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being ultimately repealed. Catholics then received the
right of renting on a lease of 999 years and of inheriting
landed estate (1778) ; the Tests were abohshed and they
were thus enabled to hold office (1779) ; they were likewise
granted the right, conditional on the previous consent of the
Anglican bishop, of having schools, &c, (1782).

The question of the validity of Anglican Orders, which had of
late years been much discussed, was decided negatively by an
Apostolic Letter dated September 13, 1896.

§ 174

The Reformation in Scotland 1

As is made evident by a deci'ee of Parliament in 1525,
forbidding the importation of Lutheran books, or the preach-
ing of Luther's doctrines, the continental Refoimation had
made its way at an early date into far-off Scotland. In
the beginning it was rigorously persecuted, Patrick Hamilton,
a relative of the royal family, even paying for his zeal for
it with his hfe (1528). During the next few years a like
fate befell several members of Religious Orders who sym-
pathised with the Protestants, and ultimately also the
preacher George Wishart (1546). There was, however, a party
of the all-powerful nobility — headed by the earl of Arran,
who had been made regent on the death of James V (1542) —
which discreetly favoured the new movement, and enabled

* A. Bellesheim, Engl. Trans, see vol. I. p. 130 ; Mg. on Knox by P. H.
Brown, 2 vol. 1895 ; M'Crie, 1905 ; Macmillan, 1905 ; H. Cowan, 1905.
Mg. on Mary Stuart by Kervyn de Lettenhove, 2 vol. 1889 ; Philippson,
vol. 1891-92 ; Skelton, 1893,

Reformation in Scotland 125

it to establish itself in the land. Nor were there wanting
more determined partisans. Wishart's execution was
avenged by the murder of cardinal Beaton, archbishop of
St. Andrews. In the following years, indeed, to diminish the
crying abuses of the Church, several Councils were called
together, and the regentship came into the hands of Mary
of Guise, the queen-mother (1554). The attempt to carry
out a Catholic reform had, however, been made too late,
and the new government was also too weak to oppose the
new movement. Towards the end of 1557 the Protestants
joined forces as the ' Congregation of Christ ' to fight the
' Congregation of Satan,' as they styled the Catholic Church.
Two years later John Knox, the zealous and fiery opponent
of Catholicism, who is often, and not unjustly, considered
the Reformer of Scotland, was able to return to his native
land after many years of absence. He was soon to make
his presence felt. At Perth and other localities the monas-
teries were sacked and images broken (1559) • When the queen-
regent assumed a stronger attitude towards the Reformers,
the result was a civil war in which the Protestants were
supported by England. At her death peace was re-estab-
lished, but Catholicism was doomed. The Parliament,
which met at Edinburgh after the conclusion of the peace,
abolished all papal jurisdiction in Scotland, recalled all
laws which had been previously passed in the interests of
the Catholic Church, and forbade the sa3ang or hearing of
Mass on pain of deprivation of goods and banishment, or
of death in the case of a third conviction. The place of
the Catholic Church was now taken by the Reformed Church,
Calvinism being adopted in all its severity ; the hierarchy
was abolished, a presbyterian form of government intro-
duced, festivals were forbidden, &c.

Catholicism was now extinct as an ecclesiastical organisa-
tion, and though the sceptre was again to come into a Catholic
hand, it was already too late to effect any change. Mary
Stuart, on returning to her country (1561) after the death
of her husband Francis II of France, was compelled to acknow-
ledge that the situation admitted of no remedy. So great
was the fanaticism stirred up by Knox's denunciation of
the Mass as idolatry, that only with difficulty was she able

126 A Manual of Church History

to establish Catholic worship at the court chapel. The
rebelHous attitude of the nobility, headed by her half-brother,
the earl of Murray, was rendered yet more intense by her
marriage with Lord Darnley. By consenting to marry
Bothwell, Darnley's murderer, she finally sealed her fate.
She was compelled to abdicate in favour of her son James VI
(1567), and on fleeing to England (1568), instead of the
help she expected from Elizabeth her cousin, she was im-
prisoned, and finally died on the scaffold (1587).

The old faith was not indeed entirely dead. It con-
tinued to be cherished by a part of the people in spite of
the law. The constant persecution which it had to endure
lessened each year the number of its adherents ; only in
the eighteenth century did it begin to increase.

Mary Stuart was accused by her enemies of being Bothwell's
accomplice in Darnley's murder. The charge is most probably
unfounded. Of recent years even the Protestants have acknow-
ledged her innocence. Cp. Mg. by Th. Opitz, 2 vol. 1879-82 ;
E. Bekker, 1881 ; H. Gerdes, I, 1885 ; Storm, 1891.


The Reformation in France 1

Owing to the vicinity of the countries in which the Refor-
mation originated, France could not fail to be to some extent
involved in the movement, and this happened in spite of the
fact that Francis I (1515-47) and Henry II (1547-59) reso-
lutely opposed the Reformation. The new rehgion recruited
its adherents mainly in the south. Among the families of
note which then embraced it, we may instance the Bourbons
and the brothers Coligny of the house of Chatillon. Under
Francis II (1559-60) one of the objects of the conspiracy
of Amboise was to secure the recognition of Protestantism.

' L. Ranke, Franz. Gesch. vornehmlich ini 16 «. 17 Jahrh. 6 vol. 1868-70 ;
WW . vol. VIII-XIII ; Engl. Trans. Civil Wars and Monarchy in France in
the 16th and ijth Centuries, 1 vol.1852; Soldan, Gesch. d. Protestantismus
in F. bis zurn Tode Karls IX, 2 vol. 1855 ; De Meaux, Les Luttes reltg.
en Fr. au XV I^ siecle, 1879; Hist, de France, piibliee, sous la direction de
E. Lavisse, V, 2-VI, 2 (1519-1643) 1904-5 ; H. De L'Epinois, La Ligue et
les papes (1585-95), 1886; Agubssb, Hist, de I' etablissetnent du protestantisme
en France, 2 vol. 1891.

Reformation in France 127

The plot, which was also to bring the power from the hands
of the Guises into those of the Bourbons, was indeed a failure,
but this did not materially hinder the spread of the Reforma-
tion. During the minority of Charles IX (1560-74), the
regent and queen-mother, Catherine of Medici, summoned
the king of Navarre, Anthony of Bourbon, to have a part
in the government, and on his arrival an end was immediately
made (December 13, 1560) of the legal persecution of the
Huguenots, as the French Protestants came to be called.
No success attended the efforts of the party which opposed
this measure, consisting of Francis, duke of Guise, the
constable Montmorency, and the marshal de St. Andre,
generally known among their enemies as the Triumvirate.
The regent, whilst allowing full liberty to Catholic worship,
insisted on toleration being also accorded to the Protestants.
After the failure of the religious conference at Poissy (autumn,
1561), which had been held in the hope of reuniting the Pro-
testants to the Catholic Church, an edict was issued (January
1562) by which freedom of belief was granted to the whole
kingdom and freedom of worship outside the towns pending the
decision of a General Council.

This compliance did not appease the country. On both
sides there reigned discontent and mistrust. Though their
leaders contended for the due observance of the edict, the
Huguenots were not disposed to be content. Their conviction
that the Catholic Church was an idolatrous institution led them
to demand its suppression. On the other hand the Triumvirate,
who had now obtained the support of Anthony of Navarre,
demanded the expulsion of the Protestant preachers. Between
the two a conflict was inevitable, and was accelerated by the
massacre of Vassy, in which a number of Huguenots were done
to death by the followers of the duke of Guise. A civil war,
in which both sides were guilty of much cruelty, broke out in
1562, but was concluded the following year, after the death of
Navarre, St. Andre, and Guise. The edict of Amboise (1563)
granted freedom of worship to the Huguenots on the estates
of the higher nobility, at the residences of the inferior nobles,
in one town in each province, and in all the strongholds which
were in the power of the Protestants at the end of the war.
Four years later the Protestants were responsible for a new

128 A Manual of Church History

outbreak of warfare, followed by another after the interval
of a year ; yet a third war was due to the revocation of the
freedom of worship which had been assured the Protestants
by the peace of Longjumeau (1568). The peace which was
re-established by the edict of St. Germain (1570) was very
insecure. The king indeed was minded to observe it ; in
1572 he even gave his sister Margaret in marriage to Henry
of Bourbon the head of the opposition. This wedding, which
was intended to seal the peace, was really the signal for new
hostilities. To preserve her influence over the government, the
queen-mother, in conjunction with her son Henry of Anjou,
determined to assassinate admiral Coligny, whose power over
the king they thought too great. The plot miscarried, and a
vaster conspiracy was planned to prevent the Protestants taking
revenge on the king himself. It was decided to make away
with all the chiefs of the party, not only at Paris but also in
the provinces. The absence of due preparation, the rumours
aggravated by falsehood which were rife, and the fact that the
rabble, drawn by the hope of booty mingled with the soldiery,
explains the extent of the subsequent massacre. The number
of the victims may have amounted to 4,000 or 5,000, and
some suppose it to have been much greater. St. Bartholomew's
Day, as the slaughter is called, was of little use to the Catholic
cause. The Huguenots were not stamped out, and soon
new concessions had to be made to them. Henry HI
(1574-89) was compelled to grant them at the peace of
Beaulieu (1576) freedom of worship throughout the realm,
save at the capital, though the edict of Poitiers (1577)
again restricted their privileges to those accorded by the peace
of Amboise.

Nor was warfare yet at an end. As the king had no children,
at the death of duke Francis of Anjou, the last of the house
of Valois (1584), the succession seemed assured to Henry of
Navarre. This was, however, by no means to the tastes of all,
even foreign nations being interested in the question whether
the French throne was to come into the power of a Protestant
or remain in that of the Catholics. For the protection of the
Catholic religion a powerful party called the League was formed
under the leadership of Henry, duke of Guise, and the party,
owing to the extent of its demands, soon came into conflict

Reformation in France 129

with the king himself, thus exposing France to a great calamity.
After the king had rid himself by violence of the chief of the
League and of his brother cardinal Louis (1588), his own
unpopularity increased in the country, and being accounted
the tyrant of his people he was ultimately stabbed by Jacques
Clement, a Dominican friar. The crown now belonged by right
to Henry IV of Bourbon (1589-1610). Owing, however, to
the might of the League which was now allied with Spain,
he secured his throne only by fulfilling the promise which he
had originally made to the Cathohc royalists, abjuring Protes-
tantism (1593) and being absolved at Rome (1595). The
religious question was then settled by the edict of Nantes
(1598).! On the one hand. Catholic worship was again estab-
lished wherever it had been abolished by the Huguenots, and
on the other, the Protestants received full freedom of conscience
and a large measure of freedom of worship — apart from the
castles and houses of the nobihty, they were to have at least
two churches in each province, and similar liberties in every
town where their religion had been practised between 1596
and August 1597 ; they also received permission to hold
pubUc offices, and, to defend their rights, were allowed repre-
sentatives at Parliament and in the high courts. As a pledge of
peace the strongholds of which they had obtained possession
were left in their hands for some time after.

This last concession seemed necessary at the time, owing
to the excitement which prevailed. It involved, however, a
danger for the government, in that it constituted the Pro-
testants as a State within the State, and was all the more
intolerable seeing that the Huguenots' conduct was by no
means above suspicion of treason. Lewis XHI, on the advice
of cardinal Richelieu, accordingly brought this arrangement
to an end. The obstinacy with which the Huguenots defended
their privilege proved how well founded was the suspicion.
To preserve their political position, they not only took up
arms under the duke of Rohan, but also besought assistance
of England and other powers against their own king. For
all this they were not subjected to any further loss of privilege.

The legal ground which had been re-established by Henry

1 J. Faurey, Henri IV ei I'ddtt de Nantes, 1903.


130 A Manual of Church History

IV was not, however, to endure long. Lewis XIV, ^ after having
a year previously curtailed the civil rights enjoyed by the
Huguenots, revoked in 1685 the edict of Nantes and demanded
of all Frenchmen the confession of the Catholic religion.
The order was, of course, disobeyed. In spite of a prohibition,
thousands of Huguenots migrated to foreign lands, and in
several places, especially in the Cevennes, revolts also occurred.
Notwithstanding this the order was put into execution. As
all the greater States at that time admitted only the one
religion of their choice, we can understand how Lewis XIV,
whose consciousness of power was so great, could happen on
such a plan. Nor was the plan entirely successful, for Protes-
tantism, in spite of the repressive measures, remained implanted
in many hearts, and ultimately Lewis XVI was compelled to
make terms with its adherents. The edict of Versailles
(1787) guaranteed them, not indeed full religious liberty, but
at least a legal right to existence.

We must without a doubt seek the origin of the name of Hugue-
not at Geneva, where the defenders of the city's freedom against the
duke of Savoy, on account of their connection with the ' Confederates '
of Bern and Fribourg, were known as Eidgenot's (Eignot's), and
as Huguenots after their leader Hugues. The other suggested
derivations are fabulous.

The St. Bartholomew's Day massacre can only be mentioned \\dth
reprobation. It is, however, wrong to think, as some have recently
done, that it was a long-premeditated deed. Its motives were,
moreover, originally of a political character, the religious element
being introduced only after the failure of the attempt on Coligny's
life. The final responsibility of the action belonged to the French
court, the Holy See, as recent research has clearly established, having
had no part in it {Th. Qu. 1893, p. 527 f.). It is true that on the
arrival of the news a Te Deum was sung at Rome. This jubilation,
which has caused much comment, is perfectly comprehensible,
whether it was the result of joy at the overthrow of the Protest-
ants, or a thanksgiving for the deliverance of the French king
from the conspiracy to which the French note to the foreign courts
alludes. In the then state of affairs the Pope will very likely have
perceived in the massacre a victory of the Catholic cause, nor would
he have made unusual inquiries as to the manner in which the victory
was obtained. In this and like matters, at that time, results, real or
apparent, were apt to cast all other considerations into the back-

^ DouEN, La rSvocation de I'idit de Nantes, 3 vol. 1894 '> Michelet, Louis
XIV et la revocation de I'edit de Nantes, 1899.

Reformation in the Netherlands 131

ground. Of this Coligny himself, the first victim of the St. Bartholo-
mew, is an instance in point. He had publicly hailed the death of
the duke of Guise as a stroke of fortune for France, though this
death was the result of murder ; nor did he attempt to hinder the
crime, though he must have been aware beforehand of the plot that
was hatching. Franqueville, Etude sur la Saint- Bar thelemy,
1898 ; A. Elkan, Die Publizistik der BartholomdusnacJit, 1905 ;
Heidelberger AbJi. z. Gesch., ed. Hampe, fasc. 9.


The Reformation in the Netherlands 1

The Netherlands, which had belonged to the house of
Habsburg since 1477, were invaded by the Reformation at an
early date, and though it was effectually repressed by Charles V,
its condition greatly improved under Philip II (1555-98).
This sovereign's encroachments on the privileges of the country,
his coldness and reserve, his choice of foreign ministers to the
exclusion of the natives, stirred up discontent. The malcontents
were headed by prince William of Orange and the two counts
Egmont and Horn, and as many of them were in favour of
Protestantism, the political unrest was soon complicated by a
religious one. Objection was made to the new division of
dioceses which had been undertaken by Paul IV at the king's
desire, a decrease of severity in the Placata or religious edicts
was demanded, and also the abolition of the Inquisition.
Towards the end of 1565 a confederation of nobles, known as
the Compromise of the Geuses, was formed to obtain these
demands, and was soon joined by a number of simple citizens.
No sooner had the regent Margaret of Parma, the king's half-
sister, allowed a slight relaxation in the execution of the
Placata than the supporters of the new movement emerged
from the darkness in which they had hidden themselves. Thirty
preachers were imported from Geneva, and in the summer,

' Cramer et Pijper, BibliotJieca Reform. Neerlandica, I-III, 1903-5 :
HoLZWARTH, Der Abfall d. N. 3 vol. 1865-72 ; Wenzelburger, Gesch. d. A .
2 vol. 1879-86 ; Nameche, Le r?gne de Philippe II et la lutte relic;, dans la
Pays-Bas, 4 vol. 1885-86; J. G. de Hoop-Scheffer, Gesch. d. Reformation
in den Niederlanden bis 1531 (Germ, by Gerlach, 1S86); Hofstede dk
Groot, Hundert Jahre aus der Gesch. der Ref. in den N., Germ. Trans, hy
Greeven, 1893 ; Putnam, William the Silent, 1896 ; E. Marx, Studien zut
Gesch. des niederldnd. Aufstandes, 1902.

K 2

132 A Manual of Church History

1566, the new Evangel began to be publicly preached. The
result was a storm of image-breaking, which opened the eyes
of many of the people. In the reaction which ensued, Egmont
and Horn found it politic to change their views, whilst William
of Orange fled back to Nassau in Germany, after having vainly
endeavoured to prevail upon his friends to rise in rebellion.
With this the trouble seemed at an end, and the time come to set
public order on a firmer footing. The measures chosen by the
king, who sent into the land, as plenipotentiary, the duke of
Alba at the head of an army, with stringent orders to repress
all manifestations of the popular will (1567), only succeeded in
embittering the people yet more. Resistance continued and
William returned with an army of his own. A few years later
the Reformation was supreme in the provinces of Holland and
Zealand (1574). By the treaty of Ghent (1576) all the pro-
vinces united to drive the foreign troops out of the land. When
the country seemed on the point of being utterly lost to Spain,
dissensions arising from political, national, and religious grounds
again divided the alhes. The Union of Utrecht (1579) com-
prised only the northern provinces — Holland, Zealand, Utrecht,
Geldern, Groningen, Friesland, and Overyssel. The loss of
the southern states did not dishearten the confederates ; two
years later they formally cut themselves adrift from Spain and
adopted a sort of Republican government. The offer of the
crown to the duke of Anjou was an event of no significance, as
he only survived by one month the murder of William of
Orange (1584). Philip H indeed sought to maintain his
sovereignty, and the war was continued ; the Republic was,
however, able to hold its own, in 1609 obtaining a truce of
twelve years, and finally receiving full recognition at the peace
of W^estphalia. Its loss to Spain was of importance from a
religious point of view. Calvinism was made the religion of
the State, entrance into public offices being made conditional
on its acceptance. Catholics who remained true to their faith
were only to retain the right of private worship.




The Council of Trent i

At the very inception of the Reformation the popular
voice had called for a General Council as the only means of
solving the questions in debate. The Protestants indeed had
soon rejected its authority, but the Catholics never abandoned
their hope of restoring by its means the unity of the Church ;
by purging the Church it was expected that the Council would
gratify and reconcile the separatists.

There were, however, great hindrances in the way. Though
Paul III had set his heart on the convocation of a Council,
no less than ten years of his pontificate had slipped by before
it could be assembled. The appointments of the Council to
meet at Mantua, and then at Vicenza, were abortive (§165).
When Trent was assigned (1542), a like failure was again
threatened, for war having shortly before broken out between

' Canones ei decrefa Cone. Trid. Rom. 1564 ; Stereotype edd. Leipzig and
Ratisbon ; edd. Richter et Schulte, cum declar. Cone. Trid. interpretum
et resol. thesauri S. Congreg. Cone. 1S53 ; Le Plat, Monumenta ad hist. Cone.
Trid. spect. 7 voL 1781-87 ; A. Theiner, Aeta genuina Cone. Trid. 2 vol.
1874 .' Dollinger, Ungedruckte Beriehte u. Tagebiieher zur Gesch. d. K. v. Tr.
2 vol. 1876 ; Druffel-Brandi, Monum. Trid. Beitrc'ige zur Gesch. d. K. v. Tr.
I, 18S4-99 ; Cone. Trid. Diariorum, actorum, epistularum, traetatiium nova
collectio, ed. Societas Goerresiana, 1901 ff. up to 1907 3 vol. have been issued,
ed. Merkle et Ehses ; Pietro Soave Polaxo (Paolo Sarpi), Hist, del Cone.
Trid. 1619 (ed. De Dominis) ; ed. 2^ rived, e corretta dall' autore, 1629 ;
French Trans, ed. Courayer, 1736 ; Sforza Pallavicixo, Istoria del Cone,
di Tr. 3 vol. 1652 ff. Latin Trans. ed.GiATTiNi, 1670 ; Brischar, Beurteilung
der Kontroversen Sarpis u. Pallavieinis, 1843 ; MA-i^NiER, iLtude hist, sur le
Cone, de Tr. 1874; Hist. Taschenbuch, 1886-S7, 1890; Vermeulen, Das
XIX allg. Konzil in Bologna, 1892 ; A. Korte, Die Komilspolitik Karls V,
1538-43, 1905 ; S. SusTA, Die rom. Kurie ti. das Konzil v. Tr. unter Pius IV,
I, 1904 ; S. Merkle, Das Konzil v. Tr. u. die Universitdten, 1905,

134 ^ Manual of Church History

the emperor and the king of France, the Council had to be
again postponed. After the reconcihation of the two monarchs
by the peace of Crespy (1544), as the outlook had improved, the
bishops received the customary summons in the spring, 1545,
and towards the end of the year the Council was formally
opened. At first a new postponement seemed inevitable. The
emperor, who was unwilling to cause premature annoyance to
the Protestants against whom he was then meditating severe
measures, wished the Council to be put off till the following
spring, or at least desired it to refrain from discussing matters
of Faith ; the Pope, on the other hand, wished the Council
to be transferred to Italy, or, at least, that the question
of church reform should be postponed, and the matters of
Faith be taken first. In spite of these difficulties, the Council
was able to hold its first session on the third Sunday in
Advent, 1545.

As the number of members in attendance was at first very
small, the assembly began by discussing general and preparatory
questions. Among other things the order in which the business
was to be transacted was now settled. To meet the contradic-
tory wishes of Pope and emperor, it was decided that doctrine
and discipline should be discussed simultaneously. In doctrine
the Council confined itself to defining such matters as had
been denied by the Protestants, asserting that Tradition as well
as Scripture is a source of Faith, that for the due under-
standing of Scripture the interpretation of the Church and the
unanimis consensus patrum is the rule to be followed, and that
among the Latin translations of the Bible the Vulgate is to
be considered as authentic (Sess. IV). Having thus opposed
the Catholic criterium to that of the Protestants, the next

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