kept the whole of India in a state of unrest, and the Shah's inroads
caused a yearly alarm which was harassing the British and was the
^ Cunningham"'s History of the Sikhs.
BRITISH MISSIONS TO THE COURT OF PERSIA. Ill
cause of extra military expenditure. In order therefore to create a
diversion in their favour and to operate as a check to the Sadozai
king's ambitions with respect to India, the British authorities had
deputed Mahdi Ali Khan (a prominent merchant in Bombay, and one
who was well known at the Court of the Shah), to Persia in order to
prevail upon the Shah to attack the Afghans. For this purpose Herat
was a vulnerable point and the presence of Mahmud offered special
facilities. By keeping open the Herat ulcer, the plans of the Sadozai
King with regard to India could always be thwarted, and his streni>-th
drained, and the pretensions of the Shah, who regarded Afghanistan as
a province of the Persian Empire, rendered this course likely to
succeed. Shah Zaman sent an Embassy to the Shah's Court with a
request that Khurassan should be recognised by the Shah as belongino-
to Afghanistan. In reply, Haji Ibrahim, the Shah's • minister, was
ordered to say that it was his master's intention to restore the south
and eastern limits of Persia to the condition in which they had been in
the time of the Safavi monarchs of Persia. That he proposed to over-
run and annex Herat, Merve, Balkh, Kabul, Kandahar, Tibet, Kasho-ar
and Seistan.^ The danger from Persia was by no means imaginary
with Mahmud at hand as a convenient tool, and the hasty return of
Shah Zaman in 1798 was due to the anxiety caused by the attitude of
the Shah who had probably instigated the abortive attempt by
Mahmud on Herat. In 1799 the task which had been given Mahdi
AHkhan, was to urge the Shah to move against Afghanistan. When
Shah Zaman had arrived in Kandahar he despatched Tura Baz Khan
to the Shah, then in Khurassan, laden with presents, who was to
request the Shah to withdraw to Teheran. This the latter ao-reed to
do on the condition that the Princes Mahmud and Firuz-ud-din should
be received back in Afghanistan in a manner suitable to their rank.^
The success which had attended Mahdi All's negotiations had not
been known in Calcutta when the Earl of Mornington selected Captain
Malcolm for the purpose of proceeding to the Court of Teheran. The
objects of this Mission were three in number. To make an arrano-e-
ment with the Shah for relieving India from the recurring annual
alarm of an Afghan invasion. To counteract any possible designs,
the French nation might entertain with regard to Persia ; and to
re-open and restore trade with Persia to somewhat of its former
prosperity. 3
^ Watson's History of Persia, p. 125, et seq.
- Ibid, p. 125, et seq,
» {[bid.)
112 THE KINGDOM OF AFGHANISTAN.
In the meantime however events took place in Afghanistan itself
which led very soon to Shah Zaman's downfall and the ruin of the
Sadozai family. The minister Wafadar Khan had offended the
Afghan Sardars by his arrogance ; and the latter, driven to despair by
the complete ascendancy he had obtained over his Royal Master,
formed a plot to assassinate the minister ; to remove the king, and
to raise Prince Shuja to the throne. So general was the resentment
against the Minister that one morning doggrel verses were found written
on the Mihrab of the Royal mosque in the Bala Hisar in Kabul — (the
limit of) the duration of the dynasty of the Duranis, consider to be
the year 12 17 (1802). After that every province shall have its
own ruler, who will reign two or three days, two or three months, or
two or three years.
The author was supposed to be a wandering fakir, but he was
never arrested.
When in 1800 the Shah was in Kandahar the principal Sardars
who had become privy to this plot against the minister and the king,
decided to put their plans into effect. The chief conspirators were
Payandah Khan (Sarfaraz Khan) Barakzai ; Islam Khan, the Zabt Begi
of the Popalzais ; Hikmat Khan Sarkani ; Muhammad Azim Khan, son
of Mir Hazar Khan, Alakozai ; Mir Arsalan Khan, chief of the Juwanshir
Kazzilbash ; Jafir Khan, Juwanshir ; Yusuf Ali, one ot the Eunuchs of
the palace ; Sharif Khan Munshi, and Nur Muhammad Khan Babari.
They met at the hermitage of Mian Ghulam Muhammad, an Indian
Fakir, and having sworn on the Koran, they proceeded to arrange
the details of the execution of their designs. Payandah Khan (Sarfaraz
Khan) Barakzai was to summon his clansmen to the city ; while
Muhammad Azim Khan, Alakozai, was to assassinate the Vazier
when the latter, as was his custom, left the city on a Thursday to
hawk on the lands of his Karez about four miles to the east of the city
(the place is still known as Tor Vazir). The other conspirators were
to seize the king. The plot was revealed to the Vazier. The
hawking expedition was postponed, on the pretence of urgent business ;
and the conspirators were summoned one by one, to the presence of
the king. The gates of the citadel were closed and the chieftains
were executed. As a rigorous search was instituted to discover those
who were implicated in this plot, Path Khan the eldest son of
Payandah Khan (Sarfaraz Khan) Barakzai, his brethren and clansmen,
fled from the city. They betook themselves in the first instance to
their fort of Nad Ali on the Helmand, and from there Path Khan
went off to Persia and joined Mahmud at Turshiz. The Fakir Mian
DISAFFECTION AMONG THE AFGHANS. II3
Ghulam Muhammad escaped to Dadur, in Baluchistan, where he
was apprehended and executed. His body was buried at Dadur ;
but his head, taken as a voucher to the Vazier, was afterwards
interred outside the Herati gate of Kandahar near the Payab
canal.'
Notwithstanding the disaffection that was spreading among his
subjects, Shah Zaman appears to have been lulled into a false
tranquillity by the success of Tura-Baz Khan's Embassy. Letters
also, received from Shah Shuja, gave the king intelligence of the
increasing turbulence of the Sikhs, and his ambition drew him
towards the Punjab. In the year 1216 A. H. (begins 25th May 1801,
ends 13th May 1802) he marched from Kandahar at the head of a
numerous army for Peshawar and the Punjab. Mihr Ali Khan, the
Ishakzai Sardar, who had been given the title of Shah Pasand Khan, was
left in Kandahar as the governor. No sooner had Path Khan, Barakzai,
heard of Shah Zaman's movement towards Peshawar, than he urged
Mahmud Khan to essay the capture of Kandahar.
Mahmud after his abortive attempt on Herat had fled to
Bokhara, where he was placed under surveillance. With the aid of
a friendly Uzbeg chief, he made his way, first to Khiva, and
then across the desert to Asterabad. From this district he made
his way to the Shah's Court, where he was received with marks
of respect, and lodged in the palace of the Sadr-i-Azam. He accom-
panied the Shah into Khurassan (1800), but when the task of
reducing the turbulent chiefs was found to be not an easy matter ; or
in compliance with Shah Zaman's wishes ; Path Ali Shah retired to
Teheran, Mahmud was dismissed to Turshiz, where provision was
made for his support. Encouraged by Path Khan Barakzai, Mahmud
1 The author of the Tarikh-i-Sultani, states that the A. H. date 1215,
corresponding to 1800-01 (beginning on 25th of May 1800 and ending on 13th May
1801) was obtained from the chronogram on the tombstone of Payandah Khan
(Sarfaraz Khan). Elphinstone places this event in 1799. The Mirat-i-Abbasi
(a MS. History of Bahawalpore) places the conspiracy in the winter of 1209
A. H., /. e., of 1794-5, and the execution of the sixteen persons implicated is said
to have been carried out immediatelj' before his march to India. The name of
Sarfaraz Khan, who was Amir-ul-Umara, or the first noble of the realm, does not
appear in the record of events after that year, which is singular, for his place
was either by the side of his sovereign, or in some other responsible position;
either of which would have insured mention of him.
According to this History of Bahawalpore the actual downfall of Shah Zaman
followed on an insult offered to the Mukhtar-ud-daulah, Sher Muhammad Khan,
the Bamizai Sardar, by Wafad.ir Khan, the Vazier ; this is said to have occurred
in 1210 A. H. (i8th July 1795 to 7th July 1796). At the instigation of the insulted
chief, the Duranis not only abandoned their allegiance to the Shah, but entered
into communication with the Sikh Sardars and encouraged them in their resistance
to Shah Zaman. In this same year the verse was scribbled on the Mihrab of the
Royal Masjid in the Bala Hisar of Kabul. — Hist, of Bahawalpore.
8
114 THE KINGDOM OF AFGHANISTAN.
set out with forty-one followers to make his attempt on Kandahar ;
travelling by way of Seistan.
When the party had reached Tagrish Fath Khan separated himself
from Shah Mahmud and went off to the Helmand, to raise the Barak-
zai clansmen. The fort of Girishk was empty, and Mahmud and
his followers seized it and made it a rendezvous for the malcontents of
the country. Shahnawaz Khan Barakzai, who was in Kandahar,
urged Mahmud to make his attempt on that city before the road from
Kabul was free from snow, and reinforcements could be despatched by
Shah Zaman to strengthen the hands of his governor and adherents in
Kandahar. Mihr AH Khan, Lshakzai, having perceived that Mahmud
was gaining strength, moved out of Kandahar at the head of 5,000
horse and foot to break up the forces of the pretender, but was defeat-
ed at Bagh-i-Hurmuz, to the south of Kushk-i-Nakhud, and shut
himself up in Kandahar. After a blockade of forty-two days Fath
Khan effected an entrance, being aided by some of the Farsiwan
inhabitants. Mihr AH Khan put to death Imam Baksh Khan, and
Hasan Khan, who were the cause of this treachery, and fled from
Kandahar, carrying the news of the fall of the city to Shah Zaman in
Peshawar. The Shah abandoned his projected enterprise in the
Punjab and hurried back towards Kandahar. From Ghazni he sent on
ahead, with io,ooc horse, Sardar Ahmad Khan Nurzai. Mahmud
had levied a forced contribution of money from the merchants of
Kandahar, and having enlisted men, advanced to meet his brother.
A battle was fought between Mukur and Kalat-i-Ghilzai, which was
decided in Mahmud's favour, by the desertion of the Nurzai Sardar
who had been estranged from Shah Zaman by the outrageous conduct
of his haughty Minister. Shah Zaman retreated to Kabul and
endeavoured to raise a fresh army, but finding that his forces were
melting away he removed his treasures and stores, and retired to
Jalalabad, and summoned his brother Shuja, who was governor of
Peshawar to his aid. At this place he was able to collect the tribes-
men of the Khaibar and the Yusufzais, and at the head of a great
gathering of armed men he prepared to dispute the advance of
Mahmud and Fath Khan. The Kazilbash inhabitants of Kabul,
w^hom the execution of Arsalan Khan had estranged from Shah
Zaman ; delivered Kabul into the hands of Mahmud, and joined him in
arms, on his advance towards Jalalabad. At Ashpan, about thirty-six
miles from Jalalabad, Shah Zaman was utterly defeated ; and separated
from his men, he and Wafadar Khan passed the night in a ravine,
and the next morning they made their way to the fort of Ashik, the
SHAH ZAMAN, A CAPTIVE AND BLIND. II5
Shinwari who had received many benefits from Shah Zaman. This
person received the fugitives with a great show of respect, but he
sent word secretly to Mahmud and prevented his guests leaving the
Fort. Shuja after the battle had a small band of followers at his
disposal, and he sent a hundred horsemen to bring in his brother.
Ashik, however, refused to give up the fugitives, and the party was
obliged to return to the Prince, with the news of his brother's capture
and detention by Ashik.
Shah Zaman had on his person valuable jewels set with gems
of great price. One of these was the famous Koh-i-Nur diamond
and another was the equally celebrated ruby, known as Fakhraj.
When he found that the treacherous Shinwari had made him a
prisoner, the Shah resolved that neither of these gems should
fall into his hands, nor into his brother's keeping. The diamond
he concealed in a crack in the walls of his chamber and the ruby
he threw into a deep irrigation channel. Mahmud, on learning of
the detention of his brother and Wafadar Khan, despatched a brother
of Fath Khan, Barakzai, to take over the Shah and his Minister
from Ashik, and he condemned Shah Zaman to undergo the same
punishment which the latter had inflicted on his brother Humayun,
and the unfortunate Shah Zaman had his sight destroyed by the ap-
plication of a heated skewer to his eyes. Wafadar Khan and his
brother were put to death by Fath Khan in retaliation for the death of
Sarfaraz Khan (Payandah Khan) Barakzai, and Zaman Khan Bamizai,
in retaliation for the death of Hazir Khan, brother of Muhammad
Akram Khan, who had been executed by the former while deputy
governor of Herat.
The defeat at Ashpan took place in the summer of 1801. Shah
Zaman was barely 32 years of age when his sight was destroyed.
He lived to a good old age and died in Ludhiana, a pensioner on the
bounty of the East India Company. He had several sons, none of
whom, however, displayed any talent, or distinguished themselves in
the events that took place in Afghanistan. Those that were living at
the time when the Sadozais were driven from Afghanistan, swelled the
number of the Afghan refugees in Ludhiana and shared the stipend
allotted for their support.
Mahmud was a very different man to the brother whom he
dethroned and he did not merit the good fortune to which the
mistakes of his brother caused him to attain. In him animal appe-
tites V ere combined with ferocity and the indulgence of his animal
desires was all he lived for, after he gained the means to allow
Il6 THE KINGDOM OF AFGHANISTAN.
of their gratification. When a revolution of fortune's wheel had
placed him at the mercy of the incensed and vengeful Shuja-ul-
Mulk, it was due to the personal and vehement intercession of the
blind Shah Zaman that Shuja consented to relinquish the right of
retaliation, the exercise of which national customs would have
justified and his religion have sanctioned : Mahmud's sight was
spared through the noble generosity of the brother whom he had
irreparably injured.
NOTE.
On arriving in Seistan, on his way towards Kandahar, Mahmud was received
with open arms by Malik Bahram Khan, Kaiani, the ruler of that country. The
latter gave his daughter to Prince Kamran, and equipped Mahmud's party, but
his offer to assist Mahmud with the levies of Seistan, in his enterprise against
Shah Zaman, was rejected on Path Khan's advice.
While the former was at Peshawar he despatched a force of 15,000 men under
Mulla Abmad and Mir Weis to reinstate his authority in Kashmir. The services
of these troops would have been invaluable in his struggle with Mahmud.
Owing to the imprudence of Mulla Ahmad, the troops dispersed before arriving
in Kashmir.
Another highly imprudent act, at this time, was the severe punishment dealt
to Abdullah Khan Alakozai, the Governor of Kashmir, who had visited the Court
in Peshawar. On receiving news of his brother's ill-treatment, Saidal Khan, and
the Alakozai clan, at once declared for Mahmud. — (Elphinstone's Cabool II.,
321 etseq.)
The father of Wafadar Khan had come from Multan to the court of Timur
Shah and had been appointed to an office near the person of the King, VVafadar
Khan and the future King had been boys together, and the friendship which had
grown up between ihem in boyhood and the compact of p2rpetual friendship the
youths had ratified was never broken. When Shah Zamin ascended the throne
his comrade's advancement was assured and the latter was supported loyally by
his master who placed implicit confidence in him, and both were involved in a
common destruction.
Shah Zaman died in exile and was buried in a graveyard, to which a peculiar
sanctity is attached, near the town of Sirhind, now in the Patial State.
In this reign the Mint-towns were : Lahore, Bhakkar (Sind), Ahmad Shahi
Dera, Kabul, Peshawar, Derajat and Multan.
His successors (1) Shuja V, (2) Mahmud had money coined at —
(i) Ahmad Shahi, Bahawalpur, Derajat, Multan.
(2) Bahawalpur, Ahmad Shahi, Herat, Bhakkar (Sind), Peshawar, Multan^
Derajat, and Ahmadpur (the old capital of the Bahawalpur State).
Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. V, No. 8, Numismatic Supplement, August 1909^
CHAPTER XIII.
Shah Mahmud and Shah Shuja-ul-Mulk— the Downfall
OF THE SaDOZAI DyNASTY AND THE RISE OF
THE MUHAMMADZAIS TO POWER.
AFTER the overthrow of Shah Zaman at Ashpan, the defeated
sovereign's camp and treasure amounting to two crores of
rupees, fell into the conqueror's hands. The money was
divided among his followers by Mahmud. On the 25th of
July 1801, he was proclaimed King in Kabul, and assumed the title of
Shah Mahmud. To Path Khan Barakzai, was assigned the Vaziership,
with the honorific title of Shah Dost Khan, but in his case the title has
completely disappeared and he is famous in the history of his country
as plain Path Khan, or with the prefix of Vazier. The other Chiefs
also were fittingly rewarded.
Shah Shuja marched from Peshawar on the 20th September 1801 to
make an attempt to gain the throne ; but again on the field of Ashpan,
he was a second time defeated, and on this occasion he was deprived
of Peshawar. He struck across the hills following byepaths, till
he reached the Gwalarai (or Gomal) Pass and entered the country
of the Ghilzais at the head of 200 horse and 300 foot soldiers.
Haji Prince Firuzdin had separated from his brother in Persia, and
had made the Pilgrimage to the Holy Cities of Islam. After his
return, he had settled down in Yazd as a business man ; but when
Shah Mahmud had removed Shah Zaman from the throne, Prince
Kaisar, whom the latter had left to govern Herat, was deposed, and
Haji Prince Firuzdin was summoned from Yazd and installed in the
citadel of Herat.
Almost as soon as he had ascended the throne, Mahmud was con-
fronted with a general rising of the Ghilzais, who considered the opportu-
nity too good to be neglected, for attempting to assert their claims to
supremacy in Afghanistan. One of their Chiefs was raised by the
Il8 THE KINGDOM OF AFGHANISTAN.
clan to the diginity of their King-. This quarrel drag-ged on for some
time, but the Ghilzais were reduced to subjection in the end, as with
their wretched weapons, and lack of cohesion they were not a match in
the open field for the Duranis, who were better armed, had the
advantage of possessing artillery, and were led by experienced com-
manders. The Ghilzais had been loyal to Shah Zaman, and the rising
may have been connected with the attempts to recover Kabul made
by Shuja-ul-Mulk ; but, if so, the movement was badly timed and did
not have the effect of creating a diversion in his favour. It will be as
well to enter into details, in this place, as the particulars of the Ghilzai
rising show the attitude of this powerful section of the people towards
the Durani Sovereigns.
Muhammad Amin Khan whom Timur Shah had made Chief of the
Tokhi division of the Ghilzais, and also governor of Kalat, and who
was killed in the expedition to Kashmir, left three sons, named
in order of seniority : Wali Muhammad Khan, Fath Khan, and Mir
Alam Khan. On the accesssion of Shah Zaman, he g-ave to the first-
named the title of Wali Niamat Khan and the chiefship of the Tokhis.
Owing to his tender years, Mauladad Khan (Musa Khel) was appoint-
ed his deputy. In the account of the reign of Ahmad Shah Abdali,
it has been mentioned, that Allahyar Khan Ghilzai was called from
Persia and put to death ; and that his son Rahmat-ullah Khan escaped
with Muhammad Amin Khan to the Suleman Khel country. Rahmat-
ullah had a son who became famous. His name was Sha'budin.
The Amin-ul-Mulk, a Babi Afghan and an official of Shah Zaman,
fell out with Wali Niamat Khan, and the former took up Sha'budin
and brought him into notice, and a split was thus caused among
the tribes, part siding with one and part with the other. Kalat
was at times in the hands of one faction and at other times, in the
possession of the other. In one of the many skirmishes that took
place Mauladad, deputy of the young Tokhi Chief was slain. Wali
Niamat Khan was killed in a skirmish with some robbers, who had
plundered a caravan bound for Kabul in which there were some horses
belonging to Shah Zaman. At the head of a few of his Yessawals,
the Chief attempted to arrest the robbers, who had taken to the hills.
He was killed in the attack and his corpse was carried to Kalat and
buried in his father's grave. Fath Khan, his next brother, soon after
avenged Wali Niamat Khan's death on these very persons. Fath
Khan also had taken up his brother's quarrel with Sha'budin, and they
were engaged in this when war broke out between the Ghilzais and the
Duranis.
STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE GHILZAIS AND DURANIS. II9
The course of events at this period suggested to the Ghilzais that
it was a good opportunity to declare their independence, and to make
an attempt to establish a Ghilzai Kingdom. Abdur Rahman Khan,
Hotaki was declared King and Sha'budin(Shahab-ud-din) his Vazier, the
hearty co-operation of the latter being secured by the former giving his
daughter Sahib Jan to the latter (with whom, when in her father's house
he had been in love), the wife of the defeated, and (now)blindShah Zaman
(to whom she had borne Princes Nasar and Mansur), with all her jewels,
handsome carpets, and household effects. Sha'budin was left to stop
communications on the high roads, while Abdur Rahman went off to-
wards Kabul to raise the Suleman Khel. Troops were despatched from
Kabul, and the Ghilzais were defeated ; the tribe of Ibrahim Ghilzais
losing 5,000 to 6,000 men. Abdur Rahman retired on Kalat, and a
force of Duranis having marched from Kandahar, the Ghilzais left their
strong position on the hill to meet them (Path Khan had already gone
over to the Duranis). The battle was fought between Jaldak and
Umakai, on the ridge called in Persian Tapa-i-Surkh, and in Pashtu
Sur Ghar. The Ghilzais were defeated, the Tokhis losing 700 to 800
men. The Hotakis being chiefly horsemen, escaped comparatively
unscathed. Winter put an end to hostilities. This year 1802 is still
remembered by the Ghilzais as the " Sal-i-Katal " or the year
of the massacre. The Chiefs on the Ghilzai side were Abdur Rah-
man Khan, Hotaki, and Sha'budin Tokhi ; those on the Durani
side were Abdul Majid Khan, Barakzai ; Saidal Khan, Alakozai ;
Azim Khan, Popalzai ; Shadi Khan, Achakzai and Samandar Khan,
Bamizai.
In the ensuing spring, Ahmad Khan, Nurzai, marched with an
army from Kabul. On his arrival at Hulan Rabat, the Jallalzai
Tokhis under Mulla Zafran, a descendant of Sultan Malakhe, opposed
him, but were defeated with a loss of 600 men. Ahmad Khan
proceeded to Kandahar, and brought out a large force of Duranis
with guns. This time the Tokhis under Sha'budin Khan and Path
Khan kept to the hill of Kalat, and every attempt of the Duranis to
dislodge them failed. The latter then determined to attack the women
and children of the Ghilzais in the Arghandab Valley where they had
been sent away for safety. Openly boasting of their intention, they
informed Dara Khan one of the Ghilzai Chiefs of their plan. The
latter hastened by a short cut and was in time to protect the camp of
the families by a Sangar. After three repulses, the Duranis carried
the position, and put all the women and the children to death. The
Duranis lost 100 men.
I20 THE KINGDOM OF AFGHANISTAN,
This was the last battle fought between the Ghilzais and Duranis.
Abdur Rahman and Sha'budin retired to the Mamai hills. Shuja-ul-
Mulk had also taken refuge in the Kakar country, where he organised
a powerful faction which Sha'budin and Fath Khan Babakarzai joined,
as well as Shukru-Uah Khan, son of Abdur Rahman Khan, Hotaki,
when Shuja recovered the throne, the Chiefs attended on him, but
Sha'budin never did as long as he lived, for which the Shah never forgave
him. Hearing that this Chief had built a fort in Nawak, Gulistan Khan
(Achakzai), governor of Peshawar, was despatched to destroy it.
Fath Khan Babakarzai accompanied him. On entering the Nawak
district, so certain was the Achakzai Chief that Sha'budin would shut
himself up in his fort, that he accepted Fath Khan's invitation to his
place at Samiyat. Sha'budin getting intelligence of this sallied out
with his cavalry and fell on the Duranis as they were carelessly strag-