the goodness of God, in granting His grace, which had enabled
Brethren to sit by, and listen in silence to the statements which
had just been made ; although, in many instances, they had touched
them to the core ?
Rev. J. Angell James. — I rise for the last time in the present
Conference ; being compelled, almost immediately, to leave Town,
and to return to my own duties at home. I view the present
subject with a degree of solicitude and trembling, which I should
be unable to convey to you by any language I could use ; and,
were it not for my confidence in God, who has carried us through
so many difficulties, I should despair of our coming to any har-
monious conclusion of the discussion which has now been introduced.
I do not rise, Sir Culling, to arrest that discussion ; but I rise to
make a suggestion, which possibly may aid us in more speedily and
harmoniously coming to a decision. It is perfectly evident, from
the manner in which this subject has been opened, that — if the
question of Slavery itself is to be discussed — then our dis-
cussions are interminable. Now, what I suggest is, whether we
might not expedite that conclusion, and, perhaps, be led to it in a
manner more satisfactory to us all, if we held a conference between
a select number of Europeans and Americans, in order to ascer-
tain their respective opinions ; and thus endeavour, if possible, to
come to such a harmonious view of the question of the Membership
of Slaveholders, as may prevent the necessity of our extended discus-
sions, and the hazard of painful collisions ?
This morning we had a beautiful instance of the advantage of
pursuing this course of action. It did seem yesterday, as if we
never could come to a decision on the Objects of the Alliance.
A Committee was appointed to consider the subject : and that
Committee, this morning, brought up a Resolution which has been
unanimously adopted. Would it not be well to adopt that kind of
proceeding in the present case ? If the Mover and Seconder of
298 EVANGELICAL ALLIANCE.
the Amendment agree to withdraw it, for the present at any rate, —
I will move, that there be a conference upon this subject.
The Chairman enquired, if Mr. Hinton were willing to with-
draw his Amendment pro tern.?
Mr. Hinton replied, that the question was so sudden, he felt at
a loss what answer to give. Before replying, he should like to
hear an expression of the general sense of the Conference.
Rev. Dr. S. H. Cox, of America, did not believe the plan
recommended by Mr. James would succeed. He did not think it
would prevent collision. In his opinion, it would only postpone
the matter in question to a less numerous Meeting ; and, if a
collision must come, he would rather it came at once.
Rev. T. Brainerd said, that, since his ancestors left England,
two centuries ago, up to this time, his kindred had never had any
connection with Slavery. It had been his privilege, during the last
few months, to travel in Ireland, Scotland, and England ; and the
impression was deep on his mind, that there existed a misappre-
hension among British Christians, as to the position of Americans
in relation to Slavery. Many of them, and himself among the
number, would yield to none in sympathy for the Slave. The
question was now brought fairly before the Conference, — a Con-
ference uniting all the forms of Protestant Christianity, and designed
to comprehend in its limits all who loved the Lord Jesus Christ ;
and yet, at the very door, a proposition had been made, not to
exclude from it a few Christians, but to do that, which (practically)
would shut out men of a kindred language and blood from all share
in its future deliberations. If the question were to be fully dis-
cussed, they from America must open their hearts, and tell how
the matter lay with them ; and if this were done, he (Mr. Brainerd)
would like it to be done by men who had lived longer than he had,
and who spoke more coolly than he did. He hoped the subject would
not be buried, till they had an opportunity of setting themselves in
their true position before their beloved Brethren.
Rev. \V. Patterson. — Having conversed with our American
Brethren on both sides of this question, I have felt it to be of such
deep and vast importance, that — not only has it deprived me of sleep
at night ; but, — while I have rejoiced in the unanimity of feeling
and the Christian love manifested in this Conference and at the
Public Meetings, — I confess, I have been unable to keep my mind
away from visiting the Southern climes ; and my heart has sunk
within me, as I have thought on what T have heard of the sufferings
of the Slave. And, if our Brother from America had not Seconded
Mr. Hinton's Motion, I should have felt it my duty to have done so.
NINTH DAY MOKNIXU s Ess low 299
I do not wish to pronounce sentence on the Slaveholder. What
his difficulties are, I cannot, perhaps, fully understand ; I, there-
fore, wish to leave him entirely to the judgement of his G( d and to
his conscience. If he be a Christian, there is a Judge of all that
doeth right. But I confess, that, while he is party to a system
such as Slavery is, — as presented to us, not merely by British, but
by American writers, — I could not consent to acknowledge him as
one whom it is desirable to include within this Alliance. I feel
it, therefore, my duty, to give my decided testimony against his
admission by my voice, as I shall give it by my vote. Should I
happen to be in the minority, I shall have to consider the whole ques-
tion of my duty in regard to my future connexion with the Alliance.
I know not at present how I shall act in such a case. My judge-
ment is far from being made up, on many points connected with this
intricate and delicate question. On one thing I am, however,
resolved, that I will oppose the admission of Slaveholders to
the Alliance ; but, in love to the Slaveholder as well as to the
Slave, I trust the system of Slavery will speedily be abolished ;
and then he can be admitted, without any compromise of principle.
Rev. H. Girdlestone said, that though Mr. Hinton seemed, in
one part of his speech, to throw doubt upon the possibility of a
Slaveholder being a true Christian, he afterwards withdrew what-
ever seemed to stand in the way of that acknowledgement. He
(Mr. Girdlestone) could not see how it could be denied by men
who read the Scriptures, that a Slaveholder could be, in the truest
sense, a Christian. Who could forget the short Epistle that Paul
sent to Philemon ? and he supposed that Philemon was a Slave-
holder. He took it, therefore, as a settled thing, that none of
them disputed, that a Slaveholder might attain to a high order of
Christian character. He rose, because he wished to state to his
American Brethren, that all Christians in Britain did not go all the
length with others on the subject of Slavery. He had taken part
in the whole discussion of the Slavery question ; and he had always
thought, that a very necessary distinction should be drawn between
the Slave Trade and Slave-holding. The holding of Slaves should
be kept distinct from the horrors of the Middle Passage, and the
frightful mortality attending the Slave Trade. Even among Pagans,
the Slave Trader was considered an abominable character, and was
spoken of as belonging to an inferior grade of society. His friend,
Mr. Hinton, had laid much stress upon the subject of stolen goods,
as though every Slave were necessarily a stolen man. If the theft
had been committed, it must have been in many instances, a long
time ago : — he alluded to persons who were born Slaves.
300 EVANGELICAL ALLIANCE.
Had Slavery been in itself absolutely unlawful, and so intolerable
in the sight of Heaven, Paul would not have written to Philemon
as he did, — addressing him as a Christian Brother. This was
similar to other instances, in which the views of Primitive Christians
differed from those of modern times. He was once present in the
company of Joseph John Gurney, of Norwich, and Mr. Wilberforce,
when there was a serious discussion on that passage of the Apostle
Paul, where he says, " Let every man abide in the calling wherein
he was called." (1. Cor. vii.20, 21.) Chrysostom and Theophylact
were appealed to for their interpretation of Paul's meaning. Both
J. J. Gurney and Mr. Wilberforce were good Greek scholars ; and,
after conferring upon the subject, they were all of opinion — and in
this opinion ' Chrysostom and Theophylact coincided — that the ex-
hortation of the Apostle to the Slave was, that, if he were called in
Slavery, he should not seek to be made free ; but abide in the
station in which he then was ! The opinions of the ancient Fathers
were quite opposed to the modern view of the unscriptural character
of Slavery.
Rev. S. L. Pomroy, of Bangor, U. S., would just correct an
error into which Mr. Hinton had fallen, when he stated, that a large
class of persons, (Abolitionists,) Ministers, and Members of
Churches in the United States, had no representative in the Con-
vention. He claimed to be of the class thus alluded to; and to
the correctness of this statement, John Scoble, Esq., Rev. Dr. Carlile,
or the Anti-Slavery Committee of Edinburgh, (most of whom he
had the happiness of meeting last Summer,) would be able to bear
witness. At any rate he could say, that, for the last fourteen
years, he had been known in the United States, as one of those
who were technically called " Abolitionists." He had preached,
and prayed, and felt more deeply agitated in soul on that subject,
than perhaps on any other subject, — saving that great and compre-
hensive subject, which takes in all others, — the Gospel.
A Gentleman said, he should feel obliged, if the speaker would
explain what was meant by an " Abolitionist."
Mr. Pomroy continued. — There were three classes of persons
in the United States, who held different opinions in relation to this
subject. One was the party which directly and avowedly defended
Slavery. Another party constituted a great proportion of the people
of the Northern States, who were non-slaveholding in sentiment
and feeling; and whom, he believed, to be most sincerely and
utterly opposed to the system of Slavery. Among that class — for
it might, be divided — there was a portion, to a greater or less ex-
tent, differing in the different States and sections of States, who
NINTH DAY MORNING SESSION. 301
were associated (and had been, in various ways, for a number of
years) for the express and avowed purpose of doing what they
could for the destruction of that great evil ; and men of this class
(with which he was connected) were technically called M Abolition-
ists/' as distinguished from another class, which embraced a great
number of Brethren in the Ministry and in Churches, who were as
strongly opposed to Slavery as were the Abolitionists, but who yet
felt that they could not, consistently with their views, associate
themselves with that party, — because they thought its measures
were not of the wisest and best kind. He (Mr. Pomroy), on be-
half of these men, utterly repudiated the sentiment, that they were
pro-slavery men, or that, by principle or practice, they upheld the
system, or were apologists for it. Statements had been made in
this Country, by persons whose names he would not mention, which
utterly misrepresented the great mass of the Christian Community,
— Ministers and Members of different Denominations — in the
United States : — his soul had been sickened by what he had heard
of these misrepresentations ; and he did hope, that some measures
would be adopted to set the British public right in regard to that
matter.
Upon this subject he could talk for a fortnight, or for a month,
if it were wished, — no doubt about that: — and he should probably
grow warmer and warmer-£(he did not say more eloquent, because
he never had any eloquence) ; but more and more ardent and in-
terested as he proceeded. He would not, however, go into any
discussion of the question ; he would merely say one word, in refer-
ence to his Brethren who were here. He was unaware how many
might be classed among the " Abolitionists" ; but he did not know
that there were any, who, either in principle or feeling, in word
or action, upheld and defended the system of Slavery. He had
reason to believe none such were present. One word more ; in
regard to the distinction, which should always be made, in relation
to this and any other great system of wickedness. The system
itself was one thing, and the men connected with it, and the
amount of guilt attached to them thereby, was another. If he
were asked what he thought of Slavery, as it is usually denned,
" the claim of right to hold man as property," — or any other defi-
nition of the kind, — he should reply, that, from the head to the
foot, it was utterly and eternally wicked ; that it could not be de-
fended by the principles of the Gospel, nor by any principles of
humanity, — nor by reason, in any way. He could go as far as Mr.
Hinton, or any other man. But, — when they come to the case
of individual men, connected with the system, — by what method
302 EVANGELICAL ALLIANCE.
could they calculate the amount of guilt attached to an individual
in that relation, — unless they knew all the circumstances and
motives in the case ? — And this was something more than was
within the province of man to know respecting his Brother. The
amount of his guilt depended upon the circumstances attending his
relation with the system ; and, therefore, while he (Mr. Pomroy)
completely repudiated Slavery as a system, he could not join in the
sweeping declaration, — that every man who was connected with the
system, and who was legally a Slaveholder, was a hypocrite and a
scoundrel, because he sustained that relation. He did not be-
lieve it.
He would just suppose a case. He had lived in the South, he
had seen the system there, and he had friends there, (though they
had been rather shy of him for some years past.) Now he would
suppose, that one of them died that night, and left him fifty slaves;
so that, when he got home, he should find a letter informing him of
the fact. In the eye of the law — he would not say, in the eye of
God — he would be a slaveholder ; yet without any fault of his own.
What would they advise to be done ? Would they say, that he
should tear up the letter, and go about his business, and take no
notice of the fact ? By so doing, he would be consigning those fifty
slaves to perpetual slavery ; because, if he did not take possession of
them in order to get them out of slavery, they would all be taken
by the authorities, sold by public auction, and thus consigned to
everlasting bondage, as far as this world was concerned. In such a
case, he should feel no hesitation in sustaining the relation of a
slaveholder. He would go at once, and take possession of them,
with the purpose in his heart, to get them, with the least possible
delay, and in the wisest and best manner, out of the system, and to
give them their liberty. He thought, that, in so acting, he should
have a clear conscience. But all the time he was doing; that, mark !
he would be, in the eye of the law, a slaveholder. He begged not
to be misunderstood. Never since he was born had he, to his
knowledge, made the slightest apology for Slavery. But he knew
the peculiar difficulties which surrounded a man, who might live in
a State where the law prohibited emancipation ; and who might yet
be convinced in his conscience, that the system was wrong, and that
his slaves ought to have their liberty. Such a man might say, " I am
really desirous to know what to do." But, if he emancipated his
slaves, the State would seize them, and sell them into a worse state
of bondage. And if he transported them five hundred miles to another
section of the country, perhaps, in doing that, he would separate the
husband from the wife, (one being in one plantation, and another in
NINTH DAY MORNING 8E8STON. 303
another,) and the children from both. That was a difficulty. Such cases
he believed there were, in which there was a real conscientious desire
to do what God would approve ; but where it Mas hard to decide
what course ought to be taken. A great many such cases might be
brought forward ; and gentlemen in that Hall could name thousands
of such instances. So that, while he unhesitatingly affirmed that
Slavery was a system of iniquity, they should be careful how they
judged the amount of guilt which attached to men who sustained
that relation in the eye of the law.
He would make one suggestion in reference to the course which
ought to be pursued. He perceived that there was a very serious
difficulty in the minds of his British friends in regard to this
subject, — a conscientious difficulty, — and one which he thought he
could appreciate fully.
On the other side of the Atlantic, there were also difficulties :
and these he could appreciate also. Some Brethren in that Conference
stood connected with branches of the Church of Christ, which ex-
tended into Slaveholding States, — namely, the Methodist, the
Baptist, and the Presbyterian Churches. Being himself connected
with the Congregational Body, which had no churches, so far as he
knew, in the Slaveholding section of the Union, — the same diffi-
culty did not present itself to his own mind. Inasmuch, then, as
there were difficulties on both sides to be met, he suggested, whether
—instead of coming to any positive decision upon the subject — it
might not be left in some sort of abeyance, till the English Brethren
saw what course was taken by the Association which should be
formed on the other side of the Atlantic ? Let the British Brethren
form an Association, and adopt what measures they thought proper
in regard to this matter; and let the Association to be formed in the
United States adopt what course it thought proper : and in three,
or four, or seven years, if the discussion of the subject came up
again, it could then be looked at. This, he thought, would be the
more prudent course ; as, in the meantime, there might be very
great changes in reference to this question, which they could not
now foresee. He threw out this suggestion for their consideration.
Rev. G. R. Birch rose to a point of order. He begged to ask the
Chair, whether they were not considering, by the discussion of this
question, the principles upon which persons became Members of the
Alliance, and not the Organization of that Body? And whether
the present Amendment ought not to have come under the head of
General Principles, which had already been discussed and settled ?
The Chairman ruled, that the Mover of the Amendment now
before the Meeting, was quite in order, in introducing it at the
present stage of the business.
304 EVANGELICAL ALLIANCE.
Rev. Dr. Smyth, from the United States, said, that he had claim to
make some remarks, — as being a Member, though a young Member,
of the Alliance ; — secondly, as now being a representative of the
United States, but originally, and by birth, a Briton ; — and thirdly,
as having been led, by the remarkable providence of God, to a six-
teen years' residence in South Carolina ; free, however, externally at
least, from those corruptions which were represented as inseparable
from the system of Slavery. On these grounds, perhaps, Brethren
would indulge him in such suggestions as he wished to make,
and which, he hoped, would be entirely free from any spirit that
would jar upon the Meeting, or prevent a harmonious decision of
this question.
The question now pressed upon them, was not an abstract one as
to the nature of Slavery. There was unanimity among them on
that point. But, he apprehended, they were divided in their senti-
ments as to the duty of the Alliance in reference to that system ;
whether or not that Alliance, as an Evangelical Alliance, was called
upon to entertain this subject ? and to introduce it among those few
great, leading, prominent, principles upon which it was formed ?
I His own opinion was very decided — that it was, in the First place,
unnecessary to introduce this subject. It was not necessary, he
apprehended, as a matter of general Christian obligation. If there
were no other opportunities for those Brethren to express their views
and to oppose the system of Slavery, then they might fairly press it
upon the Conference. But,— inasmuch as these Brethren were
left free to act in relation to this matter, in their individual capacity
as Christians, in their Ecclesiastical connexion with various De-
nominations, and in their social capacity as citizens, — he did not
think they could urge, that they were constrained by an imperative
sense of conscientious obligation, to press this subject upon the
Alliance.
He proceeded to remark, that he believed the introduction of this
subject was not expedient. He thought, that its introduction
might prevent the accomplishment of that very object which it was
already unanimously determined should be carried out, namely, the
formation of a Universal Alliance — a Christian Alliance for the
World. It might hamper the British Alliance ; because there was
a diversity of views among British people, — not upon the abstract
question, — but upon the question of the mode in which it should be
treated, and the mode in which Christian Brethren, in America and
other Countries, labouring under the existence of this evil, should
be treated. There were diversities of views on that point, among
some of the foremost friends who united most heartilv in this cause;
NINTH DAY — MORNING BK88ION. 305
and thus this element, if introduced, might prove an element of
division and collision.
Again, the introduction of this subject into the Alliance would
give it a political aspect. This it would unquestionably do. The
object sought to be attained by it might be infinitely important ;
but, if introduced, it would give the Alliance a political bearing.
Could any one deny, that the institution of Slavery was founded on
political legislation ? It took its origin, and held its continuation
there ; and it was only through the exercise of that function, that
it could be removed. It was only by moral influence, brought to
bear upon those who had the guidance of political affairs, that its
removal could be secured. What would bethought of the Brethren
in America, if, when they formed their Alliance, they should
introduce into the Basis, the question of Church and State ? He
had heard in this Country, and he had been accustomed to hear,
language used in reference to that system, just as strong and violent
as that used in reference to Slavery. It was well known, that this
question had actually prevented a number of persons from entering
into the Alliance. It had been publicly stated, that one of the
leading divines in this Metropolis had given, as one paramount
reason, why he, and a great many others thinking with him, could
not join the Alliance, that it would check them in the full mani-
festation of their opposition to a state of things, which they con-
sidered Anti-christian, and every way opposed to the Truth of God.
He was now speaking on the question of expediency, not arguing
the abstract question. lie assumed that they were all agreed, that
Slavery was an evil, and ought to be removed, as soon as God in
His providence should open the way ; and that every Christian man
in America, as well as in Britain, as far as he was a Christian,
would feel it his duty to aid in its removal. This was not the
question on which they were divided : it was, whether or not they
were constrained, by an imperative sense of Christian obligation and
conscientious duty, to introduce the subject into the Alliance ?
To come to another point. If this question were introduced into
the Alliance, it could not be otherwise regarded than as a national
question.
One of the most powerful arguments he had heard advanced in
favour of the Alliance was, that God may have designed it to be
the Great Peacemaker of the World. But the introduction of this
element, — instead of making it a Great Peacemaker, by which all
animosities, and jealousies, and differences of opinion, might be
smoothed down between the two great Christian Countries (which
were looked upon by the World as the main agents by which Chris-
x
306 EVANGELICAL ALLIANCE.
tianity Avas to be diffused throughout the Globe) — instead of binding
them together in more lasting bonds of brotherhood, and instead of
uniting them more closely together, it would have the effect of