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difficult to form an estimate of the methods which were fol-
lowed in these schools of justice and temperance, and we

1 Sec particularly Chaps, vu. and vin.


may be allowed to suspect the efficiency of the means pro-
posed by Xenophon ; for example, that which consisted in
transforming the petty quarrels of the scholars into regular
trials which were followed by sentences, acquittals, or convic-
tions. The author of the Oyropcedia is on surer ground
when, recollecting his own studies, he recommends the study
of history to those who would become just. He teaches
temperance by practice rather than by precept ; his pupils
have only bread for their food, only cresses for seasoning,
and only water for their drink.

Whatever may be the faults and the fancies of the Cyro-
pcedia, we must recollect, as a partial excuse for them, that
the purpose of the writer in tracing this picture of a simple,
frugal, and courageous life, was to induce a reaction against
2he excesses of the fashionable and formal life of the
Athenians. As Rousseau, in the middle of the eighteenth
century, protested against the license and the artificial
manners of his time by advising an imaginary return to
nature, so Xenophon, a contemporary of the sophists, held
forth the stuixby virtues of the Persians in opposition to the
degenerate manners of the Greeks and the refinements of an
advanced civilization.

3G. Aristotle : General Character of his Plan of
Education. — By his vast attainments, by his encyclopaedic
knowledge, by the experimental nature of his reseai-ches, and
by the positive and practical tendencies of his genius,
Aristotle was enabled to excel Plato in clearness of insight
into pedagogical questions. He had another advantage over
Plato in having known and enjoyed the delights of family
life, and in having loved and trained his own children, of
whom he said, " parents love their children as a part of
themselves." Let us add, finally, that he was a practical
teacher, since he was the preceptor of Alexander from 343


to 340 B.C. Such opportunities, superadded to the force of
the most mighty genius the world has ever seen, give promise
of a competent and clear-sighted educator. Unfortunately,
we have lost the treatise, On Education (rrepl 7raioVas) , which
on the authority of Diogenes Laertius, Aristotle is said to
have composed ; and to form some conception of his ideas
on education, we have at our disposal only some imperfect
sketches, some portions, and those in an imperfect state,
of his treatises on ethics and politics. 1

Whoever labors to give stability to the family, and to
tighten its bond of union, labors also for the promotion of
education. Even in this respect, education is under great
obligations to Aristotle. In him the communism of Plato
finds an able critic. That feeling of affection which we of
to-clay would call charity or fraternity, he declared to be the
guaranty and the foundation of sociallife. Now, communism
weakens this feeling by diluting it, just as a little honey
dropped into a large quantity of water thereby loses all its
sweetness. "There are two things which materially con-
tribute to the rise of interest and attachment in the hearts of
men , — property and the feeling of affection." It was thus
in the name of good sense, and in opposition to the dis-
tempered fancies of Plato, that Aristotle vindicated the
rights of the family and the individual.

37. Public Education. — But Aristotle does not go so far
as his premises would seem to lead him, and relinquish to
parents the care of educating their children. In accordance
with the general tendencies of antiquity, he declares himself
the partisan of an education that is public and common.
He commends the Spartans for having ordained that " edu-
cation should be the same for all." "As there is one end

1 See especially the Politics, Books iv., v.


ill view in every city," he says, " it is evident that education
ought to be one and the same in all, and that this should be
a common care, and not of each individual. ... It is the
duty of the legislator to regulate this interest for all the
citizens." There must, therefore, be the intervention of
the State, not from the day of birth, as Plato would have it,
for the nursing of infants, but only at the age of seven, for
instructing and training them in the habits of virtue.

What, then, should be the training of the child, and upon
what subjects would Aristotle direct his studies?

38. The Progressive Development of Human Nature.
— An essential and incontrovertible distinction is taken by
the Greek philosopher as his starting-point. There are, he
sa3 r s, three moments, three stages, in human development :
first, there is the physical life of the body ; then, instinct and
sensibility, or the irrational part of the soul ; and finall}-, the
intelligence, or the reason. ' From this, Aristotle concludes
that the course of discipline and study should be graduated
according to these three degrees of life. "The first care
should necessarily be given to the body rather than to the
mind ; and then to that part of the spiritual nature which is
the seat of the desires." But he adds this important obser-
vation, which is a refutation of Rousseau in advance : " In the
care which we give to the sensibilities, we must not leave out
of account the intelligence ; and in our care of the body, we
must not forget the soul."

39. Physical Education. — The son of a physician of the
Macedonian court, and well versed in the natural sciences,
Aristotle is very happy in his treatment of physical educa-
tion. It begins before the child is born, even before it has
been conceived. Consequent!)' he enjoins a legal regulation
of marriages, interdicts unions that are too early or too late,


indicates the climatic conditions most favorable for marriage,
and gives mothers wise counsels on matters of hygiene, rec-
ommending them to nurse their own children, and prescrib-
ing cold baths. Such, in outline, is a plan which a modern
hygienist would not disavow.

40. Intellectual and Moral Education. — It was the
opinion of Aristotle that intellectual education should not
begin before the age of five. But, in accordance with the
principle stated above, this period of waiting should not be
the occasion of loss to the intelligence of the child ; even his
play should be a preparation for the work to which he will
apply himself at a later period. On the other hand, Aristotle
strongly insists on the necessity of shielding the child from
all pernicious influences, such as those Avhich come from
association with slaves, or from immoral plays.

In accord with all his contemporaries, Aristotle includes
grammar, gymnastics, and music, among the elements of
instruction. To these he adds drawing. But he is chiefly
preoccupied with music, by reason of the moral influence
which he attributes to it. He shared the prepossession
which caused the Greeks to say, that to relax or to reform
the manners of a people, it suffices to add a string to the
lyre or to take one from it. 1

Aristotle was strongly preoccupied with moral education.
Like Plato, he insists ou the greatest care in forming the
moral habits of early life. In his different writings on ethics
he has discussed different human virtues in a spirit at once
wise, practical, and liberal. No one has better sung the

1 It seems impossible to comprehend the almost sovereign power which
the Greeks ascribed to music, unless we conceive that the Greek was en-
dowed with peculiar and extreme sensitiveness. Perhaps there is special
signilicancc iu the story of Orpheus and his lyre. (P.)


praises of justice, of which he says, " Neither the evening
nor the morning star inspires as much respect as justice."

It would do Aristotle injustice to seek for a complete
expression of his thoughts on education in the incomplete
and curtailed statements of theory which are found in his
Politics. In connection with these, we should recall the ad-
mirable instruction which be himself gave in the Lyceum, and
which embraced almost all the sciences in its vast programme.
He excluded from it only the sciences and the arts which
have a mechanical and utilitarian character. Enslaved on
this point to the prejudices of antiquity, he regarded as
servile and unworthy of a free man whatever has a direct
bearing on the practical and material utilities of life. He
recommended to his hearers only studies of the intellectual
type, those whose sole purpose is to elevate the mind and to
fill it with noble thouohts. 1


41. Faults in the Pedagogy of Aristotle, and in
Greek Pedagogy in General. — It must be said in con-
clusion, that whatever admiration we may feel for the peda-
gogy of Aristotle, it was wrong, like that of all the Greek
writers, in being but an aristocratic system of education.
The education of which Plato and Aristotle dreamed was
restricted to a small minority, and was even made possible
only because the majority was excluded from it. The
slaves, charged with the duty of providing for the suste-
nance of their superiors, and of creating for them the leisure
claimed by Aristotle, had no more participation in education
than in liberty or in property. In the century of Pericles,

1 I thiuk it may be doubted whether the disfavor shown by Plato and
Aristotle to practical studies was merely a mean prejudice. Preoccupied
as they were with the disciplinary value of studies, they may have seen
that the culture aim and the utilitarian aim are in some sort antagonistic.


at the most glorious period of the Athenian republic, let us
not forget that there were at Athens nearly four hundred
thousand slaves to do the bidding of twenty thousand free
citizens. To indulge in an easy admiration for Greek peda-
gogy, we must detach it from its setting, and consider it in
itself, apart from the narrow plan on which the Greek states
were constructed, and apart from that social regime which
assured the education of some, only by perpetuating the
oppression of the many.

[42. Analytical Summary. — 1. A leading conception in
Greek education is that of symmetry, or harmony ; the ideal
man, in Plato's phrase, must be "harmoniously constituted" ;
all opposing tendencies must be reconciled ; and while the
physical, the intellectual, and the moral must each be made
the subject of systematic training, there must be no dispro-
portionate development in either direction.

2. The preoccupation of the Greek teacher was discipline
or culture, rather than the communication of useful knowl-
edge; and the final aim was a life of contemplation, rather
than a life of action; ethical rather than practical; "good
conduct" rather than mastery over what is material.

3. Physical training received great emphasis, not as an
end in itself, but as a means towards mental and spiritual
health; and knowledge was valued chiefly as the means for
attaining moral excellence.

4. The staple of instruction was ivisdom, i.e., ethical and
prudential knowledge, which was the basis of right action ;
and teaching, especially according to the Socratic conception
of it, consisted in causing the pupil's mind to react on the
materials supplied by his own mind. Socrates, says Lewes,
"believed that in each man lay the germs of wisdom. He
believed that no science could be taught; only drawn out."


5, The great teaching intrumeut was dialectic, i.e., dis-
cussion, resolution, or analysis. Its use assumed that the
subject-matter of instruction was already in the pupil's pos-
session, and that the highest office of the teacher was to
liberate the thought which had been formed by the active
energies of the pupil's own mind. This is the maieutic art
of Socrates.

G . The mode of mental activity which was chiefly brought
into requisition was the reason ; in a secondary degree the
imagination and the emotions ; and in a still lower degree,
the memory.

7. The large place assigned to music by Plato and Aris-
totle shows that the culture of the emotions was an impor-
tant element in Greek education. ./Esthetic training was
not only an end in itself, but was regarded as the basis of
moral and religious culture.

8. in the writings of Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, we
see the first attempt to formulate a body of educational
doctrine ; we have the germs of a science of education based
on psychology, ethics, and politics.

9. In the Republic, we see the theory of compulsion in
both its phases : the State must provide an education suita-
ble for State needs ; and the young must accept this educa-
tion because the State has ordained it. For the first time in
the history of thought, the State appears distinctly and
avowedly as an educator.

10. Practically, education was administered on the basis
of caste ; though in the construction of his ideal State, Plato
made it possible for talent, industry, and worth, to find their
proper level.]




43. Two Periods in Roman Education. — In Greece, as
we have seen, there were two essentially different systems of
education in use : at Sparta, a one-sided education, wholly
military, with no regard for intellectual culture ; at Athens,
a complete education, which brought into happy harmony
the training of the body and the development of the mind,
and by means of which, as Thucydides observed, "men
philosophized without becoming effeminate."

Rome, in the long course of her history, followed these
two systems in succession. Under the Republic, down to
the conquest of Greece, preference was given to education
after the Spartan type ; while under the emperors, Athenian
education was dominant, with :i very marked tendency to
give the first place to an education in literature and oratory.


44. The Education of the Early Romans. — The first
schools were not opened at Rome till towards the end of the
third 'century B.C. Till then, the Romans had no teachers
save their parents and nature. Education was almost exclu-
sively physical and moral, or rather, military and religious.
On the one hand, there were the gymnastic exercises on the
Campus Martius, and on the other, the recitation of the
Salian hymns, a sort of catechism containing the names of
the gods and goddesses. Besides this, there was the study
of the Twelve Tables, that is, of the Roman Law. Men the
most robust, the most courageous, the best disciplined, and
the most patriotic that ever lived, were the fruit of this
natural education. Rome was the great school of the civic and
military virtues. The Romans did not imitate the Athenians
in a disinterested pursuit of a perfect physical and intellectual
development. Rome worked for practical ends ; she was
guided only by considerations of utility ; she had no regard
for ideals ; her purpose was sirnphy the education of soldiers
and citizens who should be obedient and devoted. She did
not know man in the abstract ; she knew only the Roman

These high qualities of the early Romans were marred by
a sort of brutal insensibility and a contempt for the graces
of intellect and heart ; and leaving out of account the cir-
cumstances of environment and race, their practical virtues
may be ascribed to three or four principal causes. Eirst
among these was a firm family discipline. The authority
of the father was absolute, and answering to this excessive
power, there was blind obedience. Another cause was the
position of the mother in the family. At Rome, woman was
held in hio;her esteem than at Athens. She became almost
the equal of man. She was the guardian of the family circle
and the teacher of her children. The very name matron


inspires respect. Coriolanus, who took up arms against his
country, could not withstand the tears of his mother Veturia.
The noble Cornelia was the teacher of her sons, the Gracchi,
whom she was accustomed to call "her fairest jewels."
Besides, the influence of religion was made to supplement
the active efforts of the family. The Roman lived sur-
rounded by deities. When a child was weaned, tradition
would have it that one goddess taught him to eat, and another
to drink. Later on, four goddesses guided his first steps and
held his two hands. All these superstitions imposed regu-
larity and exactness on the most ordinary acts of daily
life. Men breathed, as it were, a divine atmosphere.
Finally, the young Roman learned to read in the laws of the
Twelve Tables, that is, in the civil code of his country. He
was thus accustomed from infancy to consider the law as
something natural, inviolable, and sacred.

45. Rome at School in Greece. — The primitive state of
manners did not last. Under Greek influence, Roman sim-
plicity suffered a change, and, as Horace sa3's, Greece, in
being conquered, conquered in turn her rude victor. The
taste for letters and arts was introduced at Rome towards
the close of the third century B.C., and transformed the
austere and rude education of the primitive era. The
Romans, in their turn, acquired a liking for fine phrases and
subtile dialectics. Schools were opened, and the rhetoricians
and philosophers took up the business of education. Parents
no longer charged themselves with the instruction of their
children. Following the fashion at Athens, they entrusted
them to slaves, without troubling themselves about the faults
or even the vices of these common pedagogues.

" For if any of their servants," says Plutarch, " be better
than the rest, they dispose some of them to follow husbandry,
some to navigation, some to merchandise, some to be stew-


ards in their houses, and some, lastly, to put out their money
to use for them. But if they find any slave that is a drunk-
ard or a glutton, and unfit for any other business, to him
they assign the government of their children ; whereas, a
good pedagogue ought to be such a one in his disposition as
Phoenix, tutor to Achilles, was." 1

46. Why Rome had no Great Educators. — In the age
of Augustus, when Latin literature was in all its glory, we
are astonished not to find, as in the century of Pericles, some
great thinker like Plato or Aristotle, who presents general
views on education, and makes himself famous by a remark-
able work on pedagogy. This is due to the fact that the
Romans never formed a taste for disinterested science and
speculative inquiry. They reached distinction only in the
practical sciences ; in the law, for example, in which they
excelled. Now pedagogy, while in one sense a practical
science, nevertheless reposes upon philosophical principles,
upon a knowledge of human nature, and upon a theoretical
conception of human destiny, — questions which had no liv-
ing interest for the Roman mind, and which even Cicero has
noticed only in passing, in the course of his translation of
Plato, made with his usual magnificence of literaiy style.

It is to be noted, moreover, that the Romans seem never
to have considered education as a national undertaking, as an
affair of the State. The Law of the Twelve Tables is silent
upon the education of children. Up to the time of Quintil-
ian there were at Rome no public schools, no professional
teachers. In the age of Augustus each teacher had his own
method. " Our ancestors," says Cicero, " did not wish that
children should be educated by fixed rules, determined by
the laws, publicly promulgated and made uniform for all." 2

1 Plutarch, Morals, vol. I. p. 9. 2 Cicero, De Republica, iv. 115.


And he does not seem to disapprove of this neglect, even
while noting the fact that Polybius saw in this an important
defect in Roman institutions.

47. Cicero. — In all Cicero's works we find scarcely a
line relative to education. And }'et the great orator ex-
claims : " What better, what greater service can we of to-day
render the Republic than to instruct and train the young?" 1
But he was content with writing fine discourses on philoso-
phy for his country, abounding more in eloquence than in

48. Varro. — A less celebrated writer, Varro, seems to
have had some pedagogic instinct. He wrote real educa-
tional works on grammar, rhetoric, history, and geometry.
Most of these have been lost ; but if we may trust his contem-
poraries, they were instrumental in the education of several

49. Quintilian (35-95 a.d.). — After the age of Augus-
tus, education became more and more an affair of oratory.
The chief effort in the way of education was a preparation
for a career in the Forum. But from these vulgar rhetori-
cians, occupied with the exterior artifices of style, these
w> traffickers in words," as Saint Augustine called them, we
must distinguish a rhetorician of a higher order, who does
not separate rhetoric from a general culture of the intelligence.
This is Quintilian, the author of the Institutes of Oratory.

Appointed at the age of twenty-six to a chair of eloquence,
the first that was established by the Roman state, and called
at a later period by the Emperor Domitian to direct the
education of his grand-nephews, Quintilian was practically
acquainted with both public and private instruction

1 Cicero, De Div.inatione, n. 2.
^^4 S**ZkU^( ^^^i /&— *~~y." /■ "



50. The Institutes of Oratory. — This work, under the
form of a treatise on rhetoric, is in parts a real treatise on
education. The author, in fact, begins the training of the
future orator from the cradle ; he gives counsel to its nurse,
and " not blushing to descend to petty details," he follows
step by step the education of his pupil. Let us add, that in
the noble ideal which he conceives, eloquence never being
considered apart from wisdom, Quintilian was led by his
very subject to treat of moral education.

51. His General Plan of Education. — The first book
entire is devoted to education in general, and its teachings
might be applied indifferently to all children, whether des-
tined or not to the practice of oratory.

' ' Has a son been born to you ? From the first conceive
the highest hopes of him." Thus Quintilian begins. He
thinks that we cannot have too high an opinion of human
nature, nor propose for it too high a purpose. Minds that
rebel against all instruction are unnatural. Most often it is
the training which is at fault ; it is not nature that is to

52. The Early Education of the Child. — The child's
nurses should be virtuous and prudent. Quintilian does not
demand that the} 7 shall be learned, as the stoic Chrysippus
would have them ; but he requires that their language shall
be irreproachable. The first impressions of the child are very
durable : ' ' New vases preserve the taste of the first liquor
that is put into them ; and wool, once colored, never regains
its primitive whiteuess."

By an illusion analogous to that of the literary men of the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, who would have the little
French boy first learn Latin, Quintilian teaches his pupil
Greek before making him study his native tongue.


Studies, moreover, should begiu betimes: "Turn to ac-
count the child's first years, especially as the elements of
learning demand only memory, and the memory of children
is very tenacious."

We seem to be listening to a modern teacher when Quin-
tilian recommends the avoidance of whatever might ruffle the
spirits of the child. " Let study be to him a play ; ask him
questions ; commend him when he does well ; and sometimes
let him eujoy the consciousness of his little gains in wisdom."

53. Reading and Writing. — The passage relative to

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