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herself was ceasing to be a food-producing countrv.
Besides, there was no guarantee that a united Parliament
might not take away these privileges just as much as a
British Parliament, and the example of the British



430 THE ECONOMIC HISTORY OF IRELAND

Parliament and the Scotch malt tax was cited as a pre-
cedent. Of course, the best answer to the argument that
Ireland would gain the Channel trade by the Union was
that the Channel trade could be thrown open, as had been
suggested at the time of the Commercial Propositions,
without any Union ; and that the surrender of legislative
independence was much too high a price to pay for such
a doubtful benefit.

The third argument in favour of the Union was that
British capital would come to be invested in Ireland
owing to the increased security which the Union would
create. It is interesting to notice that one of the mem-
bers of the British Parliament, in advocating the
advisability of the Union from the British point of view,
expressly pointed out that any such transfer of capital
was out of the question,' and the improbability of such
a transfer had been Pitt's strongest argument in urging
the Commercial Propositions in the British Parliament.
This argument was dealt with very ably by Foster in his
speech against the Union, where he pointed out that the
chief channels into which British capital flowed at the
time were the woollen, cotton, iron, and pottery manu-
factures. With regard to the iron and pottery, he said that
the English manufacturers, unless they were mad, would
not move away from the coalfields ; that the presence
of coal was also considered desirable in the woollen manu-
facture, as no woollen factory had ever been established
in England more than ten miles distant from the York-
shire coal-fields ; and, with regard to the cotton manufac-
ture, that no English capitalist had shown any disposition
to open a factory in Ireland some years previously, when
a substantial advantage could have been obtained by
doing so owing to the fact that no patent rights were
payable in Ireland in respect of the Arkwright inventions.
Besides, as Arthur Young pointed out in 1785, no manu-
facturer ever moved from a rich to a poor country; the
wages in Ireland either were or were not low^er than in

1 Sylvester Douglas, speech on the Union, p. 31.



IX THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 431

England; if they were lower, English workmen would
not emigrate; while if they were not lower, the argument
from cheapness of production fell to the ground.'

The fourth argument in favour of the Union was that
Ireland was unable to support herself financially, and
was approaching national bankruptcy. In answer to this,
it may be said that the time chosen for the Union
was the one period during Grattan's Parliament at which
Irish finance was in a shaky condition, and that, as we
have seen, the financial crisis of 1799 was owing to the
exceptional causes of the French war and the Rebellion.
There was no reason why Ireland should not put her
finances in a sound condition if given time to do so, as
the country was progressing every year in prosperity.
As a matter of fact we now know that the result of the
Union was to saddle Ireland with financial burdens which
would have been quite impossible under a free parlia-
ment, and that she showed no inability to meet them in
spite of the fact that her commercial and industrial pros-
perity declined.

Other arguments used were that the Union would
secure the permanent prosperity of the linen manufacture
and the continuance of the British preference for Irish
corn, but this we have already answered in dealing with
the question of Channel trade; that Ireland would
become, on account of her favourable situation, the
emporium for the commerce of the whole British Empire;
but this may be dismissed with the remark that any such
possibility was indignantly denied by Pitt in the British
Parliament at the time of the Commercial Propositions.
The standard of controversy of those engaged in trying
to induce the Irish people to swallow this bitter pill may
be judged from the fact that it was also argued that a result
of the Union would be to decrease the evil of absenteeism.
The absurdity of this suggestion is so obvious that it does
not call for reply. We have seen that the number of
absentees decreased with the establishment of Grattan's

' Annals of Agriculture, vol. iii., p. 257.



432 THE ECONOMIC HISTORY OF IRELAND.

Parliament, and it must have been perfectly clear that
it would increase to an extent previously undreamt of on
the removal of the seat of government to London. As a
matter of fact, we know that the years immediately
following- the Union were marked by a notable movement
in this direction.'



' All the arguments against the Union are ably presented in Battersby's "Repealer's
Handbook," published in 1833. A full list of the contemporary pamphlets which
appeared for and against the Union is given in Plowden, III., 819.



CHAPTER XXXV.

Conclusion.

THE economic results of the Union belong to the
History of the Nineteenth Century, and are not
relevant to the subject of this book. It is sufficient to say
that as early as 1810 it was beginning to become apparent
that Irish prosperity would suffer on account of that
measure. During the period 1785-92 the value of Irish
exports had increased from ;£3,779,57o to £$,3Sy,'j6o, or
43 per cent.; but during the period 1803-9 it only rose
from ;£5,090,393 to ;£5,922,59i, or 16 per cent.' As early
as 1809, Newenham had come to the conclusion that " in
reference to commerce, the Irish people had no reason
whatsoever to congratulate themselves on the Union. The
commercial prosperity of Ireland has very visibly declined
since that measure was passed.'" In September, 1810,
the Grand Jury of the City of Dublin passed the following
resolution : — " The Act of Union, after ten years' opera-
tion, instead of augmenting the comforts, prosperity, and
happiness of the people, has produced an accumulation of
distress.'"

During the fifty years following the Union the con-
dition of the cottiers went from bad to worse. The
quotations which we have given above, describing the
condition of the labouring poor and peasantry during the
eighteenth century, show an appalling state of affairs, but
they are comparatively pleasant reading bv the side of the

' Life of Oratian, V., 401. ^ Newenham. p. 291. " Life of Orattaii, V., 419.



434 THE ECONOMIC HISTORY OF IRELAND

reports of the Poor Law Commission of 1835 and the Devon
Commission of 1845. The tendency to subdivide holdings
whicli we noticed as a feature of the last years of the
eighteenth century was carried to excess in the early years
of the nineteenth, with the result that the population
tended to press unduly on the means of subsistence. At
the end of the French War the price of cereals fell con-
siderably, with disastrous results for the Irish farmers,
who had engaged extensively in tillage. The Repeal of
the Corn Laws in 1846 dealt another heavy blow at the
farming interests. The drastic solution of the over-
population question provided by the Famine and by the
subsequent emigrations is too well known to demand more
than a passing reference.

The introduction of economic policy known as laissez-
faire affected the two countries differently. The industries
of England had been encouraged during the eighteenth
century by a system of large and wisely-applied bounties
and premiums, and had reached a point at the beginning
of the nineteenth century when they needed no further
artificial encouragement. The industries, on the other
hand, were, as we have seen, at the time of the Union,
still in an immature and comparatively undeveloped state,
and had by no means reached the point at which
they could hope to rival their well-established English
competitors, without State support. The new policy of
laissez-faire was applied to both countries equally, with
diametrically opposite results in each. In 1824 the few
small duties which still to some extent protected Irish
industries against English competition in the Irish market
ceased, and from that time onwards Irish industry as a
whole declined.

" The industrial history of Ireland during the nine-
teenth century," says Miss Murray,' " shows how impos-
sible it was for Irish manufacturers to compete wnth British
once the two countries were commercially united, and all
custom duties on articles going from one country to

1 Commercial Relations, p. 351.



IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 435

the other gradually abolished. It also shows tlie
advisability of a country possessed of little industrial
development fostering and protecting its infant manufac-
tures until they are firmly established in order to prevent
them being crushed out of existence by the competition
of other countries. But union with Great Britain necessi-
tated the application of the new free trade principles to
Ireland just at the time when Irish industries should have
met with encouragement and protection."

The financial arrangements of the Union were most
disastrous and most unsuccessful. It is now admitted by all
that the proportion of 2/17 settled by Castlereagh for
Ireland's contribution to the expenditure of the United
Kingdom was mased on a gross over-estimate of Irish
Kingdom capacity.' The prolongation of the French War
had the effect of greatly increasing expenditure during
the years following the Union, and Ireland was quite
unable to pay her share of the joint expenditure
without incurring a colossal increase of her national debt.
In the years 1800-1815, Great Britain doubled her debt,
and paid 71 per cent, of her expenditure out of current
taxation; during the same period Ireland quadrupled her
debt, and only succeeded in paying 49 per cent, of her
expenditure out of current taxation.' In fifteen years the
financial arrangements of the Union had completely
broken down, and a new system was inaugurated in 1817
by the union of the English and Irish exchequers, debts,
revenues and expenditures. The levelling up of Irish taxes
to the English scale was steadily accomplished some years
later; and to-day, with the exception of some trifling
items, Ireland is taxed at the same rate as the rest of the
United Kingdom.

The taxable capacities of the two countries did not
progress equally. We have seen that Castlereagh fixed the
taxable capacity of Ireland in 1799 at 2/17 of that of the
United Kingdom, but that this was an over-estimate. The
proportion suggested by the oppression in the Irish

1 Brskine Childers, Framework of Home Rule. 1911.. p. 232. 4 lb., p. 2i3.



436 THE ECONOMIC HISTORY OF IRELAND

Parliament was i/ioth, and this has been shown by subse-
quent events to have been nearer the truth. Let us say
then that the taxable capacity of Ireland in 1799 was one-
tenth of that of the United Kingdom. In 1896 it was
estimated at one-twentieth;' in 191 1, at one-twenty-
fourth ;' and in 1918 at one-thirty-second.' Possibly no
more striking figures than these could be given to illus-
trate the relative economic effects of the Act of Union in
Great Britain and Ireland, respectively.

The present writer has endeavoured to treat the subject
of this book in an impartial and detached manner, and has
striven to describe the economic condition of. Ireland
without obtruding his own opinions or prejudices; above
all, he has sought to avoid making use of an economic
study to mask a political diatribe. In spite of this, it has
been quite impossible to exclude frequent references to
political affairs; the relation between political and economic
influences is too intimate to allow them to be segregated
in watertight compartments. In Ireland, in the eighteenth
century, economic conditions were specially influenced by
political events. As has been seen, the primary cause of
the greater part of the dreadful misery of the Irish people
throughout the first eighty years of that century w^as not
so much the use by England of the weapons of the Mer-
cantile System as the inability of Ireland to use them in
retaliation — an inability directly flowing from the
dependence of the Irish Parliament. During the closing
twenty years of the century, on the other hand, the Irish
Parliament was free to direct its own fiscal policy, with
the most beneficial results to agricultural and industrial
prosperity. Indeed, that progress was so rapid and so
great as seriously to alarm English statesmen; it "pro-
duced great activity and energy," and, therefore, caused
Ireland to be " dangerous." ' This "dangerous" ten-
dency was effectively checked by the Act of Union, the
result of which has been, as we have seen, to reduce Ireland

1 Financial Relations Commission. 2 childers. Framework of Home Rule, p. 558.
8 A. S. Green, Loyalty and Disloyalty, Dublin, 1918.



IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 437

from the possession of one-tenth of tlie weahh of the
British Isles to the possession of less than one-
thirtieth. It is surely impossible to resist the conclusion
that there is some connection between the legislative
independence and economic prosperity of Ireland ; and that
Ireland can never be a rich and prosperous country until
that independence is re-established.



THE END.



INDEX.



A. Page

Abingdon, Lord - - - . 242
Absenteeism - - - - 59 et seq.
Before Eighteenth Century,
59; extent of in Eighteenth
Century. 59; Swift on, 60;
Young on, 62; after Union,
62; produced Middlemen,
66; of Clergy, 142; of
Army OfQcers, 320; of
Office Holders, 315-7, 333-4;
effects of, 389-90; decrease
under Grattan's Parlia-
ment, 396; and Union -431-2
Absentees, Prior's List of - - 61
Taxation of, 62 et seq., 312, 316-7

Adare 363

" Additional Duties " - - - 312
Afforestation - - 153 et seq.

Agrarian Kevolution, 132, 298 et seq.
Agricola's Letters - - - 39
Agriculture, State of - 125eteeq.
Co-operation in - 136 et seq.
Aix-la-Chapelle - - - 310, 327
Ale, see Brewing Industry.
American War - - 223,240,321
Apprentices - - - - 205, 209
Apprenticeship - - - 45, 127

Ardmore 163

Arigna .... 161,166,302

Arklow 163

Arkwright .... 299. 430

Armagh 205, 282

Armstrong, Sir T. - - - 350
Armstrong, Sir W. - - - 350
Army ... - 320-2

327. 336 et seq.. 340. see Tables.
Army, British, Irishmen in 18,410
Auctions 341



B.

Baker, John Wynne - - - 131

Baker, Mr. 2.^0

Balbriggan 276

Ballinasloo 221

Ballycastle 285

Ballycastle CoUeries - - - 159

Ballycuddy 161

Ballymurtagh .... 163

Bally poreen 165

Bandon 275

Bankers Refuse Ix)an to

Government ... - 229

Banking - - - 353 et seq.



PAGE

Bank of England - - - . 349
Bank of Ireland 342, 355. 356-8. 400

Bantry 168

Bark .... 248. 287, 303

Barrow Navigation - - - 365
Beef .... 219-24. 288-9

Beer, see Brewing Industry.
Beetling by Water Power - - 201
Beggars, 99-101 ; settled in

England. 19; in Towns - 370
Belfast, 83, 165, 176, 200. 208,
216. 275-6. 282. 284, 286,
287. 293. 297. 302. 368, 372-3, 377

Beresford 280

Beresford'fi Bank - - - - 356
Berkeley, Bishop - - - - 38
Board of Works .... 338

" Body," the 47

Bog, reclamation of encouraged 132
Borrowing, see National Debt.
Boulter, Primate .... 103
Bounties on export of corn.
110 et seq.; on inland car-
riage of corn. 112 et seq.;
on fisheries, 168-9, 311; on
linen industry, 193-5,
198-9; on sail cloth. 195;
on flax. 207; on cotton
industry, 275-6; effects of 399
Boyne Navigation - - - 365

Br.Ti'kavide 160

Brandy 187

Brchon Law, Survivals of - 137
Brewing Industry, 1700-80,

210-2: 1780-1800, 279-82, 400
Brooke, Captain - - - 293, 338
Buckingham. Lord - - - 412
Budgets, Cottiers . - - . 95-6

Burih 332

Burke, Edmund - 64. 230. 234. 240
BuHhe, G. P. - - - 9 et seq. 396

Butt. Isaac 84

Butter .... 219-24,289



0.

Cabins, sec Cottages.

Cairnes, Professor - - 85, 87

Calico 208,418

Cambrics .... 179^ 274

Canal, Bounties on Carriage

hy 115

Sec Grand Canal. Inland

Navigation.
Candles 249. 289



INDEX.



Page

"Canting," 67 et seq. ; of

tithes 143-5

Canvas 179.199

Capital, lack of in Ireland,
107, 411; British Invested
in Ireland .... 430

Carlow 158

Carrick-on-Shannon - - - 363
Carrick-on-Suir - - - 191, 273

Caatlccomer 160-1

Castlemartyr .... 291

Castlereagh, Lord - - 396,426
Catholics, excluded from Par-
liament, 4, and Tillage,
107-9 ; frequently Tithe Far-
mers, 144; in Provision

Trade 221

See Penal Laws.
Cattle, 217, 220, 222, 288-9;
duty on Import into Eng-
land, 5; destruction of in
Kevolutionary War, 6 ;
murrain of, 108; opening
of English Market, 108;
rearing of ... 131-135
Celbridge ... - 132, 303

Cess, County - - - 374 et seq.
" Changedale " - - . . 140
Chancellorship of Exchequer - 334

Chandlers 331

" Channel Trade " 244 et seq., 429
Chapelizod .... 191, 286
Charlemont, Lord - - 233,412

Chart, D. A. 133

Charter Schools - - - - 379

Cheese 289

Chesterfield, Lord - - - 38
Children, a Form of Wealth - 14
Chloride of Lime Used for

Bleaching .... 274

Civil List 333

Clare, County - - - 142, 204
Clare, Lord .... 37, 76

Claret 187

Clonlegg 163

Clonmel 104,216

Clothes of Cottiers - - 93, 273

Coal 248, 304

Coal Used in Smelting - - 165
Coal mines, 158 et seq.; con-
sequence of neglect to work, 161

Coal Yards 338

Coin, Export from Great

Britain to Ireland allowed 239
Coinage, Irish, 345 et seq. ;

see Tables.
Collection of Eevenue - 311, 315, 335
College Green .... 235

" CoUops " 83

Colonial Trade, see Trade,

Colonial.
Colony, Ireland treated like

a 176,386-7

Combinations, 45 et seq., 294;
very common in Ireland,
45 ; nature of, 45 ; penal
laws and, 45; attempts to
suppress, 46; in Dublin,
46; the "Bodies," 47; in
country parts, 48; results
of, 48; against agistment

tithe - 147

" Commercial Propositions,"

250 et seq. ; criticised - 266



PAGE

Commissions on Loans - - 353
Commissioners of Account - 315
Commons, Enclosure of 81-2, 298-9
Communications, see lioads.

Canals.
Confiscations - - - - 3, 4, 53
Connolly, " Labour in Irish His-
tory," 2, 304, 392, 397-8. 401,406

Conolly 332

Co-operation - 136 et seq. 169

Copper Coinage - - 349 et seq.
Copper Mines .... 153
Cork - - - 100, 104, 158,
176, 188, 204, 208, 210,
215, 221. 225-6, 242, 273,
282, 285, 293, 355, 368, 371-2, 377
Corn Laws, Kepeal of - - 434
Corruption - - - 323-4, 338

Cort 299

Cottages of Cottiers - - 94, 404
Cottiers or Cottars, 86 et seq. ;
three classes of, 86;
Young's description of, 84;
Cairnes' account of, 87
et seq.; Mills' definition
of, 89; parallel with Eng-
lish villeins, 90; rent of,
90; price of labour, 90;
Sheridan on, 91 ; Swift on,
91 ; misery of, 91 et seq. ;
King on, 91 ; Bushe on, 91 ;
Whitley Stokes on, 92;
Young on, 92 et seq. ; food,
92; clothing, 93; houses,
94; furniture, 94; budgets,
95; Crumpe on, 96; in
seventeenth century, 96 ;
affected by spread of pas-
ture, 97 ; hearth money
and, 332; under Grattan's
Parliament, 401 et seq. ;
rents paid by, 406 et seq.;
after Union . - . - 433-4
Cotton, Imports of - - - 231
Cotton industry, 1700-80,
207-8; combinations in,
48; depression in, 227;
1780-1800, 275 et seq.;
wages in, 292-3; improve-
ments in, 299-301; British
capital in .... 430

Courthouses 374

Cox, Sir E. 184

Crenagh 160

Crommelin 194. 199, 200, 203, 204
Crompton's Mule . - - - 299
Cronebane - - - 163, 166, 352
Crown Rents ... - 3O6, 311

Crumpe 36

40, 68, 75, 96. 119, 133, 138, 286

Curran 334

Customary Rights, growth of
before Revolution, 53;
abrogation of, 53; slow
growth of in Eighteenth

Century 56

Customs Duties - - - 306, 312



D.
Dairying .... 218-219
Davies, Sir John - - - - 51
Debt, see National Debt.
Defenders 83



INDEX.



Page

iJistilling Industry^ 1700-80,

212-5; 1780-1800 - - -282-4
Dobbs -68,71.100,168,568.418

Donegal, Marquis of - - - 83
Dorset, Duke of - - - - 310
Drapier's Letters - - - - 351
Drinking, eee Drunkenneas.

Drogheda 204

Drumglasa 15b

Drunkenness in Ireland. 38 el
aeq.; amongst gentry, 38;
amongst lower classes, 39;
worst about 1790, 39; in
Dublin, 40; elsewhere, 41;
causes of, 42; attempts to
remedy, 42; not peculiar

to Irish 43

Dublin, 40, 46-7, 100, 120, 162,
165, 176, 188-9, 208, 210,
215, 225. 228, 245, 249,
263. 270. 273. 274, 277,
284. 286. 287. 297, 302,
324, 338, 355, 368, 370-1.377.402
Dublin Society - - - 84.
131. 156, 188, 209,
210, 211, 215. 276. 277. 324,338

Dunalley 163

Dundas 395

Dundrum 163

Dungannon . - . - 215, 282
Dungarvan . . . - . I68



E.

Eastern Trade - - 179, 241, 263
Ecclesiastical Courts - - 145, 150
Egerton, Sir T. .... 234
Edgeworth, Richard Lovell - 366
Education, Industrial - - 379
"Eleven Propositions " 253 et seq.
Embargoes - - 224-7,241.399
Emigration, 14 et seq.; to
France and other Con-
tinental countries, 15; of
woollen workers, 16.
183-4; caused by canting
farms, 16; by spread of
pasture, 16; by tithes, 17;
followed famines, 17 ; of
silk workers, 17; of linen
weavers, 17, 224; en-
couraged by England. 17;
to British army and navy,
15; to England, 18; resulta
of, 19, and Union - - 416
English policy towards Irish

trade - - 383 et seq , 422

Englisli Workmen in Ireland - 43
Enniscorthy - - - 163, 164, 165
Excise Duties - - - - 306,311
Expenditure of public money,
1700-80, 314 et seq.; 1780-
1800, 331 et seq.; under
Union, 422 et seq.; hco Tables.



Fade and Co. 354

Failures of Banks - - - 354-5
Famines, 102 et seq.; in 1727,
103; in 1741, 104; other
famines, 105; cause emi-
gration . . - • 17



PAGil

Farmers, insecure Position of,
76 ; bad habits, 77 ;
wretched existence of,
77-8; oppressed by Middle-
men, 7U; also Manufac-
turers 126

Fermoy 282

Feuilulium 79

Feudal Tenures Introduced - 3

i'lnanciul clauses of Union

422 et seq.
Financial Distress - - - 228

Jringlas 276

Fisheries, 167 et seQ.; in
seventeenth century, 167;
English discouragement,
167; bounties on, 168;
decline of, 168; Scotch
fisheries, 168; Arthur
Young on, 169; during
Q rat tan's Parliament,
169; imports and exports,
170; in Wakefield's time,
171; Newfound land
fisheries, 171 ; whale
fisheries, 171 ; inland
fisheries, 172; co-opera-
tion in 139

Flax - - - 149. 191. 193.

197, 201, 204, 206-7, 229, 302, 368

Flax Seed 206

Flood 65. 233, 253, 265, 336. 416

Food, Cottiers' - - - - 92

Forl)es 334, 335

Foreign coins, 345 et seq.;

currency of abolished - 349

Fortescue 65

Foreign Trade, see Trade,

Foreign.
Foster • - - 273. 274, 286, 395
Foster's Corn Law, 14, 117
et seq., 288, 398, and
middlemen, 84, and
fisheries, 171, and popula-
tion 298-9

Foundling Hospital - 338, 377-8

Fox 263

Foyle Navigation - - . 365
Free Trade - - - 223 et seq.
French war 330. 340, 342 et seq ,
403. 410. 413, 427. 431, 434, 435
Frencli Woollen Industry - - 185

Froude 315

Furniture of Cottiers - - - 94



O.

Oalway - 26.137,204,372

Oardiner .... 248,253

Gavelkind, aboliHhed in Reign

of James 1,3; survivals of 136

Oenoveso 20

OirnldiiH Cambrensis - - - 153
Olass - -177,230,236.285

OlaHH Industry. 1700-80. 215-6;

1 "HO- 1800. 284-5; wages in 294

(flenniiihiro 163

(}()!(! roinaup - 34S et seq.

Gold Mines igg

OohlHrnitliH 331

" Gombern-men " ... 359

Gortnaskeagh 159

Ooyer - - 209



2r



INDEX.



PAGE

Granaries ... - 102.111
Grand Canal - - - 160.338,365
Grand Juries and linen in-
dustry, 201. and non-im-
portation agreements, 233,
and roads. 359 et seq.;
composition of. 374 ;
powers of. 374; corrup-
tion of, 375; amounts
raised by. 375-6, and poor

relief 378

Grattan - - 133. 147. 152.
229, 233, 253. 255. 265.
267. 280. 333. 334, 336. 337.400
Grattan's Parliament, finan-
cial administration of,
330 et seq. ; economic con-
dition of Ireland under

392 et seq.
Green, Mrs. Stopford - - . 2
Greenland Fisheries - - - 171

Grenville 334

Grocers - 331

Guicciardini 189

Guinea, Value of - - - - 346

H.

Hamilton 334

Harcourt, Lord - - - - 64

Hargreaves 299

Hawkers 331

Hearth Money

306, 307, 311, 312. 332.406
Hely Hutchinson - - - 62

183, 187. 192, 212, 218, 228,325
Hemp . - -191,193,195,232

Hempen Manufacture - - 201

Henry, Hugh 354

Hereditary Kevenue

307, 311, 320,333

Heron, Sir E. 225

Herrings, see Fisheries.

Hibernian Mining Company - 163

Hides - - 179,220,221,289,341

See Tanning Industry.

Holidays Observed in Ireland - 32

Hops - - 177, 210, 239, 248. 281

Horses 24

Hospitals. see Infirmaries.

Foundling Hospital.
Housing of Poor in Dublin - 402-3
Huguenots - - 20. 21. 199. 208



Idleness in Ireland, 31 et



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