Edward Maslin Hulme.

The renaissance, the Protestant revolution and the Catholic reformation in continental Europe online

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THE RENAISSANCE '
THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION

-AND-
THE CATHOLIC REFORMATION

IN CONTINENTAL EUROPE



BY



EDWARD MASLIN HULME

Professor of History in the University of ifeasrrr'




NEW YORK
THE CENTURY CO.

1914



Copyright, 1914, by
The Century Co.



HfSTORf r



TO

GEORGE LINCOLN BURR,

BEST OF TEACHERS AND BEST OF FRIENDS,

THIS BOOK, SO DEEPLY INDEBTED TO HIM,

IS DEDICATED



TABLE OF CONTENTS

THE RENAISSANCE

CHAPTER PAGE

I THE PAPACY 3

II POLITICAL AFFAIRS ig

III THE REVIVAL OF THE NATION '50

/iV THE REVIVAL OF THE INDIVIDUAL 59

/V THE REVIVAL OF LITERATURE 72

/VI THE REVIVAL OF ART I08

VII THE REVIVAL OF SCIENCE • I24

VIII THE REVIVAL OF CONSCIENCE I44

IX THE AGE OF DISCOVERY 4 175



THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION
X POLITICAL AFFAIRS AT THE OPENING OF THE PROTESTANT

REVOLUTION 189

XI HUMANISM AND HERESY 201

XII THE GERMAN REVOLT FROM ROME 223*!

XIII THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION 24I .

XIV PROTESTANTISM AND THE BALANCE OF POWER . . . .258
/ XV THE SWISS REVOLT FROM ROME 269

XVI THE FRENCH REVOLT FROM ROME 283

XVII REVOLT IN THE NORTH AND HERESY IN THE SOUTH . . 307

XVIII THE RESULTS OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION . . .343

XIX THE DEVELOPMENT OF LETTERS AND ART 371

THE CATHOLIC REFORMATION

XX THE TURK, THE COMET AND THE DEVIL 3^7

XXI THE RISE OF THE JESUITS 413

XXII THE COUNCIL ©F TRENT 430

XXIII THE TRIUMPH OF MILITANT CATHOLICISM 444

XXIV THE SPANISH SUPREMACY 456



TABLE OF CONTENTS



XXV THE REVOLT OF THE NETHERLANDS 475

XXVI THE RELIGIOUS WARS IN FRANCE 488

XXVII PAPACY AND EMPIRE 50T

XXVIII MAGYAR AND SLAV 51I

XXIX THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS 520

XXX THE REPUBLIC OF ARTS 549



APPENDIX



557



INDEX 569

LIST OF MAPS

FACING
PAGE

FRANCE AT THE OUTBREAK OF THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR . . 28

ITALY AT THE CLOSE OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY 38

THE UNIVERSITIES OF GERMANY AND IMPERIAL CITIES IN THE

MIDDLE OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 210

THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION 248

THE PRINCIPAL GERMAN ECCLESIASTICAL TERRITORIES AT THE

OUTBREAK OF THE SCHMALKALDIC WAR 260

THE PRINCIPAL GERMAN SECULAR TERRITORIES AT THE OUTBREAK

OF THE SCHMALKALDIC WAR 266

THE SWISS CONFEDERATION 270

THE NETHERLANDS AT THE ABDICATION OF CHARLES V . . .478



THE RENAISSANCE



THE RENAISSANCE



CHAPTER I

THE PAPACY

1. Christendom at the Dawn of the Renaissance.

2. Pope Boniface VIII and King PhiHp IV.

3. The " Babylonish Captivity "of the Papacy.

4. The " Great Schism of the West."

5. The Rivalry of Papacy and Council.



CHAP. I




WE shall begin the study of the Renaissance with the last
quarter of the thirteenth century. Not that the Middle 1275
Ages ended at this time and that then the Renaissance, in all it^
aspects, began. One cannot say when the Middle Ages ga^*^
place to the Renaissance. Indeed, in some respects, the Middll
Ages are not over yet. They still subsist, stealing in silent cur-
rents along the subterranean ways of the world. It is impossi-
ble to date the bounds of an era with any degree of accuracy,
teras are not initiated with single dramatic events. In the great
development of civilization there is nothing sudden, but rather
is the change like that which takes place in a forest — birth,
growth, and death go on almost unnoticed side by side. There
are always many foreshadowings of any intellectual movement.
So, one must not expect to find the Renaissance, or any other
important era, inaugurated by a striking event or a violent revo^^^
lution. , Only very gradually did the new dispensation take iom^/f
and shape. It was not announced to a startled world by the
blast of a sudden trumpet.

Let us first of all make a brief survey of the Europe of that
day from Sicily to Scotland, and from Cape Finisterre to the
frontiers of Muscovy. At the dawn of the Renaissance, Chris- Eartg^f
tendom could claim only a small part of the world. The Moham- ^^P(^q
medan conquests had greatly diminished its extent since the dawn of
seventh century. Christialiity, as the ruling power, had been naissance
expelled from her most glorious seats — from Palestine, Syria,
Asia Minor, Egypt, North Africa, and from a considerable part
of the Spanish peninsula. The Greek and Italian peninsulas

3



THE- RENAISSANCE



CHAP. I



1275



The Divi-
sions of
Christen-
dom



The Neigh-
bors of
Christen-
dom




The

Greek

Church






The
Pope



were'h'ers; the German Empire, France, the northern part of
the Spanish peninsula, the British Isles, the Scandinavian king-
dom, and in a rather dubious way the outlying Slavic and Dan-
ubian kingdoms. In exchange for her old and illustrious strong-
holds she had fallen back upon the northern countries, and all
along her frontiers she maintained a spirit of incessant watch-
fulness and sometimes of actual aggression.

But Christendom was divided within itself into two parts.
There were the Greek Church and the Latin Church. In the
Greek peninsula, and in Asia Minor, were to be found the ad-
herents of the former, surrounded and submerged by the con-
quering Moslem; and here and there, too, in the turbulent Dan-
ubian and Slavic lands. To the Latin Church belonged the re-
mainder and by far the greater part of Christendom.

To the East and the South there lay the Soldan's country.
When the Moslems were defeated by Charles the Hammer, in
732, the tide of their conquest in the West was checked ; but in
the East it continued to flow onward, slowly yet steadily, until
even Constantinople itself was subject to the age-long threat of
capture. Beyond Islam was the far Orient, of which little

finite information was possessed by the Europeans.

The schism that had divided Christendom into its Greek and
Latin Churches took place in the tenth century; and so bitter
had become the controversy between the two churches that in
Constantinople the opinion was freely expressed that the Turk-
ish turban would pollute St. Sophia less than the hat of the
cardinal. The Greek Church had been reduced to a fatal though
oftentimes mutinous subjection to the State; and it had little
contact with Western life. Not only doctrinal and ritualistic
differences had separated it from the Latin Church, but also
political and racial. The elements that went to make up the
Greek Church were very composite ; and this is to be accounted
or, in part, by the fact that there was a large Asiatic admix-
ture.

At the head of Latin Christendom was the Pope who claimed
both spiritual and temporal supremacy, a claim which received
its fullest expression at the hands of Innocent IV and Boniface
VIII. No Roman Emperor ever wielded such power. He it
was who launched the Crusades against the infidel, the heathen,
and the heretic. He alone could call a general council of the
Church, and he alone could confirm its decisions. He could pro-
nounce an interdict against an entire country ; and he could create
and depose kings. All Western Europe professed obedience to
the Roman pontiff. The same splendid ritual was performed



THE PAPACY



CHAP. I



in the same sonorous language, the same incomparable tradi-
tions were held in reverence, and the same doctrines received 1275
universal assent. Within this vast fold were to be found the
most diverse peoples and kingdoms antagonistic one to the other.
This great Church was exceedingly well organized and immensely
rich. The Pope had his curia at Rome, the supreme appellate
tribunal of the Church with great power and many functions.
Indeed, the twelfth century had v^itnessed the final change of
the pastoral character of the Roman see into the juristic and
political character of the Roman curia, its moral and theolog-
ical activity superseded by its worldly interests. Law had re-
placed theology as the basis of the papal power.

The cardinals were the advisers of the Pope, and it was they
who elected his successor. Eventually they were to be found
in all the principal countries, but as yet the non-resident cardinal-
ate was only beginning and so the large majority of them were
Italians. Beneath the Pope were the archbishops, who could The clergy
exercise their power only after having received the pallium from ^^^
him, and each of whom was the overseer of a number of bishops, church
Under the bishops were the priests who administered the serv-
ices of the Church to the people in town and country. The
monastic clergy consisted of monks, and nuns, and friars. They
were grouped into different orders, the more recently organized
of which acknowledged obedience to a general. They were more
directly under the control of the Pope than were the secular
priests, who owed obedience to their bishops; the Pope could
give them direct orders through the generals, or other officers,
so they could be used as a sort of papal militia. The monks
remained in their monasteries and left the care of men's souls
to the secular clergy. But the friars, fortified with the priv-
ileges given them by the Pope, traversed the world. Every-
where they preached and heard confessions. They were itiner-
ant priests. Through the friars especially the papal power was
felt directly in every part of the continent.

The Latin Church had gradually built up a most comprehen-
sive and, with regard to its fundamental dogmas, a well-articu-
lated system of belief; though one must not think that all its creeds and
various elements had been completely harmonized, because there f/t^e^^^
were many cross-currents, many conflicts of theory with prac- Latin
tice, and not a little that was confusing. For her creed she ^^^^'^^
claimed in the most outspoken of terms indefeasible authority.
She alone was the interpreter to man of the will and the word of
God. Seven sacraments had been instituted for the salvation
of man; they were indispensable to his spiritual life, and they



THE RENAISSANCE



The Greek
Empire



CHAP. I could be administered, with the exception of baptism under cer-
1275 tain conditions, only by a regularly ordained priest. So the
laity were absolutely dependent upon the priesthood for the
nourishment of their religious life. Outside the pale of the
Church it was hopeless to seek an approach to God. In tem-
poral matters, also, the Church was -omnipresent. Her pene-
trating power touched every worldly subject. She had come
to be not only a religious guide, but also a great juristic, eco-
nomic, and financial institution. Over the temporal as well as
the spiritual personalities of men she exercised control in an
extraordinary degree. Nor was her power confined to this
world. She had been given authority to bind and loose in
purgatory as well as upon earth.

There were two empires, both of them " imperial shadows that
represented the majesty of Constantine and Charlemagne," yet
both of them claiming the inheritance of the ancient authority
of Rome. For centuries the Greek Empire had been essen-
tially a static not a dynamic State. Its history is that of a gov-
ernment, not that of a nation. Its story is that of administra-
tion and law, rather than that of literature or of liberty. Yet it
must not be forgotten that through the Middle Ages it held in its
keeping the treasures of Greek learning. Out of hordes of
barbarians it had created the kingdoms of Servia, Croatia, and
Bulgaria. To Slavs and to Goths it had given ideas and institu-
tions of government ; and its missionaries were to be found from
the shores of the Baltic to Abyssinia. Yet now it was in its
last agonies of servile decrepitude, awaiting inevitable extinc-
tion at the hands of the Turk.

The Holy Roman Empire extended from the Baltic Sea to the
Mediterranean and from France to Hungary. Nominally this
vast territory was ruled over by an Emperor with supreme au-
thority, but except in his own personal dominions his power was
but a shadowy thing. Under strong and able successors of
Charles the Great the imperial power had been made something
more than symbolical, but under weak and irresolute ones it had
diminished again to the vanishing-point. There were many rea-
sons for this, — ^geographical, social, and political. The Holy
Roman Empire had for its basis only an idea, that of cosmopol-
itan dominion, or world-monarchy; but feudalism established
itself in Germany as elsewhere, and before the fact of feudalism
the idea of imperialism gave way. Every decade saw the centrif-
ugal force increase and the common bond of union grow weaker.-
The imperial office was not hereditary but elective ; and the elec-
tion lay in the hands of great feudatories who were generally



The Holy

Roman

Umpire



THE PAPACY



unwilling to place in power any one who would be likely to check ^^^ ^
the gradual growth of their own independence. Imperial tax- 1275
ation and an imperial army, two things indispensable to the exer-
cise of imperial authority, had never been acquired. So the
Empire remained a congeries of separate principalities, ecclesi-
astical and secular; many of them composed of patches lying
separate from each other; and many of them too infinitesimal to
be represented on any ordinary map. Among the more important
of the Germanic secular States were Saxony, Brandenburg,
Bavaria, Lorraine, and Bohemia.

And now, having glanced briefly at the empires, let us look at
the kingdoms. In Germany the most striking fact of the time
is the election of Rudolf I of Hapsburg to the imperial throne.
The territorial possessions of that secondary prince were insignifi-
cant, but in a few years he acquired Austria and Styria and so The
a new dominion was created, destined to assume great impor- ^^sdoms
tance among the principalities that made up the Holy Roman
Empire. Bohemia, which lies in the very heart of Europe,
almost equally distant from each of the great seas, a distinct
physical unit by virtue of its encircling and forested mountains,
became a kingdom in the middle of the twelfth century, but it
remained within the Empire. In France the piinciple of con-
solidation had been at work for a long time, and was continuing
when the age of the Renaissance opened. Nowhere else was
there to be found so highly centralized a government. These
things were made possible by the sense of nationality which the
French people had acquired, and by the existence of a national
army and national taxation. In England the long reign of Ed-
ward I, a vigorous, able, and truly national king, had just begun.
It was an era in which the English came into their own, a time
of political, economic, and social development, and of territorial
aggrandizement. In the land won back from the Moslem in-
vaders in the Spanish peninsula there were four Christian king-
doms, — Aragon, Castile, Navarre, and Portugal. At times there '
had been more than three Spanish kingdoms. Their unions and
divisions had been frequent, and such changes were to continue .,
until at last but two kingdoms, Spain and Portugal, should share
the territory south of the Pyrenees. In the far North there were
three Scandinavian kingdoms, Norway, Sweden, and Denmark,
whose relations to each other had constantly shifted. To the
North and East three Slav^ kingdoms were to be found. Bo-
hemia, the land of the Czechs, was, as we have seen, a member
of the German Empire. Poland had grown up from a collection
of small States into a powerful kingdom. Lithuania, the last



8



THE RENAISSANCE



1275



The
Cities



CHAP. I of the heathen States in Europe, which had led a troubled career,
witnessed at the close of the Middle Ages a great outburst of
vigor and became one of the most far-extended of the European
countries. In the territory drained by the Danube there was
Hungary, the land of the Magyars, who with the Ottoman Turks,
were the only Turanian people who succeeded in establishing
permanent States in the continent of Europe. The two other
Danubian kingdoms, Servia and Bulgaria, were both Slavonic
powers, and the chief of them was Servia, whose people made a
brave resistance to the Turk.

Italy was made up of innumerable little republics and despo-
tisms, petty commonwealths that were constantly at war with
each other. In that Southern peninsula it was the cities that
were of chief importance. In Italy and in Germany territorial
disintegration had favored the rise and growth of cities that
became centers first of commerce and then of culture. Venice,
Milan, Florence, Rome, Padua, Siena, and Naples were among
the principal Italian cities. In other countries, too, cities had
achieved importance. They were to be seats of the new secular
culture that was to work so great a change in the world. In Ger-
many there were Augsburg and Nuremberg, and in the far North,
Liibec, Hamburg, and Bremen. In the Low Countries, Bruges,
Ghent, Amsterdam, and Antwerp were all busy hives of com-
merce.

In this brief survey of Europe the universities must not be
overlooked. Until the rise of secular culture made the cities of
chief importance in the social life of Europe the universities were
the most potent of the intellectual forces. In them were to be
found the acutest minds of the time drawn from every country
and from every class. Far to the South lay Salerno, then as
always chiefly a medical school. The great law school at Bologna
gathered to itself vast numbers of students from every land and
by its inculcation of the principles of Roman Law became a
force in the decline of feudalism and the rise of the modern
nations. The mother university, the one that served as a model
for others, was Paris, and there scholasticism made for itself a
stronghold. In England there were Oxford and Cambridge. In
Spain there was Salamanca, devoted especially to law, and quite
aloof from its sister institutions of other countries. At the be-
ginning of the Renaissance period Germany did not possess a
single university. Prague was founded in 1348, and the same
century witnessed the establishment of Vienna, Erfurt, Heidel-
berg, and Cologne. There were other schools of lesser impor-
tance such as Padua, Toulouse, and Montpellier ; but altogether



The Uni.
versities



THE PAPACY



there were not many universities. The new age was to make chari
important additions to their number. 1294-1303

Such was the general condition of Europe when, on Christmas
Eve, 1294, Benedetto Gaetani was elected Pope and assumed the
title of Boniface VIII. He was a scholar learned in the civil Boniface
and the canon law, handsome, eloquent, and arrogant, and filled ^"^
with the lust of worldly power. Although he was an old man
his vigor, as he proceeded to assert the most extreme claims of
the Papacy, soon became apparent. Nine years previously there
had succeeded to the French throne Philip IV, a man bent upon
continuing the work of welding France into a compact monarchy.
He was ably assisted in his government of the country by men of
the sword and men of the law. Between the Papacy and France
there was soon precipitated a quarrel. In the great struggle
with the Empire the Papacy had triumphed, very largely because
the world-wide dominion to which the Empire aspired was op-
posed to the tendencies of the time. In its struggle with France
it was destined to fail, because it had come into conflict with one
of the rising forces of the time, that of national development.

Philip the Fair was the representative of the growing feeling ,
of nationality. The French and the English kings were at war /
with each other over the possession of Guienne. The Pope re- ^hiiip iv
quired them to submit to his arbitration, and when they refused, Q^a^/g^i
he issued the bull Clericis laicos which forbade the clergy to pay with the
taxes or to make gifts to laymen without the papal consent, a^d "^^^^
summoned the French prelates to confer with him in Rome.
This bull, one of the most important pronunciamentos of thet^
temporal power of the papacy, is also the keynote of its decline.
Both Philip and Edward I replied with retaliatory measures.
The former, by prohibiting the exportation of money from France
without the royal consent, cut off French contributions to Rome.
In 1300, while this struggle between the medieval Papacy and
the rising tide of nationality was still in its first stages, Boniface
proclaimed the famous year of Jubilee. Remission of sins was
granted to all who should visit the Holy City in that year. Vast
throngs of pilgrims from many countries came flocking to the
" threshold of the apostles," filled with the desire to see the holy
places with their bodily eyes, and leaving large sums of money
as a token of their devotion. Boniface was seemingly tri- ^
umphant. He had crushed the Colonna, his personal enemies in
Rome, and he had proclaimed that the Pope was set over the
kingdoms of the world, to aid or to destroy. But he could not
read the signs of the times. He was misled by the outburst of
feverish religious enthusiasm, and he failed to estimate the grow-



10 THE RENAISSANCE

C HAP. I ^jjg sense of nationality in Europe. He strained the bow too
1294-1303 hard and it broke in his hands. The breach between the Papacy
and France went on widening. The people of France, including
the lawyers whom the recent development of legal studies had
created, and even the clergy, were gathered about Philip, for they
saw in him the champion of French nationality. In the course
of the controversy the papal legate was imprisoned and brought
to trial. In reply, Boniface, on December 5, 1301, issued the
bull Ausculta fili in which he reasserted the papal power over
kings and kingdoms, denied the right of all laymen to exercise
any power over ecclesiastics, and repeated the summons of the
French prelates to his presence. Philip caused the bull to be
burned in public; the legate was banished, and the clergy for-
bidden to attend the papal conference. On November 18, 1302,
Boniface issued the bull Unam sanctam in which he declared
that the Pope holds both the temporal and the spiritual sword, of
which he delegates the latter to secular princes ; and that it is
absolutely necessary to salvation that every human creature
should be subject to the head of the Church. Both sides began
the final attack. At a meeting of the States-General in June
1303, in which every class of the nation, except the peasantry
who were unrepresented, voiced its protest against the demands
of the pontiff, the Pope was accused of heresy, tyranny, and
unchastity, and an appeal was made from him to a general council
of the Church. Boniface, who had gone to the little mountain
town of Anagni, pronounced excommunication against Philip
and was preparing to declare the French throne vacant, when he
was seized by an emissary of the French king aided by Italians
who had suffered injury at the hands of the Pope. It had been
planned to capture the Pope and bring him before a Council in
Lyons, but one of the cardinals persuaded the repentant populace
of the town, who had abandoned the Pope to his enemies, to
avenge the outrage upon the pontiff. The conspirators were
driven from the town and the Pope released. A few weeks
later, greatly weakened, if not mad with rage and terror, Boniface
died. The outrage of Anagni has been called a " generative
fact." With it the politieal sjapremacy of the Papacy comes to
an end, and its ecclesiastical supremacy is threatened. Even the
great Innocent III had failed to secure for the political claims of
the Papacy more than a temporary success, and since his time
the new force of nationality had made their success more hope-
less than ever. So, when those claims were asserted at this
time by a pontiff of inferior power, in words more haughty than
those of the most powerful of his predecessors, it is scarcely a



THE PAPACY II

matter of surprise that the struggle ended with their defeat, chari
Henceforth if we would find the medieval Papacy we must 1303-77
descend with Dante to visit the regions of. the dead.

Boniface was succeeded by Benedict XI, a mild and concilia-
tory Dominican friar, who died within a year after his accession
to the papal throne. The next Pope, Clement V, elected after
an interregnum of nine months, was the nominee of Philip IV.
He was a Frenchman, and after his coronation at Lyons he never
set foot in Italy. For some time he wandered over Gascony and
Guienne, stopping wherever he found reverence and entertain-
ment. Then he took up his residence in the town of Avignon,
which, in 1348, became the property of the pontiffs. With the
election of Clement there began the long foreign residence of the



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