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hand, and was supported by a multitude of armed artisans. They extorted
a decree which promised every citizen work enough for his support. A
ten-hour law was passed. Co-operative factories were started with
aid from the city authorities, and had some success. Opening national
workshops was not advised by leading Socialists; but it was considered
necessary by some of the Ministry in order to keep the unemployed from
revolt. Every applicant drew money constantly, even if not at work. What
little labour was actually performed was done so lazily, and paid so
highly, that the number of men soon rose to 120,000. The expenses became
enormous; and the tax-payers insisted that they too had rights. In order
to be able to employ all the labourers a government would have to own
all the property; and it would also have to be strong enough to enforce
industry. Even Victor Hugo admitted that the experiment had failed. The
National Assembly, of which he was a member, notified the men in
the shops that they must enlist in the army, or go to work at a safe
distance from Paris on state pay, or look out for themselves. They rose
in arms against the Republic, and took possession of nearly one-half of
the city on June 23, 1848. "Bread or Lead" was the motto on their
red flags; and two of their terrible barricades are described at the
beginning of the last Part of _Les Misérables_. They held out against
regular troops and cannon during four days of such fighting as had never
been seen before in Paris. More Frenchmen are supposed to have fallen
than in any of Napoleon's battles. Two thousand of the soldiers were
slain; but no one knows how many times that number of insurgents
perished in the fight or in penal colonies.

Thenceforth the French Government was much more desirous to repress
insurrection at home than to sustain it abroad. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte
was elected President that same year, partly on account of his name,
and partly on account of his promise that he would defend the right of
private property against Socialism. Austrian generals of the rough and
reckless type which Carlyle loved forced Lombardy and Bohemia back into
the Empire, and restored absolute monarchy at Vienna, while the King of
Sardinia was obliged to abdicate after such a defeat in March, 1849, as
almost extinguished liberty in Italy. Venice alone held out against them
under that purest of patriots, Manin, and suffered terribly during a
siege of twenty-one weeks. Hungary was subdued that summer with the aid
of Russia. France did nothing except to revive the papal despotism at
Rome. Mazzini's republic was crushed by that which had a Bonaparte
for President. His power had been increased by the disfranchisement
of several million French voters of the poorer class. His promise to
restore universal suffrage joined with memory of the massacres of June,
1848, in preventing much resistance to his usurpation of absolute power
on December 2, 1851. There was a monstrous vote, next November, for an
empire, where the centralisation of administration was complete, and
the legislature merely ornamental. Thus the liberation of Europe was
prevented, partly by race prejudices, but mainly by attempts to benefit
the poor by overtaxing the rich. France and Hungary were left with less
political liberty than before; and Italy gained very little; but some of
the constitutional freedom acquired in 1848 was retained in Prussia and
other parts of Western Germany.

II. It was contrary to the general tendency of wars, that those of the
latter half of the century aided the growth of free institutions in
Italy. An honoured place among nations was given by the Crimean war to
Sardinia. Then her patriotic statesman, Cavour, persuaded Napoleon III.
to help him rescue Lombardy from Austria. Garibaldi took the opportunity
to liberate Naples; and Victor Emanuel made himself King over all
Italy except Rome and Venice. The latter city also was brought under a
constitutional and friendly government by a third great war, which
made the King of Prussia and his successors Emperors of Germany, while
Austria was compelled to grant home rule to Hungary. The liberation and
secularisation of Italy were completed in 1870 by the expulsion from
Rome of the French garrison. The Emperor had lost his throne by waging
war wantonly against a united Germany.

III. The Third Republic was soon obliged to fight for her life against
the same enemy which had wounded her sister mortally. Socialism was
still the religion of the working-men of Paris, who now formed the
majority of the National Guard. Indignation at the failure of the new
Government to repulse the Prussians led, on March 18, 1871, to the
capture of all Paris by what was avowedly the revolution of the workmen
against the shopkeepers, "in the name of the rights of labour," for
"the suppression of all monopolies," "the reign of labour instead of
capital," and "the emancipation of the worker by himself." This was
in harmony with the teaching of the International Working-men's
Association, which endorsed the insurrection fully and formally, and
which held with Karl Marx that wealth is produced entirely by labour
and belongs only to the working class. Socialists were active in the
rebellion; but property-holders in Paris took no part; and all the
rest of France took sides with the Government. What professed to be
the rising of the many against the few turned out to be that of the few
against the many. Impressment was necessary for manning the barricades,
and pillage for raising money. The general closing of stores, factories,
and offices showed that capital had been frightened away by the red
flag. One of the last decrees of its defenders was, "Destroy all
factories employing more than fifteen workers. This monopoly crushes the
artisan." This spirit would have caused the confiscation of the funds
of the National Bank, if the managers had not said: "If you do that,
you will turn the money your own comrades have in their pockets to waste
paper." The priceless pictures and statues in the Louvre were condemned
to destruction because they represented "gods, kings, and priests."
Millions of dollars worth of works of art perished in company with
docks, libraries, and public buildings; but this vandalism, like the
massacre of prisoners, was largely the work of professional criminals.
The capture of Paris, late in May, was accompanied with pitiless
slaughter of the rebels, though many lives were saved by Victor Hugo.

Since then the French Republic has been able to keep down not only the
Socialists but the Bonapartists and Royalists. It has also succeeded,
with the help of writers like Renan, in checking the ambition of the
clergy. Continuance of peace in Europe has assisted the growth of local
self-government in France, and also in Germany. The famous Prussian
victories seem, however, to have increased the power of the German
Emperor; and there is still danger that the growth of standing armies
may check that of free institutions.


I. The fall of the English aristocracy was hastened by the success of
democracy in America. Nowhere were the masses more willing to obey the
law; and nowhere else were they so intelligent and prosperous. The gains
of the many made the country rich; territory and population increased
rapidly; and Britannia found a dangerous competitor on every sea.
Political liberty and equality were secured by the almost uninterrupted
supremacy of the Democratic party from 1800 to 1860. Twelve presidential
elections out of fifteen were carried by Jefferson and his successors;
and the Congress whose term began in 1841 was the only one out of the
thirty in which both Houses were anti-Democratic.

Political equality was increased in State after State by dispensing with
property qualifications for voting or holding office. Jefferson and
his successor, Madison, refused to appoint days for fasting and giving
thanks, or grant any other special privileges to those citizens who
held favoured views about religion. Congress after Congress refused to
appoint chaplains; so did some of the States; and a national law,
still in force, for opening the post-offices on every day of the week,
was passed in 1810. Many attempts were made by Sabbatarians to stop the
mails; but the Senate voted in 1829, that "Our government is a civil,
and not a religious institution"; and the lower House denied next year
that the majority has "any authority over the minority except in matters
which regard the conduct of man to his fellow-man." The opposition
made by the Federalists to the establishment of religious equality in
Connecticut, in 1816, increased the odium which they had incurred by not
supporting the war against Great Britain. Four years later, the party
was practically extinct; and the disestablishment of Congregationalism
as the state church of Massachusetts, in 1833, was accomplished easily.

The Northern States were already so strong in Congress that they might
have prevented Missouri from entering the Union that year without
any pledge to emancipate her slaves. The sin of extending the area of
bondage so far northwards was scarcely palliated by the other conditions
of the compromise. The admission of Maine gave her citizens no
privileges beyond what they had previously as citizens of Massachusetts;
and the pledge that slavery should not again be extended north of
latitude thirty-six, thirty, proved worthless.

The North was so far from being united in 1820 that it was not even able
to raise the tariff. New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio wished to exclude
foreign competition in manufacturing; but the embargo was too recent
for New England to forget the evils of restricting commerce. The
Salem merchants petitioned for "free trade" "as the sure foundation of
national prosperity"; and the solid men of Boston declared with Webster
that "A system of bounties and protection" "would have a tendency to
diminish the industry, impede the prosperity, and corrupt the morals of
the people."

II. The dark age of American literature had ended in 1760. Before that
date there were few able books except about theology; and there were
not many during the next sixty years except about politics. The works
of Franklin, Jefferson, and other statesmen were more useful than
brilliant. Sydney Smith was not far wrong in 1820, when he complained in
the _Edinburgh Review_ that the Americans "have done absolutely nothing
for the sciences, for art, for literature." He went on to ask, "In the
four quarters of the globe, who reads an American book?" His question
was answered that same year by the publication in London of Irving's
_Rip Van Winkle_ and _Legend of Sleepy Hoi-low_. Bryant's first volume
of poems appeared next year, as did Cooper's popular novel, _The Spy_;
and the _North American Review_ had begun half a dozen years before.
But even in 1823, Channing could not claim that there really was any
national literature, or much devotion of intellectual labour to great
subjects. "Shall America," he asked, "be only an echo of what is thought
and written in the aristocracies beyond the ocean?"

This was published during the very year in which President Monroe
declared that the people of the United States would look upon attempts
of European monarchs "to extend their system to any portion of this
hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and liberty." Channing was much
interested in the study of German philosophy; but he rested his
"chief hopes of an improved literature," on "an improved religion."
He maintained that no man could unfold his highest powers until he had
risen above "the prevalent theology, which has come down to us from the
Dark Ages," and which was then "arrayed against intellect, leagued with
oppression, fettering inquiry, and incapable of being blended with the
sacred dictates of reason and conscience."

Unitarianism claimed for every individual, what Protestantism had at
most asked for the congregation, - the right to think for one's self.
This right was won earlier in Europe than in America, for here the
clergy kept much of their original authority and popularity. Their
influence over politics collapsed with Federalism. On all other subjects
they were still listened to as "stewards of the mysteries of God," who
had been taught all things by the Holy Spirit, and were under a divine
call to preach the truth necessary for salvation. The clergyman was
supposed to have acquired by his ordination a peculiar knowledge of
all the rights and duties of human life. No one else, however wise and
philanthropic, could speak with such authority about what books might
be read and what amusements should be shunned. Scientific habits of
thought, free inquiry about religion, and scholarly study of the Bible
were put under the same ban with dancing, card-playing, reading novels,
and travelling on Sunday. The pulpit blocked the path of intellectual
progress. Its influence on literature was wholly changed by the
Unitarian controversy, which was at its height in 1820. Still more
beneficial controversies followed.

The trinitarian clergymen tried to retain their imperilled supremacy by
getting up revivals. One of these, in the summer of 1828, was carried so
far at Cincinnati that many a woman lost her reason or her life. These
excesses confirmed the anti-clerical suspicions of Frances Wright, who
had come over from England to study the negro character, and had failed,
after much labour and expense, to find the slaves she bought for the
purpose capable of working out their freedom. She had made up her mind
that slavery is only one of many evils caused by ignorance of the duties
of man to man, that these duties needed to be studied scientifically,
and that scientific study, especially among women, was dangerously
impeded by the pulpit.

That autumn she delivered the first course of public lectures ever given
by a woman in America. Anne Hutchinson and other women had preached; but
she was the first lecturer. The men and women of Cincinnati crowded to
hear the tall, majestic woman, who stood in the court-house, plainly
dressed in white. Her style was ladylike throughout; but she complained
of the many millions wasted on mere teachers of opinions, whose
occupation was to set people by the ears, and whose influence
was stifling the breath of science. "Listen," she said, "to the
denunciations of fanaticism against pleasures the most innocent,
recreations the most necessary to bodily health." "See it make of
the people's day of leisure a day of penance." Her main theme was the
necessity of establishing schools to teach children trades, and also
halls of science with museums and public libraries.

This course was repeated in Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, Boston,
and other cities. Her audiences were always large, but she charged no
admission fee. What were called "Fanny Wright societies" were formed in
many places. A Baptist church in New York City was turned into a Hall
of Science, which remained open for three years, beginning with the last
Sunday of April, 1829. It contained a hall for scientific lectures
and theological discussions, a free dispensary, a gymnasium, and a
bookstore. Here was published _The Free Enquirer_, the only paper in
America which permitted the infallibility of Christianity to be called
in question. The principal editor, Robert Dale Owen, son of the famous
Socialist, claimed to have twenty thousand adherents in that city, and a
controlling influence in Buffalo. Celebrations of Paine's birthday were
now frequent. It was fortunate for the clergy that controversies about
religion soon lost their interest in the fierce struggle about politics.

III. The fame won by Jackson as a conqueror of British invaders in
1815, blinded Americans to a fact which had been made manifest by both
Napoleon and Wellington, as it is said to have been still more recently
by Grant. The habit of commanding an army has a tendency to create scorn
of public opinion, and also of those restrictions on arbitrary authority
which are necessary for popular government, as well as for individual
liberty. Jackson had the additional defect of holding slaves; and it is
probable that if he had never done so, nor even had soldiers under
his orders, he would have been sadly indifferent to the rights of his
fellow-citizens and to the principles of free government. He was elected
in 1828, and proved enough of a Democrat to renounce the policy,
which had recently become popular, of making local improvements at
the national expense; but he was the first President who dismissed
experienced officials, in order to appoint his own partisans without
inquiry as to their capacity to serve the nation. He was especially
arbitrary about a problem not yet fully solved, namely, what the
Government should do with the banks. The public money was then deposited
in a National Bank whose constitutionality was admitted by the Supreme
Court. Its stock was at a premium and its notes at par in 1829; and it
had five hundred officials in various States. Jackson thought it had
opposed his election; and he suggested that the public money should be
removed to the custody of a branch of the Treasury, to be established
for that purpose. The plan has since been adopted; but his friends were
too much interested in rival banks, and his opponents thought only of
preventing his re-election in 1832. They could not, however, prevent his
obtaining a great majority as "the poor man's champion."

The Bank had spent vast sums in publishing campaign documents, and
even in bribery; and Jackson suspected that it would try to buy a new

He decided, with no sanction from Congress, and against the advice of
his own Cabinet, that the public money already in the Bank should be
drawn out as fast as it could be spent, and that no more should be
deposited there. He removed the Secretary of the Treasury for refusing
to carry out this plan; and obliged his successor to set about it before
he was confirmed by the Senate. To all remonstrances he replied, "I take
the responsibility"; and he met the vote of the Senators, that he was
assuming an authority not conferred by the Constitution, by boasting
that he was "the direct representative of the American people." Webster
replied that this would reduce the government to an elective monarchy;
and the opponents to what they called Jackson's Toryism agreed to call
themselves Whigs. Their leader was Henry Clay; and they believed,
like the Federalists, in centralisation, internal improvements, and
protective tariffs.

Jackson was sustained by the Democrats; but their quarrel with the Whigs
prevented Congress from providing any safe place for the public money.
It was loaned to some of the State banks; and all these institutions
were encouraged to increase their liabilities enormously. Speculation
was active and prices high. That of wheat in particular rose so much
after the bad harvest of 1836 that there was a bread riot in New York
City. Scarcely had Jackson closed his eight years of service, in 1837,
when the failure of a business firm in New Orleans brought on so many
others that all the banks suspended payment. Prices of merchandise fell
so suddenly as to make the dealers bankrupt; many thousand men were
thrown out of employment; and so much public money was lost that there
was a deficit in the Treasury, where there had been a surplus.

IV. These bad results of Jackson's administration strengthened the
Whigs. They had not ventured to make protectionism the main issue in
1832; and Clay had acknowledged that all the leading newspapers and
magazines were against it in 1824. Its adoption that year was by close
votes, and in spite of Webster's insisting that American manufactures
were growing rapidly without any unnatural restrictions on commerce. The
duties were raised in 1828 to nearly five times their average height in
1789; and there was so much discontent at the South, that some slight
reductions had to be made in the summer of 1832; but the protectionist
purpose was still predominant. If the opponents of all taxation except
for revenue had done nothing more than appeal to the people that autumn,
they would have had Congress with them; Jackson was already on their
side; and the question might have been decided on its merits after full
discussion. The threat of South Carolina to secede caused the reduction,
which was actually made in 1833, to appear too much like a concession
made merely to avoid civil war; and this second attempt to preserve the
Union by a compromise was a premium upon disloyalty. This bargain, like
that of 1820, was arranged by Henry Clay; and one condition was that the
rates should fall gradually to a maximum of twenty per cent. Before that
process was completed, the Treasury was exhausted by bad management;
and additional revenue had to be obtained by raising the tariff in 1842.
The Whigs were then in power; but they were defeated in the presidential
election of 1844, when the main issue was protectionism. The tariff was
reduced in 1846 by a much larger majority than that of 1842 in the House
of Representatives; and the results were so satisfactory that a further
reduction to an average of twenty per cent, was made in 1857, with the
general approval of members of both parties. The revenue needed for war
had to be procured by increase of taxation in 1861; but the country had
then had for twenty-eight years an almost uninterrupted succession of
low tariffs.

The universal prosperity in America between 1833 and 1842 is mentioned
by a French traveller, Chevalier, by a German philanthropist, Dr.
Julius, by Miss Martineau, Lyell, and Dickens. The novelist was
especially struck by the healthy faces and neat dresses of the factory
girls at Lowell, where they began to publish a magazine in 1840. Lyell
said that the operatives in that city looked like "a set of ladies and
gentlemen playing at factory for their own amusement." Our country had
seven times as many miles of railroads in 1842 as in 1833; our factories
made more than nine times as many dollars' worth of goods in 1860 as
in 1830; and they sold more than three times as many abroad as in 1846.
Twice as much capital was invested in manufacturing in 1860 as in 1850;
the average wages of the operatives increased sixteen per cent, during
these ten years; America became famous for inventions; her farms doubled
in value, as did both her imports and her exports; and the tonnage of
her vessels increased greatly. Such are the blessings of liberty in

Especially gratifying is the growth of respect for the right of free
speech. The complaints by Dickens, Chevalier, and Miss Martineau of
the despotism of the majority were corroborated by Tocqueville, who
travelled here in 1831 and published in 1835 a very valuable statement
of the results and tendencies of democracy. The destruction that year
of a Catholic convent near Boston by a mob is especially significant,
because the anniversary was celebrated next year as a public
holiday. The worst sufferers under persecution at that time were the

V. In order to do justice to all parties in this controversy we should
take especial notice of the amount of opposition to slavery about 1825
in what were afterwards called the Border States. Here all manual labour
could have been done by whites; and much of it was actually, especially
in Kentucky. There slaves never formed a quarter of the population; and
in Maryland they sank steadily from one-fourth in 1820 to one-eighth in
1860. Of masters over twenty or more bondmen in 1856, there were only
256 in Kentucky and 735 in Maryland. It was these large holders who
monopolised the profits, as they did the public offices. White men with
few or no slaves had scarcely any political power; and their chance to
make money, live comfortably, and educate their children, was much
less than if all labour had become free. Such a change would have made
manufacturing prosper in both Kentucky and

Maryland; but all industries languished except that of breeding slaves
for the South. The few were rich at the expense of the many. Only time
was needed in these and other States to make the majority intelligent
enough to vote the guilty aristocrats down.

Two thousand citizens of Baltimore petitioned against admitting Missouri
as a slave State in 1820; and several avowed abolitionists ran for
the Legislature shortly before 1830. At this time there were annual
anti-slavery conventions in Baltimore, with prominent Whigs among the
officers, and nearly two hundred affiliated societies in the Border

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