles ; ā for visitors from the different
parts of the Empire were invited to meet each
other as well as people living in Great Britain.
He procured official and court recognition for
many people hitherto passed over. It seems in-
credible, but it is a fact, that he was the first Minister
who requested that the Agents - General for the
COLONIAL OFFICE, 1903-1905 315
Colonies should be invited, with the Ambassadors
and Ministers of other powers, to the court functions.
A small thing, but the principle involved was not
small.
These efforts were, of course, only an attempt to
carry into the social sphere the great impulse towards
Union between Great Britain and the Dominions,
which had been given by Mr. Chamberlain's im-
agination and statesmanship. Hospitality is not
now as one-sided as it used to be, and the warm and
generous welcome always given by those in the
Colonies to visitors from Great Britain is in some
measure returned. Many causes have contributed
to this, but among them may be placed the influence
of Alfred Lyttelton.
Lord Selborne, in a private letter, writes of Alfred :
In the Cabinet he was very modest, too modest, about
expressing his opinions, but his influence for peace and
loyalty among his colleagues was great. In all Cabinets
there is hot contention from time to time, and colleagues
sometimes get personally estranged from each other.
Alfred stopped many of these contentions at an early
stage, and when the split did come over the tariff question I
think that his influence did much to soften the asperities
inseparable from the parting of the ways.
It was during the last year of Mr. Balfour's ministry
that Alfred had to face a formidable ordeal in the
House of Commons. He had been deputed to speak
in a fiscal-policy debate, but when he rose he was
met by a storm of protest. The Opposition were
determined that Mr. Balfour alone should be heard.
For a whole hour he stood at the table, with perfect
316 ALFRED LYTTELTON
composure and good temper ; he refused to be
howled down, waited patiently, and in every lull
spoke a few sentences. It was a humiliating scene,
and did not redound to the credit of those who
howled.
Alfred's unique popularity was not injured by the
inevitable criticism levelled at the holder of any
public position. During the long and acrimonious
debates about Chinese labour, when he spoke with
great force and plainness, he always preserved his
impartiality and his power of sympathy. He felt
deeply the hypocrisy and unfairness of much of
the agitation, and all his natural combativeness
was aroused. But he was quick to seize on any
genuine feeling, and to recognise ability and sin-
cerity. He had a very sure touch with people.
An instance of this occurred during one of the most
violent of the Chinese-labour debates. The con-
troversy turned upon whether white men would or
would not work side by side with blacks. Mr. John
Burns declared that there was no difficulty and that
he himself had done so. ' Yes/ said Alfred at once,
' but I venture to assert that if the Hon. Member
worked with ten blacks it was as Captain of the
Eleven/ Mr. John Burns laughed assent. ' You had
me there, Lyttelton,' he said afterwards.
Alfred formed a high opinion of Mr. Herbert
Samuel's ability, and said his speeches on the
question were far the best made by his opponents,
and showed real knowledge and study of the
subject.
On the lighter side of controversy the caricatures
COLONIAL OFFICE, 1903-1905 317
were a joy to Alfred. He was represented as a
Chinaman in all sorts of attitudes. The black poodle,
successor to ' Poll,' who always accompanied him to
the Colonial Office, became well known and himself
once figured as a Chinese animal. His name was
Fisc, because he was born in the year when Mr.
Chamberlain started the Tariff Reform policy, but
his politics were personal. He followed his master
religiously, and when he was foiled by a Cabinet
meeting, would lie on the table in Alfred's Colonial
Office room till his return.
On the last day of December 1904, Alfred wrote
the following letter to Bernard Holland :
Colonial Office, 3U/ December 1904.
Dear old Friend, ā So the year is just passing. On
several other occasions you have had a considerable say on
great affairs, but in Transvaal Concessions we together
wrought, and in 1904 at any rate, whatever happens to us,
we may say that we lived in the main stream.
Probably you intuitively guessed with what infinite
doubts I embarked on the unknown routes of high politics,
and how sceptical I was of making any success therein.
I still feel them ā but confront them now without de-
spondency, perceiving that intense interest and zeal and
courage may make headway against intellectual subtleties.
I want to say once again what an indescribable support
and comfort you have been to me, how invaluable your pen,
what a ripe judgment you have shown in large affairs ā
how delicious it has been to be able by squashing that
bulb on my table at any moment to have a talk with you,
to laugh ā to regain proportion and to look into the future
hopefully, to thresh out ideas and correct impressions with
your dear old aloof mind. No one can take away these
twelve months whatever may happen to us. . . . Ever
your affectionate A. L.
318 ALFRED LYTTELTON
On the 26th of February 1905 the following
telegram was sent to the Governor-General of
Canada. It has almost a prophetic ring, and
for that reason shall be given here as a finish
to this account of Alfred Lyttelton's term of
office.
I am glad to hear that you are giving a dinner on Paarde-
berg day to all officers who served in South Africa. I
hope and believe that for all time, and if need be against
mightier foes, Canadian soldiers will fight side by side with
those of the mother country in defence of the safety and
the honour of the Empire.
We who are still alive know how that hope has
been fulfilled.
Photo: Argent Archer
ARTHUR BALFOUR AND ALFRED AT RANELAGH
APRIL 1905
CHAPTER II
GENERAL ELECTION
1906
An example to us all, not of lamed misery, helpless spiritual
bewilderment and sprawling despair, or of any kind of drown-
age in the foul welter of our so-called religions and other con-
troversies and confusions ; but of a swift and valiant vanquisher
of all these ; a noble assister of himself as worker and speaker
in spite of all these. Continually so far as he went he was a
teacher by act and word of hope, clearness, activity, veracity,
and human courage and nobleness ; the preacher of a good
gospel to all men, not of a bad to any man. ā Carlyle's Life of
Sterling.
Mr. Balfour resigned office in December 1905.
For some months Alfred had been in favour of this
course for general reasons, which outweighed his
desire to have a share in solving the South African
problems. Mr. Chamberlain was preaching Tariff
Reform all over the country, and no one quite
knew how far Mr. Balfour was prepared to lead the
party or how far the party was prepared to go.
The position was difficult and delicate. Alfred was
therefore glad of the decision, but the close of a
chapter is always rather melancholy, and the
Colonial Office work had absorbed his every thought.
He writes to Lavinia who had sent him a word of
sympathy :
Colonial Office,
z,tk of December 1905,
My dearest Lavinia, ā It was very dear of you to write
me such a letter. Of course there have been heavy trials
here ā and the Government of the Transvaal have made
some serious mistakes of which I have not heard the end in
aid
320 ALFRED LYTTELTON
administering the Chinese Ordinance. But even if politics
were to end with me now (and I still believe they are to be
the main work of the rest of my life), I should feel that I
had passed a great two years.
It is rather melancholy to wind up, but the Election and
all its horrors will soon be on us to take all else out of one's
head. After that there will be more leisure ā indeed perhaps
too much. ā Your loving A. L.
A Liberal Government was formed under Sir
Henry Campbell-Bannerman, and early in January
1906 the General Election followed.
Alfred Lyttelton had a severe time of it. The
discreditable campaign of misrepresentation and
slander had been well organised ; every speaker
denounced slavery ā an easy task ā and the electorate
did not stop to consider whether the Chinese
ordinance were indeed slavery, but lashed itself
into a state of virtuous indignation with a British
Government which actually, they were told, insti-
tuted an abomination they had imagined banished
for ever from this world. Every hoarding flamed
with pictures of Chinamen in chains, Chinamen
being flogged, Chinamen being kicked. Alfred,
who was the protagonist of slavery in the eyes of
the populace, suffered an avalanche of abuse ; his
own supporters stood firm, but the large fluctuat-
ing vote went against him, as against almost every
Unionist in the country. In any case, the party
had no chance of winning at the polls. As early
as April 1904 Alfred had written to Lord Milner :
A dissolution is to be expected next spring, when almost
inevitably we shall be beaten. When the other side come