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ing these last few days. Recognizing the great problems
bound up with her internal development and prosperity,
Russia has for a long time given numerous proofs of her
sincere love of peace. It was only through this love of
peace that a conflagration, on the point of breaking out in
Europe in 1912-1913, when trouble arose in the Balkans,
was prevented. Not from her, not from Russian policy,
came the threat to European peace. The dignity of
mighty Russia did not need the ostentatious rattle of the
sword, attacks on the self-respect of others, or neglect of

192 The Great War

the rights of the weak. Calm and peace-loving Russia has
not been left in peace by her enemies.

"Is it necessary to remind you of all the attempts of
Austria-Hungary to undermine the historical position of
Russia in the Balkans .? The time has come when I do
not hesitate to say that, by her intrigues, she [Austria-
Hungary] has succeeded in sowing fratricidal strife be-
tween Bulgaria and her allies. But in spite of heavy trials,
the unity of our brother Slavs cannot, thank God, be
destroyed. Torn by internal strife, Austria-Hungary de-
cided to take a step which would at the same time create
an impression of strength and humble Russia. For this
purpose she singled out Serbia, with whom we are linked
by ties of history, origin, and faith. The circumstances in
which the ultimatum was delivered to Serbia are known to
you. If Serbia had given way she would have become the
vassal of Austria. It was clear that if we drew back it
would be the beginning, not only of the abnegation of
Russia's historical role as the protector of the Balkan
people, but of the recognition that the will of Austria, and
behind her that of Germany, is law in Europe. We could
not agree to that, neither we, nor France, nor England.
No less than we, our brave allies have done all in their
power to preserve the peace of Europe. Our enemies
were deceived, taking these efforts for a sign of weak-
ness. After the challenge thrown down by Austria,
Russia did not renounce her attempt to bring the con-
flict to a peaceful solution. In this aim all our efforts
and those of our allies were exerted up to the end.
You will be convinced of this by the documents which
are to be published, and which present the course of the
negotiations. We stood firmly by one condition. Ready
to accept any possible compromise which could be ac-
cepted by Austria without loss of dignity, we refused

Ivan Longinuvitch Gorcmykin, Prime Minister of Russia.

The Moral Forces in Russia 193

anything which could encroach on the integrity and inde-
pendence of Serbia.

"From the beginning we did not hide our point of view
from Germany. Undoubtedly at one time, if the Berlin
cabinet had wished, it could by firm words have held its
ally back, as it did at the time of the Balkan crisis.

" But Germany, who to the end did not cease to express
her readiness to influence Vienna, refused one after the
other the proposals which were made, and offered us in
return only empty assurances. Time passed ; the negotia-
tions did not advance. Austria bombarded Belgrade. It was
an organized government massacre. It was a natural con-
tinuation of the massacre of the defenseless Serbian popula-
tion of Sarajevo after the famous murder of June 15th
[28th]. The evident object of all this was to gain time, in
order to place before us and Europe the hvmiiliation and ex-
tinction of Serbia as a fait accompli. In such circumstances
we could not do otherwise than take elementary measures
of precaution, all the more as Austria had already mobilized
half her army. When the mobilization of the army and
navy was declared in Russia, our Lord the Emperor was
graciously pleased to inform the German Emperor that
Russia would not proceed to forceful measures as long as
there was any hope for a peaceful solution of the negotia-
tions which were being conducted with the moderation
which I have mentioned; but his voice was not heeded.

"Germany declared war on us and then on our ally.
Losing all self-control, she persisted in trampling on the
rights of neutral states guaranteed by her own signature,
together with that of other states.

"The manner in which Germany has proceeded has
aroused the deepest indignation of the whole civilized
world, and especially of noble France, which, together with
us, has stood for the protection of right and justice.

194 The Great War

" Is it necessary to say that the same sentiments inspired
the English people, who, like one man, have united in a
common resolve to resist the effort of Germany to lay on
Europe the heavy hand of her hegemony ?

"But now the events leading to this war are obscured by
the significance which it has acquired for all of us and for
our allies. Germany declared war on us on July 19th
[August 1st], and five days later Austria took the same
step, alleging as her motive our interference in her quarrel
with Serbia and the fact that we had commenced hostilities
against Germany. This would also appear to be the casus
belli of the latter against us. In reality, hostile troops in-
vaded our territory.

"We are fighting for the defense of our country; we
are fighting for our dignity and status as a great power.
We cannot allow Europe to be dominated by Germany
and her allies. That, too, is what our allies have felt. We
have shown no empty pride. We know that perhaps we
shall have to submit to heavy trials. Our enemies have
calculated on this. Not knowing Russia and her history,
they have counted on the possibility of national apathy.
But God will not desert Russia in the darkest hour of her
history, and will not forsake our children united around
their Tsar in common feelings of love and self-sacrifice.
In the humble hope of God's help in their unshaken faith
in Russia, the government turns to you, the representatives
of the people, confident that in you is reflected the spirit
of our great country, Which our enemies will discover to
be no object of derision."

The representatives of various parties and nationalities,
Right, Nationalists, Octobrists, Constitutional Democrats,
Germans of the Baltic Provinces, Poles, Lithuanians, Jews,
Tartars, etc., expressed their unswerving devDtion to the
cause of Russia.

The Moral Forces in Russia 195

But it is a noteworthy circumstance that the Russian
Duma and the British House of Commons were the only
legislative assemblies of all the belligerent powers in which
voices were raised denouncing the war in unequivocal
terms. The following speech of M. KhaustofT, in the
name of the Social Democratic party, will be variously
interpreted as an indication of disunion or enlightenment:

"A terrible, unprecedented evil has fallen upon the people
of the whole world. Millions of workmen are dragged
from their peaceful labor to ruin; they are being hurled
into a bloody whirlpool, while millions of families are con-
demned to starvation. When the governments of Europe
were getting ready for war, the European proletariat, in-
cluding the German, united in a common protest against
this war which was being prepared by the ruling classes.
Various circumstances prevented the Russian workmen
from openly making the same protest. But at the time of
the enormous demonstration against the war on the part
of the European proletariat the hearts of the Russian
workers beat in unison with those of their comrades. The
present war, the result of a policy of greed, is a war the
responsibility for which will be borne by the ruling classes
of all the countries now fighting. The proletariat, the con-
stant defender of freedom and the interests of the people,
will always protect the welfare of the people against all
attacks, from whatever quarter they may come. The
workers of the fighting countries were unable to prevent
the outbreak of the war and the orgy of barbarism which
it carries with it. But we are deeply convinced that it is
in the international unity of all the working masses of the
whole world that the proletariat will find the means of
bringing the war to the quickest possible termination.
And let the terms of peace be dictated not by diplomats
but by the people itself. At the same time we express the

196 The Great War

deep conviction that this war will, once and for all, open
the eyes of the European masses to the true source of the
persecution and oppression under which they are suffering,
and that the present outbreak of barbarism will be at the
same time the last outbreak."

Before the vote was taken the Social Democrats left the
chamber of the Duma in a body; as the final demonstra-
tion of their abhorrence of war.

There is food for reflection in the circumstance that
among the members of the Duma, whose support in this
hour of trial was so gratefully received by the Russian
government, sat members who had once been serfs. In
the corridor of the Tauris Palace, where the Duma holds
its sessions, there is a bust of Tsar Alexander II, and under
it the dedicatory inscription :

"To the Tsar Liberator, the grateful peasant members of
the State Duma; 1861-1911 — Slaves then — Lawgivers now."

A retrospective view over the course of half a cen-
tury, away from the calamities which obscure the present,
reveals the fact that the general movement of the Russian
people, though faltering and attended with bloody crises,
is upward towards the light of a higher civilization.

We have thus far investigated with reasonable thorough-
ness the nature of the moral factors, the impulses and
feelings of society in the different countries, which once
released, like uncontrollable torrents, rolled on through
national, political, and social channels with increasing
volume and imposing energy towards the awful catas-
trophe which the world is now enduring. We must now
turn to the physical instruments, the armies and navies of
the belligerent powers, which were impelled to frenzied
activity by the forces already analyzed.


The Duma in session.

The r^iuri:. I'a.u L, I

, w lUI (.■ lut ; I ,11 >u. I ■'. Iln



The German Army

Unity of spirit of anny and people. Traditional warlike spirit of the
Germans. Origin of the German army. Emergence of principalities.
Beginning of the HohenzoUem rule. The birthplace of the German mili-
tan.- ideal. The Great Elector. Frederick William I and his military
organization ; his regiment of giants ; art treasures trafficked for tall men.
Military training of Frederick the Great ; prowess of his army. Decline
of military prestige under Frederick William II. Napoleon's supremacy
over German states. Army reorganization in Prussia under Frederick
William 111 ; universal service. War of Liberation, 1813. Persistence of
Frederick's system and its success in 1866 and 1870. Prussia's army the
model of the army of the German Empire after 1871. Term of service and
strength. Military increases in 1881, 1887, and 1890. Mobilization strength
in 1893. Further modification, improvements, and increases in 1899,
1905, 1911, 1912, and 1913. Opposition to Bismarck's military program.
Supremacy of the military party. Political divisions of the empire.
Growth of population. Term of military service. Strength of the army
in 1914. Military training schools. Education of officers for the line of
the army. Technical schools. Reserve, Landwehr, and Landsturm offi-
cers. Peace and war strength and equipment. Chief command. The
General Staff. An army corps. The available reserve. Quality of the
German soldier.

An army always represents the spirit of the people by
whom it is maintained. A people who early in their devel-
opment have established a separate national existence, and
who by their isolation, the weakness of their neighbors
and other kindred causes have been able to develop along
the lines of individualism, without interference and with
little assistance from the state, soon forgets that the benefits
of national life have been secured by victories on the field
of battle. They maintain professional armies only because
they have found it impossible to dispense with armed forces
altogether. Such an army represents a negative military
spirit, being the result of the efforts of the people to avoid


200 The Great War

military service. On the other hand, peoples who, like the
Germans, have achieved their national unity only after cen-
turies of struggle as separate small states and principalities,
do not soon forget the benefits and use of military service.
The realization of the modern German State, composed of
peoples possessing a community of race and language sur-
rounded by pow^erful and jealous neighbors, was made
possible by the dominating influence of a strongly cen-
tralized government supported by a national army. Thus
the value of the military virtues has never been lost sight
of by the German people. The German army represents
the spirit of the people in a positive, superlative degree.

As the Germans first appear in history they are a warlike
race. Their earliest literature is composed of folktales of
their war heroes — their highest ideals of manly virtue.
And this ideal, in one form or another, under varying cir-
cumstances and conditions, has persisted throughout the
centuries. If at a later date we think of the German as
the musician, the poet, the scientist, we still cannot fail to
see the warrior by his side. The whole race is so imbued
with the military spirit, in its influence reaching out to
every phase of national life, that it is not too much to say
that all that is best in the nation, all that has raised it to such
marvellous heights of efficiency, is due to the discipline of
the military ideal. The German nation is the supreme
expression of the military spirit in its noblest form.

The history of the German army began when Henry
the Fowler, A.D. 928, "essentially the first sovereign of
United Germany," improved and developed the system
of margraves, or wardens, to guard the frontiers of his
kingdom; fortified all his towns, and required every ninth
man to serve as a soldier. He also forced all robbers to
become soldiers or to be hanged. Life being sweet even
in those dim days and robbery not infrequent, his army

The German Army 201

never lacked recruits. From this time on the margraves,
and the military leaders under them, grew in importance
and power, the offices tending to become hereditary, and
gradually Germany was divided into small principalities,
each maintained by force of arms. This system of what
may be called military rule, continued without any impor-
tant change for about four centuries. It was a troublous
time, and in many parts of the empire anarchy prevailed.
Such was the state in Brandenburg in 1412, when Emperor
Sigismund appointed Burgrave Frederick of Nuremberg
as Statthalter, or vice-regent. It was a happy day for
Prussia that saw the Hohenzollerns established in Branden-
burg, and it is of particular interest to us since it fixes the
birthplace of the modern German military spirit and marks
thel)eginning of its history. Other princes of the German
Reich maintained armies, many of which attained a high
degree of efficiency, but it remained for the genius of the
Hohenzollerns to imprint upon a whole nation the mili-
tary ideal.

Although Burgrave Frederick tried all the arts of peace,
it was only with an army of Franks and some artillery that
he was able to batter down the castles of the defiant robber
lords and bring order out of chaos in Brandenburg. Once
established in Brandenburg, work became constructive in
character; but work of another sort was constantly de-
manded of the Hohenzollern electors, trusted high con-
stables of the emperors, as it were, fighting here and there
unfriendly neighbors and quarrelsome princes within the
Reich. In fact, for many a year war was the normal state
of being in Germany, even before the Thirty Years' War
turned the whole country into one vast battlefield and left
it devastated. Well it behooved a prince to keep his own
house in order, and to guard that house securely. For
such work an army was indispensable, and to the country

202 The Great War

possessing an efficient army would fall the spoils — peace
and prosperity.

It was no small task, that of setting his house in order,
which confronted the Great Elector, after the close of the
Thirty Years' War. But with the support of 24,000 well-
drilled soldiers, maintained at a great sacrifice, he was able
to free his country of foreign armies. Standing firm with
his army always, and fighting when it could not be avoided,
which was often enough, he paved the way for his suc-
cessor, Frederick I, to become the first King of Prussia.
This king had more of the love for pomp and ceremony
and less of the soldier in him than any other ruler of this
family of soldiers either before or after him. It was his
son and successor, the second king, the father of Frederick
the Great, the great Prussian drill-master Frederick Wil-
liam I, who organized the Prussian army on the lines of
economy and efficiency maintained to this day.

A Spartan king with a passionate love for soldiering, he
organized and administered every part of Prussia with mili-
tary exactitude and rigor. No extravagance or wastefulness
in time or material was tolerated. The whole nation was
drilled and molded into his own likeness. A small country
of less than 5,000,000 inhabitants, Prussia under this careful
"Drill-Sergeant" soon had an army of 75,000 men, the best
drilled and equipped in Europe. Over this army he watched
as a father would watch a beloved child, training, correct-
ing, improving, but always cherishing. His military ardor
often led him into bitter controversy with his neighbors,
especially when his fondness for tall men to be turned into
soldiers for his giant Grenadier Regiment led to his kid-
napping any likely men wherever they were found. If in
Prussia, good ; but if in other states, they must be taken at
all costs, even if friction between governments result. This
giant regiment became the pride of his heart, and no other

The German Army 203

way to his favor was so certain as by a gift of a few abnor-
mally tall men.

Russian Peter, called "The Great," once visited Berlin,
and being charmed with a work of art in the museum, one
of the treasures of the late King Frederick I, was graciously
presented with it by Frederick William, who was glad to
rid himself of it and to please his neighbor. A luxurious
barge which his pleasure-loving father had built was like-
wise bestowed on Tsar Peter, whose gratitude, as long as
he lived, expressed itself in the gift of a number of giants
each year. Art-loving princes with soldiers to barter could
strike ready bargains in Prussia. A fine collection of Chi-
nese vases to be seen in Dresden was sent to August of
Saxony in exchange for a regiment of soldiers.

A king of such tastes over a people of such fiber was
svire to be surrounded by soldiers of fine quality. Fore-
most among his military chiefs was the Prince of Anhalt-
Dessau, a ruler in his own right, but, like his fathers, a
soldier of Prussia. It was he who invented the iron ram-
rod, and evolved a system of drill for the infantry much of
which is used to-day. Frederick William had great admira-
tion for this rugged old prince and hoped that his son
Frederick, afterwards "The Great," might find in him the
inspiration to be a soldier.

That such a king should wish his son to be a warrior
was natural; and at the age of seven the Crown Prince
Frederick was taken from the hands of women teachers
and, under the supervision of trusted officers, was subjected
to the most rigid military discipline. When still too young
to be a soldier he must have a company of cadets, small
sons of nobles, whom he was required to drill daily; and
at the age of fourteen he was appointed captain in the
Potsdam Guards, the king's own regiment of giants. Thus,
from his earliest infancy was Frederick the Great made

204 The Great War

familiar with military tactics and administration; and this
in spite of his own bitter opposition and distaste for the
military life. That the man who later developed into one
of the greatest generals should have shown so bitter a dis-
like of soldiering in his youth is surprising. That he soon
learned to value the training he had received, soon per-
ceived that "all things in Prussia must point towards his
army" is certain. And when in 1740 he became king, and
the necessity arose, he found the army a marvellous instru-
ment ready to his hand.

Throughout his long reign this instrument never failed
him. With it he fought such battles and made such
marches as the world had never seen. He developed and
perfected it into the most wonderful army in existence,
and with its aid held at bay for long, long years all Conti-
nental Europe armed against him. Many improvements
in organization, tactics, and administration were made by
him. Many new methods and inventions were evolved,
important among them being the first use of horse artillery.

On the death of Frederick, the army, so long animated
by the unflagging spirit of the great warrior king, became
disorganized. His successor, Frederick William H, a man
of very different mold, was incapable of maintaining the
Prussian army at the same high level. The example of
Frederick the Great had exerted a very salutary influence
upon the smaller states of Germany. Their rulers had
begun to employ some of his methods in the administration
of civil and military affairs ; but nowhere in all Germany, now
that Frederick was gone, was there a leader strong enough
to meet the new force recently born in Western Europe,
the French Revolution.

The history of the German army for the next few
years is one of defeat and humiliation, a period of trial in
which the German states felt the crushing weight of the

The Kaiser at trials of rapid fire guns.

The Death' s-lieail Hussars. The German Crown Prince is the figure .at the left ot tour
officers on white horses on the right.

The German Army 205

conqueror's yoke. The force of the French Revolution,
directed by Napoleon, broke over Germany, and neither
in the numerous small states nor in Prussia was there a
leader ready to withstand it.

In 1801 Scharnhorst, a Hanoverian, entered the Prussian
service. He became the devoted supporter of King Fred-
erick William III, who in 1797 had succeeded his father
on the throne, and with a group of other loyal and devoted
men undertook to reorganize the Prussian Army after the
Peace of Tilsit in 1807, the darkest night of Prussian his-
tory. The fundamental idea for the new army was that of
the nation in arms. Liability to service, the duty of all
citizens to defend the country, had been established by
Frederick William I, when for the purpose of recruiting he
divided the country into cantons and districts, and recruited
each regiment in its own canton. "There all males as soon
as born were enrolled, liable to serve when they had grown
to years and strength." Selection of the men was made
by the captain of the regiment and the Amtmann of the
canton. Later, exemption had been allowed, and it was
now Bliicher, who, in 1807, urged his friend Scharnhorst
to "take thought for a national army; no one must be
exempted, it must be a disgrace to a man not to have
served." He also begged the king to return to the cus-
tom which his ancestor had established, which had made
Prussia great, and which France and Austria had bor-
rowed from her, the practice of universal service. As a
result Scharnhorst undertook the reorganization, and the
first draft of his work began with the words of the old
king: "All dwellers in the state are born defenders of
the same."

Work thus begun was carried on with devoted loyalty,
resulting in the War of Liberation in 1813, which freed
Germany from the foreign rule in 1815. From that time

206 The Great War

on the history of the army was one of improvement and

The Prussian army which had hitherto depended so
largely on the character of the king, and which, as we
have seen on the death of Frederick the Great, might fall
into disorder under a ruler who did not possess the genius
to maintain and direct it, was by the edict of emancipation
attributed to von Stein, and by the reorganization of the
commission headed by Scharnhorst, placed on a real
national basis, and henceforward to be directed by the
genius of the best distinguished soldiers which the new
system might produce. The king was still supreme
commander and might personally lead his troops in cam-

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