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The Mother Country must, therefore, "set the example,
while she responds with gratitude and affection to those
filial overtures from the outlying members of her family."

A noticeable feature of the debate in the committee of
the whole of the House of Commons on the vote of credit
for the war was the unqualified support of the opposition,
the members of which regarded with far greater sympathy
the policy of the government than did a considerable frac-
tion of the Radicals.

Mr. Bonar Law rose to speak in behalf of the Conserva-
tives, saying: "No minister has ever fulfilled a duty more
responsible or in regard to which the responsibility was
more acutely felt than that which has been fulfilled by the
right honorable gentleman." He went on to declare that
the opposition had dreaded war and longed for peace as
strongly as any portion of the House. But in the cir-
cumstances Great Britain would inevitably be drawn into
the war, and it was only a question whether they "should
enter it honorably or be dragged into it with dishonor."
Every member knew that the "Entente meant this in the
minds of this government, that, if any of the powers were
attacked aggressively, the others would be expected to step
in to give their aid." The main question was whether the
war had been provoked by any of their allies. He referred
to the statement of the German ambassador at Vienna, as
reproduced in the British correspondence: "As for Ger-
many, she knew very well what she was about in backing
Austria-Hungary in this matter." This was an illustration
of the very obvious fact that for years past the key of peace

Moral Impulses in the United Kingdom 179

or war lay in Berlin. Germany could have prevented the
war. The German plan of traversing Belgium was not of
to-day or yesterday. The speaker expressed his satisfac-
tion with a recent article in the Manchester Guardian, which,
while still holding to the view that the war should have been
avoided, declared that now they were in it, there was only
one question, and that was to bring it to a successful issue.

"I have felt sympathy," he continued, "far more than at
any other time, for the prime minister and for the foreign
secretary. I can imagine nothing more terrible than that
the foreign secretary should have a feeling that perhaps he
has brought this country into an unnecessary war. No
feeling can be worse. I can say this, and whether we are
right or wrong, the whole House agrees with it I am sure,
that that is a burden which the right honorable gentleman
can carry with a good conscience, and that every one of us
can put up unhesitatingly this prayer, may God defend
the right."

He commended the statement of the prime minister that
in such a country as Great Britain the development of
industry and the supply of food at home is as much an
operation of war as is the conduct of the armed forces.
He thought that trade would be much more nearly normal
than many feared. For five-sixths of British production
was employed in the home trade; and if Great Britain
kept command of the sea, they could count on the con-
tinuation of the greater part of the remaining sixth.

The subsequent course of the debate brought out the
rather illusory, but certainly very common, view that there
were virtually two distinct German peoples: the overbear-
ing military caste, "that battens on the lust of aggrandize-
ment, and is always aiming at and preparing for war, which
has no regard for men's rights, and no respect for inter-
national rules," its motto being "Might is Right"; and the

180 The Great War

great mass of honest, industrious, peacefully-minded citi-
zens, who have been deceived, hoodwinked, and oppressed.
After a year of the great struggle, we look back with a
feeling of compassion for the trustful simplicity which
derived confidence from such convictions, which fondly
believed that German power would crumble like the walls
of Jericho before the Allies' solemn invocation to liberty.
These views, like the German expectation that the British
Empire would fall to pieces at the first hostile impact, have
been dispersed like foam on the billows of war and adversity.

That Great Britain ought to approach her task in a spirit
of sober humility and of charity for the misguided German
people, whose aberration it was her appointed function to
correct, and without vainglory or self-complacency, was
the general sense of the opinions expressed. One speaker
deplored the deceptive influence of artificial notions of
national honor.

Sir W. Lawson remarked that they had heard a great deal
in the last few days about honor, and something about
morality and self-interest.

"As to honor," he said, "that is a very elusive term. I see
nothing honorable whatever in our present proceedings.
The House will remember a very true saying of Mr. John
Bright, that 'a nation dwells in its cottages.' We are — or
ought to be — the guardians, as well as the representatives,
of the millions of people who live in the cottages of this
country, and surely the greatest and most supreme of British
interests for them, and for us, lies in peace, and not in war,
and their happiness is more important than all the so-called
honor in the world. As far as the morality is concerned,
when we are engaged, as we are now, in organized murder,
I think the less said about morality the better. All that is
bad enough. What is as bad as anything, from my point
of view, about it is that it comes from a Liberal government.

Moral Impulses in the United Kingdom 181

which I was sent here to support. One of the principles I
was sent to support was Free Trade. Why, Sir, there is no
Protectionist tax wliich the wit of man could devise which
would raise the prices of food and other articles to the same
extent as a fortniij:ht of serious war. Then I was sent to
support — as I understood — a policy of peace, retrenchment,
and reform. Where are ihey all now? All swallowed up
in the bloody abyss of war!"

The speaker had felt heretofore sincere admiration for
the foreign secretary. But his loyalty had been strained to
the breaking point.

Mr. Falconer closed the debate by saying: "I think it
right on behalf of members on this side who do not agree
with much that has been said to say that we keep silent
because we think that the words of the prime minister
require nothing to be added to them, and that any attempt
on our part to discuss any phase of this question would only
detract from the impressive effect in this House, in our
country, and throughout the whole civilized world. I de-
sire to say for myself and for many others like myself that
we entirely endorse and support the action of the govern-
ment in this matter. We are fighting to maintain the peace
of Europe, and I cannot understand people who make special
profession of peace not being prepared to maintain it."

The resolution was imanimously adopted.

At the same time the following resolutions were intro-

"That an additional number of 500,000 men of all ranks
be maintained for service at home and abroad, excluding
His Majesty's Indian possessions, in consequence of war in
Europe, for the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1915 ; "
• " That an additional nvimber not exceeding 67,000 officers,
seamen and boys be employed for the year ending 31st day
of March, 1915;" and

182 The Great War

"That, towards making good the supply granted to His
Majesty for the service of the year ending on the 31st day
of March, 1915, a sum of /100,000,000 be granted out of
the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom."

These resolutions were all reported the next day, August
7th, and agreed to, and the Committee on the Consolidated
Fund (Appropriation) Bill was instructed to make provision
in the bill, which was then before parliament, in accord-
ance with these measures. The bill as thus amended was
straightway read the third time and passed. Thus the
necessary measures for providing the "sinews of war" for
the great struggle were adopted in less time than might
normally be required to read the minutes or listen to the
report of a committee in a legislative body.



The Moral Forces and their Manifestation

IN Russia

Arrival of the French President and Prime Minister at Peterhof, July 2#,
1914. The festivities. Departure and hastened return of the presidential
party to France. Sorious labor troubles in St. Petersburg. Magic effect
of neA's that Serbia had been threatened, July 24th. The grand council,
July 25th. Demonstrations in St. Petersburg on August 1st. The solema
service in the Winter Palace, August 2d. The session of the Duma on
August 8th ; M. Sazonoff 's address ; expressions of loyalty ; the discordant
note from the Social Democrats^

The record of the days that preceded the war in Russia
is a discordant medley of sublime and distressing occur-
rences. The superb festivities in honor of the nation's dis-
tinguished guests, like an ostentatious screen concealing the
seething discontent in the capital, might have suggested
the proverbial whitened sepulcher.

At 1.15 on the afternoon of July 20th, the splendid
armored cruiser La France, bearing the president and prime
minister of Russia's republican ally, saluted Russian terri-
tory; and an hour later, President Poincare and M. Viviani,
escorted by M. Paleologue, French Ambassador at St.
Petersburg, descended to the deck of the imperial yacht
Alexandria, which conveyed them to the landing-place at
Peterhof, where the Tsar and M. Sazonoff waited to wel-
come them.

The cooperation of energy, imagination, and good taste,
no less than lavish wealth, since the days of its illustrious
founder and namesake, have endowed the imperial estate


184 The Great War

of Peterhof with a rare combination of alluring features.
The austere countenance of the northern landscape has
been cajoled into a smile by the imperial enchantment
which has summoned the terraces, the fountains, and the
profusion of varied watercourses of an Italian villa to the
somber depths of a fir-wood forest on the Gulf of Finland.
In the palace at Peterhof, where elegance and comfort
reign supreme, and with a harmony peculiarly Russian,
the rulers of the republic were received with magnificent

A program of elaborate entertainment followed. The
21st was spent by the imperial party in St. Petersburg, the
22d at Peterhof and Krassnoye-Selo, where the summer
camp and maneuvering field of the imperial guards is
located. There the Tsar and his guests witnessed the review
of 60,000 guards on the afternoon of the 23d, and in the
evening the president entertained his recent host at dinner
on board La Fratice. The French squadron steamed away
in the night, only a few hours, as it may be observed, be-
fore the news reached St. Petersburg that Austria-Hungary
had dispatched her peremptory summons to Belgrade. Not
only were the heads of the state absent from France at the
moment when the crisis was precipitated, but by this slight
unfortunate interval they were deprived of the advan-
tage of conferring personally with their ally. It may be
assvmied, however, that the ministers responsible for the
foreign policy of the two nations had not neglected the
opportunity for a thorough discussion of the possibilities of
the situation that might arise, if Austria-Hungary adopted
a forcible policy.

The presidential party arrived in Stockholm a little before
noon on the 25th, their progress up the Salsjo was greeted
with thundering salutes, and their debarkation in the an-
cient royal barge was made a stately ceremony witnessed by

The Moral Forces in Russia 185

throngs along the banks. A circumstance is not entirely
without interest: Prince Eitel Frederick, the German
Kaiser's third son, travelling incognito, witnessed the recep-
tion of the president and the enthusiasm of the crowd
with apparently idle curiosity from the Grand Hotel,
which stands directly opposite the palace across a small
inlet of the harbor.

Upon learning of the threatening international situation,
the presidential party left Stockholm the same evening at
11.30, postponing their contemplated visits in Denmark
and Norway, and hastened back to France. The cruiser
La France, carrying the president and prime minister, passed
the Belt early on the morning of the 27th, a few hours after
the Kaiser, returning to Kiel from his Norwegian cruise,
traversed the same waters in the Hohenzollem. The presi-
dent and his suite reached Dunkirk Wednesday morning,
July 29th, and arrived in Paris about noon.

During the presidential visit the Russian authorities, to
save appearances, endeavored to conceal the dangerous
situation created by labor troubles in St. Petersburg by
limiting as far as possible the scope of repressive measures.
Yet, even before the departure of President Poincare,
matters were rapidly approaching a crisis. It was feared
that the industrial strikes in St. Petersburg might extend to
the railways, as in 1905, and paralyze the internal commu-
nications of the empire.

The centres of discontent and violence were in the fac-
tory districts north of the Neva. Barricades were thrown
up in the Sampsonyeffsky Prospect on the 22d, which were
attacked by Cossacks armed with rifles, and fighting con-
tinued until midnight. In the evening the strike com-
mittee and the editorial staffs of two labor newspapers were
arrested. The strike spread throughout the 23d; and
directly after the military review at Krassnoye-Selo, a small

186 The Great War

army of horse, foot, and machine-guns departed for the
capital sixteen miles away. Cavalry pickets were posted in
all the manufacturing districts during the night. It was
reported on the 24th that 110,000 workmen were idle, the
support for almost a quarter of the city's entire population
being thus involved. Forty-four workmen were said to
have been wounded and six killed, while seventy-six police
were wounded. But the number of strikers killed was
probably greater, their bodies being removed and concealed
by their comrades.

The spirit of sedition was promptly transformed by the
international crisis which animated national sentiment. The
labor troubles seemed to adjust themselves spontaneously.
The news of the Austro-Hungarian note, published in St.
Petersburg on the 24th, excited an intense feeling of indig-
nation. The cabinet, called to meet at three o'clock to
discuss the labor troubles, was unexpectedly confronted
with this far graver problem. The question was on every-
body's lips: " Could Russia remain a passive spectator, while
Austria-Hungary destroyed the independence of Serbia?"
The cabinet council was held in the suburban villa of M.
Goremykin, the Prime Minister. The meeting lasted five
hours, and fundamental differences of opinion were dis-
closed which led to the distinction of a war and a peace
party among the ministers and other dignitaries. But the
council agreed that the Austro-Serbian conflict was not a
matter which could be confined to these two nations them-
selves, but a European affair, like the controversy which
was settled in 1909 under the auspices of all the powers.

After the meeting one of the members of the cabinet
declared: "The ministers are unanimously agreed that
Austria-Hungary has thrown down a challenge to Russia,
and that, in M. Sazonoff's words, there could be only one

The Tsar uf Russia tasting soldiers' suup, Graml Duke Nitbolas on the right.


Russian cavalry in nianicuvres.

The Moral Forces in Russia 187

A grand council was convened on Saturday, the 25th, to
confirm the provisional decisions of the 24th. This larger
body included members of the imperial family and other
high dignitaries besides the ministry, sitting under the
presidency of the Tsar at Krassnoye-Selo. In the grand
council the Tsar is reported to have exclaimed, in reference
to the defiant attitude of Austria-Hungary backed by Ger-
many: "We have stood this sort of thing for seven and a
half years. This is enough."

On the evening of the 26th a demonstration of sympathy
took place in front of the Serbian legation; while the
police prevented a hostile demonstration before the German
and Austro-Hungarian embassies.

The news of the Austro-Hungarian declaration of war
against Serbia stimulated the popular excitement in St.
Petersburg, and intelligence of the bombardment of Bel-
grade coming on the 30th raised the feeling of resentment
to fever pitch. A Reuter dispatch from St. Petersburg on
the 30th contained the following communication: "The
sailing of the British fleet from Portland has created an
immense impression, and, coupled with Japan's pacific
assurance, has more than confirmed Russia's determination
to stand by her guns."

All day on August 1st eager crowds absorbed the con-
tents of the bulletins exhibited outside the newspaper
offices, especially those of the Novoye Vremya in the Nevsky
Prospect. The streets displayed a holiday aspect. Long
processions of enthusiasts with the flags of Russia and
Serbia intermingled, bearing aloft large portraits of the Tsar
and Tsarina like sacred pictures, made their way through
the crowded thoroughfares in remarkable self-imposed
order considering their frenzy of patriotic ardor. They
stopped from time to time to perform the improvised rites
of their nationalistic cult, the singing of patriotic songs, a

188 The Great War

fiery address, and perhaps a prayer ; — and woe to the indif-
ferent passer-by who failed to remove his hat ! A manifes-
tation of contrasted hue was the groups of peasants in
sordid attire and with stolid, insensible countenances, filing
along with rude bundles in their hands to the recruiting
stations. They went in a spectacle of disorderly indiffer-
ence; they came out clad at least in the uniform habiliments
of organized activity. The commercial circulation of the
city was already feeling the effect of the withdrawal of
horses and motor-vehicles which were being requisitioned
in large numbers for the army, and the congestion at the
railway terminals created more than ordinary confusion.

Count Pourtales, the German Ambassador, called upon
the foreign minister about seven in the evening and asked
whether Russia accepted Germany's final demand. M.
Sazonoff replied that the silence of the Russian government
implied a refusal. Count Pourtales repeated his question,
and again M. Sazonoff replied in the negative. The Ger-
man ambassador asked a third time, with similar result.
Thereupon Covmt Pourtales, unable to control his emo-
tion, handed M. Sazonoff the written memorandum of the
words of Germany's declaration of war, forgetting appar-
ently that the same paper contained, as an alternative com-
munication, written on the reverse, the expression of the
satisfaction of the German government at Russia's hypo-
thetical surrender.

News of Germany's declaration of war spread through
the capital like wildfire on the evening of August 1st.
Crowds thronged the Nevsky Prospect, where receptacles
were set up for beneficent and patriotic contributions,
into which many ladies threw the gold and gems of their
personal adornment.

The British ambassador motored into St. Petersburg from
his summer residence in post haste to present an urgent

The Moral Forces in Russia 189

message from King George offering mediation, but arrived
after war had been declared.

On Sunday, August 2d, the imperial family attended a
solemn Te Deum in the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg,
and it is estimated that fully 300,000 people stood waiting
in the vast open place which extends in front of the build-
ing. Doubtless many who had defied the Cossacks from
behind the barricades only ten days before were now await-
ing the conclusion of these religious ceremonies in a spirit
of fervent devotion to the dynasty. The Grand-duke
Nicholas, recognized by the black and yellow striped pen-
nant of the commander-in-chief flying from his motor-car,
was greeted upon his arrival at the palace by a storm of
enthusiastic applause. The thunder of cannon announced
the completion of the religious service, when the Tsar
appeared at the central balcony of the palace, clad in khaki
field-uniform, the sky-blue ribbon of the decoration of
St. Andrew, the most distinguished order in Russia, forming
a diagonal band across his chest. He bound himself before
the vast concourse of witnesses by the following engage-
ment: "War has been forced upon us. I hereby take a
solemn pledge not to conclude peace so long as a single
enemy remains on Russian soil." After these words the
great throng kneeled to invoke the divine blessing on their
sovereign. After all reasonable discount has been made for
the susceptible, unstable character of the masses, and for
the cynical indifference towards such exhibitions common
among tlie ruling classes, this ceremony remains an impres-
sive indication of a solidarity of sentiment uniting the Tsar
and his people in the great crisis.

The historic sessions of the Russian Imperial Council and
the Imperial Duma, called together for giving the neces-
sary legislative sanction, to the indispensable war measures,
were inaugurated with impressive solemnity in a hall in the

190 The Great War

Winter Palace in the presence of the Tsar, who addressed
the members in the following terms :

" I greet you in these significant and troubled times
which Russia is experiencing. Germany, and after her
Austria, have declared war on Russia. Such an uplifting of
patriotic feeling, love for our homes, and devotion to the
throne, which has swept over our land like a hurricane,
serves in my eyes, and I think in yours, as a guarantee that
our Great Mother Russia will by the help of our Lord
God bring the war to a successful conclusion. In this
united outburst of affection and readiness for all sacrifices,
even that of life itself, I feel the possibility of upholding
our strength, and quietly and with confidence look forward
to the future.

"We are not only protecting our honor and our dignity
within the limits of our land, but also that of our brother
Slavs, who are of one blood and faith with us. At this
time I observe with joy that the feeling of unity among
the Slavs has been brought into strong prominence through-
out all Russia. I believe that you, each and all, in your
place can sustain this heaven-sent trial and that we all,
beginning with myself, will fulfil our duty to the end.
Great is the God of our Russian land!"

After the storm of applause had subsided, the President
of the Imperial Council responded, expressing the feeling
of devotion and patriotism which animated the upper
chamber. Again the hall resounded with shouts of ap-
plause and the words of the national anthem. The Presi-
dent of the Imperial Duma in his turn announced the
determination of the popular chamber to bear unflinchingly
the sacrifices of the struggle until the dignity and safety
of the country was assured. After the assembly had sung
the hymn, " God save the Tsar ! " the emperor thanked them
very graciously for their hearty demonstration of loyalty.

Graml Duke Nicliolas Nicholalevitch, generalissimo cif the Russian armies in tlie field.

The Moral Forces in Russia 191

The Duma assembled for business a little later in its
own hall in the Tauris Palace, where tlie presence of the
ambassadors of the allied powers in the diplomatic box
was greeted with much enthusiasm. During the address
of the president, the reading of dispatches, and the speech
of Prime Minister (ioremykin, the hall rang repeatedly
with cheers, and the assembly broke fortli from time
to time in the notes of the national hymn. The words
of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Sazonoff, in his
statement of Russian policy during the crisis, deserve
repetition :

"Gentlemen of the Duma, at critical moments when un-
alterable decisions have to be made, the government feels
itself strengthened by the knowledge of its full accord with
the popular conscience. When the time comes for the im-
partial judgment of history to be given, I firmly believe that
her decision will be no other than that by which we have
been guided. Russia could not refuse the challenge of her
enemies. She could not abandon the greatest traditions of
her history. She could not cease to be Great Russia. Our
enemies attempt to place upon us the responsibility for the
disaster into which they have plunged Europe, but their
calumnies cannot mislead anyone who has conscientiously
examined the policy of Russia during recent years and dur-

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