Metal Edge, Inc. 2006 RA.T.
THE HON. GEORGE F. HOAR
MARCH 29, 1899
PUBLISHED BT THE
ROCKWELL AND CHURCHILL PRESS.
LETTER FROM THE HON. GEORGE F. HOAR.
Boston, Feb. 24, 1899.
To the Hon. George F. Hoar :
Sir : Many of your fellow-citizens are anxious for an
opportunity to give expression to their sense of obliga-
tion to you for your courageous and patriotic defence in
the Senate of the United States of the principles on
which our government was founded.
We, therefore, beg that you will do us the honor of
being present at an assembly of the people to be called
for that purpose in the city of Boston, and trust that it
may be agreeable to you to name an early day for the
George S. Boutwell.
Charles S. Kackemann.
Eliot N. Jones.
George M. Reed.
James R. Hodder.
William E. Hutchins.
D. C. Delano.
Benjamin J. Loring.
Francis L. Hayes.
Cbas. H. Hemenway.
Matthew Binney, Jr.
Arthur R. Potter.
Joseph A. Denison.
William T. Sedgwick.
Samuel C. Prescott.
F. W. Chandler.
N. W. Weysse.
Davis R. Dewey.
Robert H. Richards.
A. Lawrence Rotch.
Edwin D. Sibley.
Francis M. Edwards.
P. M. Keating
James Murray Marshall.
Alvin F. Sortwell.
Francis L. Coolidge.
Thomas 1ST. Watson.
John W. Threshie.
John F. Sullivan.
John G. Miller.
Henry Martyn Clarke.
Samuel W. Reed.
William C. Smith.
Birney C Parsons.
H. H. Wilder.
Frank B. Fay.
Albert B. Harris.
Maurice P. Spillane.
William M. Noble.
S. Gannett Wells.
Henry W. Darling.
Ralph W. Gloag.
Wallace L. Pierce.
Joseph W. Stevens.
H. 0. Hofman.
Francis C. Gray.
Nathaniel H. Henchman.
George T. Tilden.
Robert J. Edwards.
Thornton K. Lothrop.
David Green Haskins,
Walter C. Cogswell.
Charles E. Stratton.
John M. Corbett.
J. G. Lyman.
William B. Herrick.
Z. L. Arnold.
Dudley C. Pickman.
Erancis W. Adams.
George M. Amerige.
Erederic B. Holden.
Charles B. Cummings.
GeoTge H. Davenport.
Joseph J. Corbett.
E. I. Eustis.
Charles P. Parker.
Z. F. Coone.
Arthur E. Thayer.
E. N. Lacy.
Harvey W. Shepard.
George G. Field.
Cyrus G. Beebe.
Fred. T. Willey.
Charles S. Sullivan.
John P. S. Churchill.
Henry B. Cabot.
Henry W. Cunningham.
Eliphalet E. Philbrick.
F. Alcott Pratt.
Benj. Delano Sweet.
Henry W. Putnam.
Joseph H. Curtis.
Daniel C. Linscott.
D. E. Presbrey.
John C Palfrey.
John V. Beal.
John E. Harrington.
Joseph B. Moors.
Edward R. Maker.
William S. Leavitt.
David A. Hincks.
J. S. Bust.
W. J. Ham.
Charles C. Nichols.
Frank H. Jones.
C. E. Macullar.
James H. Mellen.
T. A. Seile.
H. B. Pitts.
A. L. Jewell.
C. E. McDougall.
Henry W. Bragg.
John B. Newhall.
Charles S. Lincoln.
John Lathrop Wakefield.
Josiah H. Quincy.
Charles L. Abbott.
T. B. Parsons.
David P. Kimball.
Walter E. Robie.
Francis 'P. Sears.
Chas. S. Tuckerman.
E. J. Keating.
1ST. P. Murray.
James W. Stillman.
John Boyle O'Brien.
Fred H. Williams.
John F. Morss.
E. A. Rich.
Charles T. Gallagher.
Samuel H. Wentworth.
P. B. Runyan.
George T. Angell.
Rhodes G. Lockwood.
Henry E. Page.
Charles B. Brooks.
R. W. Thompson.
William S. HalL
T. Raymond Pierce.
C. E. Harris.
Arthur H. Vinal.
E. V. Banks.
D. F. Kimball.
F. M. Caine.
P. H. Colain.
John F. Martin.
Edwin B. Hale.
William I. Monroe.
G. U. Crocker.
T. E. Kendall.
Charles H. Fiske, Jr.
Laurentz X. Moller.
John H. Blanchard.
Edward A. Kelly.
William H. Hidden.
Charles P. Greenough.
Isidor M. Hirsche.
H. W. Morton.
Uriel H. Crocker.
Nathaniel X 1 . Thayer.
Albert Stevens Parsons.
Franklin A. Cobb, Jr.
William Roger Greeley.
Charles M Cox, Melrose.
J. Pickering Putnam.
George E. Rogers.
William W. Putnam.
George H. Abbott
John J. Curley.
A C. Burnett.
William Gushing Wait.
' W. T. Salter.
Silas H Lord-
, William M. BlatL
\ J. G. Francis.
Charles D. Fullerton.
William H. Adsit
T. A. Richardson.
George W. White.
M. C. Avers.
.James F. Cobb.
L. I). Robbins.
Charles J. Lord.
Edwin L. Gerrick.
George 11. Sheehan.
James M. Curley.
Edmund A. Whitman.
F. E. Everett.
Jerome A. Bacon.
Ed. J. Bromberg.
Chester L. Stoddard.
P. W. Smith.
J. Edwin Jones.
Parker X. Jenkins.
Chas. H. MeCauley.
Thomas J. Barry.
Edwin G. Champney.
Samuel Richard Fuller.
Frank 0. Hall.. Cambridge.
Thomas A Rowe.
Alfred F. Macdonald.
J. Alfred Anderson.
Edwin M. Bacon.
George H. Reed.
Samuel D. Hannah.
M. Austin Belcher.
Edwin C. Holman.
Charles B. Choate.
George K. Clarke.
C. P. Phelps.
M. D. Flattery.
H. L. Jones.
Horatio N. Glover.
Henry G. Nichols.
A. E. Pillsbury.
William B. Sullivan.
Charles I. Quirk.
J. W. Turner.
David W. Murray.
Thomas A. Mullen.
George E. Howe.
George L. Shorey.
James H. Vahey.
George D. Alden.
James H. Aylward.
A. A. Pinkham.
Grenville H. Norcross.
A. D. Salinger.
Stephen H. Williams.
B. S. Ladd.
Patrick A. Collins.
Eben Hutchinson, Jr.
John A. Collins.
William R. Sears.
P. J. Platley.
William F. Nagle.
Samuel M. Child.
George W. Wiggm.
p. C. Hanscom.
William L. Smith.
James H. Sweeney.
Fred L. Norton.
John E. Griffin.
J. H. Hodges.
I. Homer Sweetser.
James P- Steams.
Charles P. Curtis.
John Wells Morse.
James J. Storer.
Francis S. Hesseltine.
Willis B. Mendum.
Daniel B. Buggies.
William F. Paskell.
William J. Hennessey.
Charles Wood Bond.
Joseph D. Dillworth.
Arthur B. Dinn.
P. H. Cooney.
W. Edwin Ulmer.
Charles C Bucknam.
Charles E. Burbank.
Timothy F. McDonough.
Francis A. Campbell.
H. P. Morris.
G. E. Gould.
A. B. Gilpatrick.
John D. Bryant.
Samuel W. Mendum.
H. B. Mackintosh.
Charles F. Kittredge.
Frederic H. Moore.
F. T. Hemenway.
William N. Storer.
Samuel H. Hudson.
Charles Frank Day.
John J. Collins.
William B. Blakemore.
W. T. Sears.
E. H. Clement.
L. C. Hastings.
J Williams Beal.
William B. F. Whall.
John H. Appleton.
George 0. G. Coale.
James F. Joslin.
Harvey N. Collison.
William F. Haskell.
A. L. Brainard.
Fvdmund M. Wheelwright.
B. R. Felton.
C. A. Sampson.
C. W. Dodson.
Roscoe P. Owen.
John S. Patton.
John P. J. Ward.
J. Brooks Penno.
Thomas L. Livermore.
William H. Hart.
Charles E. Shattuck.
James G. Freeman.
W. K. Richardson.
Prank W. Gaskill.
D. L. V. Moffett.
W. H Osborne.
John H. Connors.
Allen P. Worthen.
F. A. Barham.
Thomas W. Byrne.
Melville M. Bigelow.
Thomas M. Babson.
H. L. Rollins.
Harry H. Barrett.
Selwyn Z. Bowman.
Samuel J. Nash.
James M. Barnard.
Charles C. Jackson.
Hollis R. Bailey.
Charles K. Cobb.
Samuel W. Creech, Jr.
Leverett S. Tuckerman.
Francis Peabody, Jr.
Henry S. Mackintosh.
W. B. Lambert.
Charles W. Eliot.
J. I. T. Coolidge.
Robert DeC. Ward.
Robert N. Top pan.
Coolidge S. Roberts.
George A. King.
Edward W. Emerson.
Edward J. Bartlett.
Edward C. Damon.
William H. Hunt.
William L. Eaton.
Henry J. Hosmer.
Charles H. Walcott.
Henry F. Smith.
Henry J. Walcott.
John S. Keyes.
William T. Way.
Frederick H. Temple.
Benjamin F. Trueblood.
Edwin D. Mead.
Horace E. Scudder.
S. Endicott Peabody.
William Lloyd Garrison.
Charles G. Ames.
Eben 1ST. Hewins.
Edmund Kent Arnold.
A. W. Stevens.
Leonard G. Babcock.
Leonard A. Saville.
G. W. Sampson.
Ralph L. Stevens.
Fred S. Piper.
Edward P. Bliss.
James S. Munroe.
Charles H. Stevens.
Charles Francis Carter.
Frank M. Copeland.
A. S. Hobart.
George R. Stimpson.
Charles-Edward A m o r y
Thomas Wentworth Hig-
Henry H. Edes.
William Amory Gordon.
Henry H. Richards.
Irving C- Gladwin.
Edwin H. Higley.
Arthur H. Woods.
Robert P. Clapp.
James B. Prince.
Henry W. Lewis.
Frank E. Nickerson.
Charles E. Lay.
Charles M. Hemenway.
Francis A. Osborn.
Albert S. Eustis.
Lewis F. Weston.
Harrison Otis Apthorp.
Joseph S. Nowell.
Lewis G. Janes.
F. W. Taussig.
Moses P. White.
Edwin H. Abbot.
Archibald M. Howe.
Charles R. Lanman.
Charles F. Dunbar.
Francis E. Abbott
Samuel A. Eliot
Alvin F. Sortwell.
Herbert C. Parsons.
Charles F. Dole.
Charles E. Fay.
Rosewell B. Lawrence.
William Z. Ripley.
R. H. Manson.
George H. Whittemore.
Francis E. Seaver.
William R, Ellis.
Watson G. Cutter.
Albert F. Harlow.
Charles A. Whittemore.
Henry B. Davis.
Wm. B. Durant.
Joseph P. Livermore.
A. D. J. Bell.
George C. Deane.
Edward L. Beard.
Morrill Wyman, Jr.
George G. Wright.
Worcester, Mass., March 29, 1899.
Gentlemen: I received, just at the end of the late
session of Congress, the letters signed by you and other-
gentlemen, asking me to be present at an assembly ot
the people in the city of Boston, to give expression to
your approval of what I have said and done m defence
of the principles on which our government was founded.
I have taken the liberty to keep back an answer for a few
days, and, in the mean time, to consult some persons who
agree with you and with me as to the course to be pur-
sued by the country in regard to the territory lately
wrested from Spain in both hemispheres. The gentle-
men whom I have consulted all agree with me in think-
in^ that it is not worth while to have such a meeting
iust now. I am certainly mvself entitled to no special
credit in this matter. The time has not come when it
requires any unusual courage for any servant ot Massa-
chusetts to say anywhere what he thinks is right or what
she thinks is "right. I have said lately only what I have
been saying all my life, what Massachusetts has been
saying all her life, what- if I may speak of party to
you who belong to all parties — the Republican party
im been saying all its life. Some of my colleagues in
the other House said the same things during the late
campaign, with great power and distinctness, and were
reelected bv their constituents by large majorities.
So I do not think there is any reason personal to me
for holding such a public meeting. Undoubtedly there
should be, and there will be, many public meetings the
country over to protest against trampling under foot tne
rights of a brave people struggling for their hherties,
the violation of the principles of our own constitution
and of the Declaration of Independence, and the continu-
ance by the American people in the costly and ruinous
path which has brought other republics to ruin and
shame, which will dishonor labor, place intolerable bur-
dens upon agriculture, and fasten upon the repubbc the
shame of what President McKmley has so lately and so
truly declared to be criminal aggression. But 1 tninK,
and the gentlemen whom I have consulted all agree with
me in thinking, that, so far as Massachusetts is con-
cerned, it will be wiser to have meetings of that char-
acter a little later rather than just now. We do not yet
know whether the present war for the subjugation of the
people of the Philippine islands is to continue indefi-
nitely, or whether there is to be a speedy submission to
the overwhelming power of the United States. I do not
think so meanly of the most unscrupulous advocate ot a
policy of aggression and subjugation as to doubt that it
the case were reversed, and we or he were in the place
of Aguinaldo and the inhabitants of the Philippine
islands he would resist to the last extremity and would
counsel his countrymen to resist to the last extremity.
But we are yet to learn of what temper these islanders
are made; whether their powers of endurance are equal
to their courage and their love of liberty If the war
shall shortly be ended, we shall then be able to discuss
the question of our national duty free from the disturb-
ing influences which exist always when the country is at
war If, on the other hand, the war shall long and in-
definitely continue, the people will begin to feel the
burden of increased debt and increased taxation, the loss
of life and health of our youth, and the derangement of
trade and of peaceful industries.
Meantime, I hope every effort will be made to give to
the people full and accurate knowledge of the facts which
are so carefully withheld or perverted by the organs of
the imperialistic policy. The information which we
get as to the events in the Philippine islands comes
almost wholly from sources interested in the prolongation
of the war, or from irresponsible and unscrupulous ad-
An attempt has been made to persuade the American
people that the resistance to our arms by the people of
the Philippine islands has been due to those who oppose
the attempt to subjugate them, and who opposed the
ratification of the treaty by which sovereignty over them
was purchased and paid for as an article of merchandise.
There was never a more unfounded or a more foolish
calumny. A strict military censorship was exercised
over the cable to the Philippine islands during the whole
period. I have in my possession one of the original cir-
culars of the cable company, warning all persons that no
dispatch would be transmitted having the least relation
to politics without the assent of the military authorities
of the United States. A gentleman of high standing in
Hong Kong undertook to send to the Philippine islands
an abstract of the remarks made by me in the Senate of
the United States on the 9th of January, and its trans-
mission was refused. All that the leaders of that
people knew of public sentiment in the United States
or of the attitude of our government was that we
insisted that the language in the treaty relating' to
them should be different from that relating to Cuba,
showing that our government had a different purpose in
dealing with them, and that while we had accepted their
military assistance, and our State department had in-
formed M. Cambon that the Spanish troops were hemmed
in in Manila by the Filipinos on the side of the land and
by our navy on the side of the sea, we had thereafter
refused to recognize their authority, to hold any com-
munication with them, and had demanded their absolute
surrender. Was there ever a brave people on earth that
under such circumstances would not have resorted to
arms in defence of their liberties? Is there an imperi-
alist in the country so reckless, so wicked, so far forget-
ful of his own ancestry and the teachings of his country's
history as to say that under like circumstances he would
not have done exactly what was done by Aguinaldo and
the brave men under his command? The blood of the
slaughtered Filipinos, the blood and the wasted health
and life of our own soldiers, is upon the heads of those
who have undertaken to buy a people in the market like
sheep, to treat them as lawful prize and booty of war, to
impose a government on them without their consent, and
to trample under foot not only the people of the Philip-
pine islands, but the principles upon which the American
republic itself rests.
I am not without strong hope that the government of
the United States will do what I believe an overwhelm-
ing majority of the people of Massachusetts wish to
have done — permit and help the people of the Philip-
pine islands to establish for themselves their own govern-
ment in freedom and in honor. We have delivered them
from Spain. Now let us do what we pledged ourselves
to do for Cuba — compel other nations to keep their
hands off, and keep our own hands off as well. The ter-
rible mistake of refusing to assure the people of the
Philippine islands that we meant to respect all their
rights ; that we came to them as deliverers, and not as
conquerors ; that their future government was to de-
pend on their desire, and not on ours, upon their inter-
est, as they conceived upon it, and not upon our interest,
or even upon their interest, as we conceived it, unhappily
has been made. To that mistake has been owing the
loss of many lives among the Filipinos, and of the
cJ precious life and precious health of many of our own
% sons. But even now it is in our power to retrace our
Jl steps, and to act upon what was American doctrine and
Republican doctrine and Democratic doctrine, even down
to and including the twentieth day of April, 1898. The
two houses of Congress on that day declared, with
the approval of the President, that the people of the
island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and
independent. If the people of Cuba then were, or
whether they were or not, vf they of right ought to be,
free and independent, the people of the Philippine islands
were, and of right ought to be, free and independent They
had come much nearer the accomplishment of their free-
dom and independence than the people of Cuba. They
had hemmed the Spanish forces into a small territory
where they could control but 200,000 or 300,000 of their
10,000,000 people. They were better fitted for self-gov-
ernment, by the testimony of our two great commanders
in the East, than the people of Cuba. "We resolved at
the same time that "the United States disclaims any
disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdic-
tion, or control over Cuba except for the pacification
thereof, and asserts its determination, when that is ac-
complished, to leave the government and control of the
island to its people." And the President, reciting that
action nearly a year afterward, declared that any other
conduct on our part would have been " criminal aggres-
sion." The law of righteousness and justice on which
the great and free American people should act, and in
the end, I am sure, will act, depends not on parallels of
latitude or meridians of longitude or points of the com-
pass. It is the same in this eastern archipelago as in
the Antilles. It is the same in the islands of the sea
as on the continent. It is the same yesterday, to-day,
and forever. It is as true now as when our fathers de-
clared it in 1776. It is as binding on William McKinley
as it was upon George Washington or Abraham Lincoln.
The only powers of government the American people can
recognize are just powers, and those powers rest upon
the consent of the governed.
No man, during this whole discussion, has successfully
challenged, and no man will successfully challenge,
First. The affirmation that under the constitution of
the United States, the acquisition of territory, as of other
property, is not a constitutional end, but only a means to
a constitutional end, and that while the making new
States and providing for the National defence are con-
stitutional ends, so that we may acquire and hold terri-
tory for those purposes, the governing subject peoples is
not a constitutional end, and that there is therefore no
constitutional warrant for acquiring or holding territory
for that purpose.
Second. That to leave our own country to stand on
foreign soil is in violation of the warnings of our fathers
and of the farewell address of Washington.
Third. That there was never a tropical colony yet
governed with any tolerable success without a system of
contract labor degrading to the dignity alike of labor, of
citizenship, and of manhood.
Fourth. The trade advantages of the Philippine islands,
if there be any, must be opened alike to all the world,
and that our share of them will never begin to pay the
cost of subjugating them by war or of holding them in
subjection in peace.
Fifth. That the military occupation of these tropical
regions must be kept at an immense cost both to the
souls and the bodies of our soldiers.
Sixth. That the declaration as to Cuba by the Presi-
dent and by Congress applies with stronger force to the
case of the Philippine islands. Who can doubt that Con-
gress, if it had dreamed of the present condition of
things when it made its declaration as to Cuba, would
have extended it to all other Spanish territory?
Seventh. That Aguinaldo and his followers, before
we began to make war upon them, had conquered their
own territory and independence from Spain, with the ex-
ception of a single city, and were getting ready to estab-
lish a free constitution.
Eighth. That while they are fighting for freedom and
independence and the doctrines of our fathers, we are
fighting for the principle that one people may control
and govern another in spite of its resistance and against
its will. ,
Ninth. That language and argument ot those wno
obiect to this war are, without change, the language and
argument of Chatham, of Fox, of Burke, of Barre, ot
Camden, and of the English and American Whigs ; and
the language and argument of those who support it are
the language and argument of George ILL, ot -Lord
North, of Mansfield, of Wedderburn, and of Johnson,
and of the English and American Tories.
Tenth. No orator, or newspaper, or preacher, being a
supporter of this policy of subjugation, dares repeat m
speech or in print any of the great utterances for free-
dom of Washington, of Jefferson, of John Adams, ot
Abraham Lincoln, or of Charles Sumner.
The question the American people are now consider-
ing and with which they are about to deal is not a
question of a day, or of a year, or of an administration,
or of a century. It is to affect and largely determine
the whole future of the country. We can recover from
a mistake in regard to other matters which have inter-
ested or divided the people, however important or
serious. Tariffs and currency and revenue laws, even
foreign wars, all these, as Thomas Jefferson said, are
billows that will pass under the ship." But if the
Bepublic is to violate the law of its being, if it is to be
converted into an empire, not only the direction of the
voyage is to be changed, but the chart and the compass
are to be thrown away. We have not as yet taken the
irrevocable step. Before it is taken let the voice of the
whole people be heard.
I am, with high regard,
Geo. F. Hoar.
To Messrs. George S. Boutwell, Charles W. Eliot, A. E.
Pillsbury, T. L. Livermore, Edward W. Emerson,
Charles H. Walcott, Thomas Wentworth Higginson,
Edwin D. Mead, A. Lawrence Rotch, David F. Kim-
ball, Edwin B. Hale, Frank B. Fay, Wallace L. Pierce,
William T. Sedgwick, John C. Palfrey, Samuel Cabot,
G. U. Crocker, Josiah H. Quincy, Uriel H. Crocker,
Charles G. Ames, Francis Peabody, Jr., Osborne
Howes, E. H. Clement, C. P. Curtis, William Endicott,
Winslow Warren, Charles Francis Adams, Francis A.
Osborn, Erving Winslow, and others.
PUBLICATIONS OX ANTI-IMPERIALISM
For Gratuitous Distribution until Editions are Exhausted
Address ERVING WINSLOW, Secretary Anti-ImperiaHst
League, 44 Ki&y Street, Boston.
Address to the People of the United States.
A form of petition on sheets and cards-
Circular explaining the method of distributing the cards.
Letter to Labor Unions.
Leaflet containing letter by Mr. Andrew Carnegie, entitled,
44 Commercial Expansion w. Colonial Expansion."
Leaflet with extract from Senator Hoar's speech at Wor-
cester, July 29, 1898, 44 The Opinion of Massachusetts
Four of Governor Boutwell's speeches, entitled, " Prob-
lems Raised by the War," " Imperialists or Republi-
cans," " Isolation and Imperialism," ami " Peace or