H. D. (Henry Duff) Traill.

Social England; a record of the progress of the people in religion, laws, learning, arts, industry, commerce, science, literature and manners, from the earliest times to the present day (Volume 3) online

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by Gardiner's protecting him It is not, indeed, Gardiner who
must bear the blame of the 277 executions, but in the first and
chief degree, Mary herself; next to her, Pole ; and next, perhaps,
Philip. They differed from the old Lollard persecutions not
only in number and scale, but in being worked by royal com-
missions, not by common law procedure or mere episcopal
jurisdiction. They differed from Elizabeth's executions of
Catholics at a later date in that Elizabeth was provoked and
almost forced into these, and wanted nothing better than to
avoid inquiry into consciences and to be content with external
conformity. Mary's was a far deeper and more religious nature ;
she felt she must seek for the tares and root them out : "The
zeal of Thine house hath eaten me up," she said. The effect on
the nation was not so much due to disgust at such cruel sights ;
there is a great gulf between Tudor England and the humani-
tarian feeling of to-day in this respect (p. 24<i). But men to
whom Protestantism had hitherto meant destruction, spoliation,
and even ribaldry ; men who firmly held that only truth could
endure the touchstone of fire ; men who had no love them-
selves for Pope or Spain were profoundly stirred and troubled
by the martyrs' constancy and the cloud of witnesses who
testified to the new faith by their blood. Mary's difficulties
were increased by her conscientious but costly revival of old
foundations, by the growing lack of qualified clergy, by the
increase in the number and activity of Protestant refugees
abroad. When a band of these, under Stafford, seized Scar-
borough Castle, the Council could no longer resist that French

war which Philip, through Mary, was forcing on them. It

J Reaction

was the last blow : it forced her to exact great loans and to Ends.
" pack " her Parliament ; it ruined her with the nation by
leading to the loss of Calais. All eyes, she knew, were already
turned with longing to her sister. The times required the
temporising and opportunist policy of Elizabeth, not the passion-
ate, one-sided sincerity of Mary. She had all the Tudor
strength of will without the Tudor suppleness. Twenty-four
years' persecution had hardened her and soured her. Thus her




unmerited sufferings and her very virtues had the largest share
in brin<nn<r her to the Grave, broken-hearted with the conscious-

O o O

ness of shame and failure. Such are the ironies of history.


CHARLES Tx the reign of Edward A I. the official history of Church and

RAYMOND o, , , ,. IIP .1

BEAZLEY. otate becomes rather more subordinate than before to the

Tke social movements of the revolution, and in itself is neither


under Ed- interesting nor permanent. The story of the Protestant

ward vi. niisrule only points the moral of the reaction under Mary,



and shows us the extreme point of. the religious revolt in
England ior the Puritan victory in the seventeenth century
was mainly political from the medieval system.

Our chronicle of acts and events, however, will guide us,
like the first signs of an earthquake on the earth's crust, to the
real centre below, in the popular movements to and fro, and in
the new influence of the Gospellers over the masses : while the
abuse of this influence by the camarilla of adventurers at
Court will gain a fresh importance as a main factor in dis-
crediting for a time the real tendency of the nation. Somerset
outweighs Hooper.

First, on the death of the old kinor and the accession of c&urch
. . . , and State,

the new, a minor nine years old, the Crown s firm control over

religious reform was exchanged at once for a wider liberty,
and in the next two years for a definite patronage of foreign
doctrines and teachers. In 1547 the Act of Six Articles and
the Acts against the Lollards (revived in 1534 from those of
Richard II. and Henry Y. 1 ) were repealed, with all laws and
canons against clerical marriage. A new statute abolished
the Conge clelire as a farce, and decreed that bishops should
be directly named to vacate sees in the king's letters-missive
to the Chapters and thereupon consecrated. Further, since
the Crown was the fount both of spiritual and temporal juris-
diction, most of the citations in spiritual cases were now to
run in the king's name. It was reaffirmed treason to deny
the sovereign's supreme headship of the Church in England.
Other Acts were passed for communion in both kinds, and
for the confiscation of the chantries 2 granted in 1545 to
Henry VIII. " the last dish of the last course ; for after
chantries, as after cheese, nothing else is to be expected."

In the next year the English Order of Communion was
approved, and in 1549 the first Book of Common Prayer,
embodying the work of Henry's Reformation, with a few more
advanced innovations, passed into law, followed by the Ordinal
in 1550. The Edwardian or Protestant Service Book in 1552

1 But not from the " De Hereticis Comburendis " of Henry IV.. which grave
power of action to Bishops ; the other two statutes " tended to make heresy
an offence at common law."

2 This yielded 180,000 (Strype), out of which were founded eighteen
grammar schools, the descendants of 2,3 74 chapels and chantries CHeylin).


THE NEIV F()]{ <! US.


and the

was the work ot the protectorate of Northumberland. A
distinction has been often drawn between the two protec-
torates, as distinct periods of the reign ; but as the doctrinal
changes, the confiscation of Church property and the same
policy in Church and State went on as steadily, though not,
as quickly, under the Seymours as under the Dudleys, the
religious history can be treated as a whole. 1 The change

O *>

was only one of Court factions. In the year of that change
the new Regent appointed, on the lines of the Act of 1536 and
in direct continuance of Somerset's policy, a commission to
revise the Church Law, and in 1553 made a fresh seizure of
Church plate to the king's use, while the abolition of the
Conge' d' el ire in 1547 was completed by the letters patent now
granted to bishops during natural life or good behaviour
They were to perform ' : all that by God's Word was committed
to bishops," in the king's name and by his authority. The
sanction of Cranmer's Forty-two Articles was the last religious
measure of the reign, for the matter of the Protestant succes-
sion was a political device to save the heads and fortunes of
unsuccessful and detested courtiers by putting a dependent of
their own in the place of the two masterful daughters of the
Old Lion Mary and Elizabeth. "Popery" was an added ob-
jection to the elder in the minds of the king and the Scriptur-
ists, and it was skilfully used by Northumberland, who was
ready to profess the Roman creed on the scaffold, and to curse
the " false preachers who had led him to err," if only he might
be given life " yea, the lite of a dog."

But if the legal and Court history of religion in these six
years cannot claim much attention, the social details of the
first Protestant victory among the English people are full of

First of all, the defeat of the conservative party in the
Council was really the result of the progress of Lutheran and
Zwinglian doctrine among the people. Change of creed was
beginning ; roughly speaking, there had been only practical
changes under Henry VIII. And so, early in the new reign, the
Higli Churchmen among Bishops and Councillors Gardiner
of Winchester, Bonner of London, Tunstall of Durham (in

1 Lay government of the Church was of course the central feeling, which
unifies all these different regencies and periods from l.'iii'.i.




1547), Heath of Worcester, and Day of Chichester (in 1550)
were successively attacked, imprisoned, and deprived. The
Edwardian persecution, like the Marian, fell mainly on noble
victims. Gardiner, on his exclusion from the Privy Council


by Henry's will had avowedly taken up the role of opposi-
tion, alike towards the Scotch war, 1 the Iconoclast visitation of
1547, and the New Injunctions. Put on his trial, after two

1 ' Let Scots be Scots till the kin"- conies of ajre."



detentions in the Fleet, by a test sermon on St. Peter's Day, 1549,
he failed to satisfy, broke Somerset's injunction " not to handle
the doctrine of the mass," and maintained that the king's
supremacy was by the king's minority !]>*<> f<t<-f<> in abeyance.
Accordingly, on .lime 30th, he was sent to the Tower, plied first
with six Articles and then with twenty, and as he would not
yield, deprived of his see, February, 1551. Till Mary's accession
the old man remained in the Tower, from his sixty-eighth to
his seventieth year, without books, ink, or paper. Edmund
Bonner, imprisoned, like Gardiner, in the Fleet for his merely
conditional promise to obey the Injunctions, was in 1548 exam-
ined before Cranmer, Latiiner, and Hooper in the chapel at
Lambeth, where he enticed the Primate into a " dispute on the
Sacrament." 1 Then he objected to Hooper and Latimer as
legally heretics, yet now sitting as his judges, preached, like his
leader, a " wilful " test sermon, and was committed to the
Marshalsea. Cuthbert Tunstall was lodged in the Tower about,
the time that the Visitation began to destroy the " abused "
images, and to enforce the use of the Injunctions, of the
Homilies, and of Erasmus' Paraphrase. Thus, within nine
months of the new reign, Cranmer was left the only Churchman
on the Council.

Heath and Day in 1550 the one for refusing the revised
Ordinal, the other for disobedience to the Council's order for
" plucking down of altars and setting up of tables " - joined

1 " If that be the law." replied Cranmer to one of Bonner's nMfcr ilictn.
"it is no godly law.'' "Tis the kind's law used in these realms," said
Bonner. "Would ye were less full of that and more knowing in God's law
and your duty." " Well, seeing your Grace falleth to wishing. I can also wish
many things to be in your person." "Yoii do use us." broke out Sir Thomas
Smith, "to be seen as common lawyers." ''Indeed. I knew the law ere ye
could read it." At the next session Bonner read Hooper's works to prove his
heresy. Latimer lifted up his hand, as he said to still the crowd, as Bonner
believed to rouse it. Cries interrupted his reading, succeeded by a shout of
laughter when " burly Edmund " turned round with a mock defiance : " Ah
Woodcocks. Woodcocks." Cranmer, fretting under his " taunts and checks,
calling us" (as he complained) "fools and daws and such like," committed
his suffragan to the Marshalsea.

2 George Day ' answered plainly that he could not do it, saving his con-
science. For the altars seemed to him a thing anciently established by agree-
ment of the Holy Fathers and ancient doctors, with the custom of many
years, and, as he thought, according to the Scriptures. . . . He would rather
lose all than condemn his own conscience."



their seniors in prison and deprivation September, 1551. Voysey,
of Exeter, in the same year, shared the same fate, as a " fautor "
(favourer) of the Devonshire rebels of 1549, who had de-
manded " that the new service be laid aside, since it is like


(By permission, from the portrait at Trinity Hall, Cambridge.)

a Christmas game, and the old service again used with the
procession in Latin."

On the other hand, Cranmer's party among the Bishops
and clergjr, though all content, except Hooper, to submit ab-
solutely to the powers that be whether King, Protector, or

/'///; A'A'U'


Council suffered not only from Conservative opposition, l>ut
from Court plunderers and foreign Anabaptists. Some under
Bonner's guidance tried, for instance, to adapt the fullest
mediaeval ritual to the English Prayer Book ; the Princess Mary
refused to surrender the Latin Mass; Somerset pulled down
St. Mary-le-Strand for his town palace and laid hands upon St.
Margaret's, Westminster ; the seizure even of Cranmer's manors


continued; Joan Bocher refused to "confess Christ as God,"
and was burnt (May, 154!J), as was George Van Paris, in April,
1551, for Arianism. The party in power if it could be called
a party at all was indeed a Unity in Diversity. Hooper refused
to be made Bishop of Gloucester in the vestments of Antichrist,
but after six months' argument with liidley and Cranmer, and
six weeks' reflection in the Fleet Prison, yielded to the advice of
his Swiss teachers and was consecrated. The disorder, poverty,
and discontent in the mass of the clergy and people seem by
this time to have arrested the attention of all earnest men. The
young king wrote "upon reformation of many abuses," and his
proclamations forbade not only " quarrelling and shooting in
churches," but also " the bringing of horses and mules through
the same, making God's house like a stable or common inn."
Priests are not to be mobbed or hustled ; church plate and
furniture, in spite of the Protector Somerset's example, is not to
be embezzled or stolen outright, as men might think. As early
as February, 1548, all persons are strictly forbidden " to omit,
change, or innovate any order, rite, or ceremony of the Church
commonly used and not forbid in the reign of our late sovereign
lord." Along with this, however, came an order for the absolute
removal of all images.

Three points of social change may be specially illustrated
the new poverty of the clergy, the decay of learning and
morals, the reformation in public worship and education.
Clerical 1. Latimer, who preferred to preach before the Court

Poverty. ra th e r than to return to his old see of Worcester, on his
release from the Tower, denounced

" The scraping and getting together for bodily houses while the soul's
house is neglected. . . . We of the clergy had too much, but now we
have too little. Schools are not maintained, scholars have not exhibition,
the preaching-office decayeth. The gentry invade the profits of the Church,
leaving but the title . . . benefices are let out in fee-farms, given to




servants for keeping of hounds, hawks, and horses. The clergy, kept to
sorry pittances, are forced to put themselves into gentlemen's houses and
serve as clerks of kitchens, surveyors, or receivers."

In milder language Cranmer protested ; in the stronger form
of riot the Londoners compelled Somerset to leave Westminster
alone ; the Council was informed that private men's halls were
hung " with altar-cloths, their tables and beds covered with copes,
that some at dinner drank from chalices." Sometimes, it was
said, the wives of the new-married priests were dressed in the
altered robes of the old service.

2. Worse things were said before the Court by Bernard


Gilpin, the Apostle of the North, then rector of Houghton-le-

" Dispensations for pluralities and non-residence are transported hither
from Rome and farming of benefices still prevails. Patrons see that none
do their duty; they think it as good to put in asses as men. Bishops
were never so liberal in making of lewd [unlearned] priests, and patrons
are as liberal in making of lewd vicars. Baptism is despised and the
Holy Communion * bought nothing of. Learning decays ; men will not send
their children to the schools. Look upon the wells of the realm Oxford
and Cambridge they are almost dried up. Ministers do not think them-
selves obliged to do any pastoral work the first year after presentation
because they get no pay, the king taking the first-fruits."

Still more violently did Bacon inveigh against the

"gross Gospellers, who crack very stoutly for remission of sins, but
are puffed up with pride, swell with envy, wallow in pleasures whose
religion is disputation ; of Christian acts nothing at all."





'/'///: NEW


in Wor
ship and





The decline ill the clerical standard, Lord Warwick told
Cecil, was "in that priests be so soiled of wives and children
that they forget their poor neighbours and all other matters of
their calling."

3. But however this may have been, however true the general
decline in learning, morals, and decency, owing mainly to the
example of the courtiers, there is a brighter side in the honest
attempts at a real reformation in public worship, and in primary
education, as well as in English trade and industry. As we are
here only dealing with religion, it will be enough to instance
the First and Second Prayer Books, the Forty-two Articles,
Cranmer's Catechism, and the twenty new grammar schools of
the reign (p. 328) as proofs of a higher movement than mere
Church plunder and fanaticism.

The Prayer Book of 154!) was defended by Cranmer against
the Devonshire complaints as being nothing but the old services
in English, purged, condensed, and simplified, 1 and for this
there was evidence in the retention of the ancient vestments,
lights, and chief ceremonies, with even the title, of the "Mass."
Matins and Evensong represented the Hours, and place was
found especially in the visitation-office of the sick for auricular
confession and priestly absolution. The Traditio Instrument-
orum, or giving of the sacred vessels, was also to be found in the
Ordinal. Only the doctrine of tlie Eucharistic sacrifice could
fairly be thought obscure in this summary (as it really was)
of Henry's reforming work. In its system of Lessons from
the Old and New Testaments, in its compactness and popular
character, the English Prayer Book was certainly the best liturgy
in Christendom.

But in the second book of 1552 the aims of purifying

1 For the ritual changes up to 1.Y17. <-f. Bishop Blandford's Dia.'y referring
to Worcester :

' In January, I'i3'.\ the monks of this church put on secular habits.

"1547. Candlemas Day. No caudles hallowed or borne. Ash Wednesday. N> ashes.

"1548 March 2:'.. 1'alin Sunday.- No I'alms or Cross borne in procession. EasterEve. No
lire, but the Paschal Taper and the Font. Easter Day. The, Fix, with the Sacrament, taken
out of the Sepulchre, they sin^ins,' 'Christ is Kisen' without procession. Good Friday. No
creeping to the Cross. October 20. The Cup wilh the Body of Christ was taken away from
the Altars.

" IMP. Good Friday. No Sepulchre, m- Service of Sepulchre. Easter Eve. No Paschal Taper,
or Fire, or Incense, or Font. On April 2.'lrd. Mass, Matins, Kvenson^, and all other service in

"All Mass Books, Gradual.', Pies, Portasses, and I. (-ends, bnm^ht to the HUhop and




and rationalising the Catholic services, and explaining every-
thing by Scripture references, overpowered every other. Even
kneelinc!" at Communion was defended as " no adoration to

l\j AJ iL' ; l '; "Is ivrx 1 - A A ii'*'-*-,V'i -^ i ' *^ " ' -


. i M-Tv^g3t'33SffisS i '^

booue of t!je common piatet

anD aummUlranon of tijc

Sacrament es, and

otljer rues: nnD


of tlje

Cum fir iIfg ^ urpnumiftim
A/u.* Dem. M. D XLIX


any Real Presence of Christ's natural flesh and blood.''
The name, the vestments, the symbolic rites of the Mass
disappeared ; the manual acts of consecration were no longer
directed ; the posture of the priest was changed from " afore
the midst of the altar" to the North Side of the Table; long

268 THE NK\\' !'<> Hi '!<;*.


exhortations were added in the style of the foreign reformers ;
yet the revolution was more in rubrics than in text, and the
Protestant meaning left implicit in the book was only partially
made clear in the new appendix of Cranmer's Forty-two
Articles of Religion.

For in the last three years (1549-1552) the Primate had
passed from his Lutheran to his final and mainly Calvinistic
phase of belief. He differed from the extreme Swiss Sacra-
mentaries in his doctrine of a special, though entirely spiritual,
presence in the Eucharist ; but under the influence of Bucer,
Martyr, Ridley, and John a Lasco, in 1550 he had already
left the Lutheran standpoint of his Catechism, translated
from Justus Jonas in 154s. The foreign refugees welcomed
in England, endowed with Divinity Professorships at the
two Universities, or allowed to settle and form congregations
in London and the South-Eastern Counties combined with
Ridley's influence to produce the Archbishop's final confession
of faith, which was gradually accepted as the text-book of
English orthodox opinion. The " Defence of the True and
Catholic Doctrine of the Sacrament" is based upon the
doctrine of Ratramtn in the ninth century, and embodies
the view which was consciously impressed upon the Second
Prayer Book (1552), and which dominated the Anglican
divinity of the sixteenth century.

So, whether or no Bertram, the Priest of Corbey, in 880,
is only another name for John Scotus Erigena, the proverb of
Edward's time Avill need another step " Latimer leaneth to
Cranmer, Cranmer leaneth to Ridley, Ridley leaneth to- his
own singular wit " and that wit leant to the first Sacramental
Controversy of Latin Christendom. The sixteenth century,
on the Eucharist and on Predestination, took up the watch-
words of the ninth.
Edward Lastly, ill such matters as education, the young king,

though surrounded by adventurers, had firm and generous
views of his own. Ultra-Protestant though he was, he wished
to make some use of the Church plunder that kept pouring
into Court for works of learning and charity. From the
180,000 realised by the sale of chantries, chapels, and their
landed property, he endowed or re-endowed twenty grammar
schools ; and for three classes of poor he especially provided




by three foundations. For " impotent " poor, or rather for their
children, he began Christ's Hospital ; for " casual " poor he
dissolved the Palace of the Savoy and gave the funds to the
Hospitals of St. Thomas and St. Bartholomew ; for " ex-
travagant " poor he aimed at turning the king's palace of


(By permission, from the picture Tiy Stretes at Bridewell Royal Free Hospital.)

Bridewell into a " Spital for ramblers, dissolute and sturdy
beggars." These are part of religious history, not only
because Church funds provided the means, and many of the
new schools were simple re foundations of the old with part of
the old endowments, but also because Edward's personal action
is directly traced to the sermons and advice of Bishop Ridley.




Yet, on the whole, the verdict upon the religious history of
Edward's reign, as upon the Lancastrians, must be " Lack of
governance." It was this feeling, " Sauve <jui pent," which
caused the claims of the clergy in 1547 to be represented in
Parliament, to continue the revision of Canon Law and of the
Service Books by themselves, and to have provision made for
poor incumbents in the "year of first fruits" of which appeal
the " Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum " of 1551 was the only
result. Whatever else thrived, clerical interests did not. The
lay domination of Henry's reign had become a lay tyranny over
the Church. Abuses seemed to be amended " in the devil's
way by breaking in pieces." The real reformers were hope-
lessly outnumbered by the self-seekers, and it was against these
that all honest men rebelled. Not a man cried " God save you ! "
to Northumberland as he rode through London from the Court
to secure the person of Mary and the succession of his own
House, in 1553. " With tears streaming down his cheeks," the
Protestant leader proclaimed the Catholic Princess as Queen,
and in this proclaimed also the practical failure of the
Protestant movement in England.






CHARLES_ THE reign of Mary, as the religious reaction, naturally divides
into a time of Old Catholic and of Papal restoration. The
Spanish marriage (on July 25, 1554) marks the change from
Gardiner's more English and tolerant ascendancy to the perse-
cuting regime of Philip and Philip's wife. The queen and her
husband maintain the reign of terror in the teeth of growing
popular opposition, of Pole's reluctance, of Bonner's weariness.

Online LibraryH. D. (Henry Duff) TraillSocial England; a record of the progress of the people in religion, laws, learning, arts, industry, commerce, science, literature and manners, from the earliest times to the present day (Volume 3) → online text (page 26 of 68)