ries, and constituting each the guardian of the pubhc
weal against invasions of the others, has been evinced
15
Washington's Farewell Address
by experiments ancient and modern, some of them
in our country and under our own eyes. To pre-
serve them must be as necessary as to institute them.
If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or
s modification of the constitutional powers be in any
particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment
in the way which the constitution designates. But
let there be no change by usurpation; for though
this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good,
10 it is the customary weapon by which free governments
are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly
overbalance in permanent evil any partial or tran-
sient benefit which the use can at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to
IS political prosperity, religion and morahty are indis-
pensable supports. In vain would that man claim
the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to sub-
vert these great pillars of human happiness, these
firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The
20 mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought
to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not
trace all their connections with private and public
felicity. Let it simply be asked, w^here is the security
for property, for reputation, for Hfe, if the sense of
asrehgious obligation desert the oaths which are the
instruments of investigation in courts of justice?
And let us with caution indulge the supposition that
morality can be maintained without religion. What-
ever may be conceded to the influence of refined
16
Washington's Farewell Address
education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and
experience both forbid us to expect that national
morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
It is substantially true that virtue or morality
is a necessary spring of popular government. Thes
rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every
species of free government. Who that is a sincere
friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts
to shake the foundation of the fabric ?
Promote, then, as an object of primary impor- lo
tance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowl-
edge. In proportion as the structure of a govern-
ment gives force to public opinion, it should be
enhghtened.
As a very important source of strength and se-is
curity, cherish public credit. One method of pre-
serving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoid-
ing occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but
remembering, also, that timely disbursements, to
prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater 20
disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the
accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions
of expense, but by vigorous exertions, in time of
peace, to discharge the debts which unavoidable
wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throw- 25
ing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves
ought to bear. The execution of these maxims
belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary
that public opinion should co-operate. To facili-
17
Washington's Farewell Address
tate to them the performance of their duty, it is
essential that you should practically bear in mind,
that towards the payment of debts there must be
revenue ; that to have revenue there must be taxes ;
5 that no taxes can be devised which are not more or
less inconvenient and unpleasant ; that the intrinsic
embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the
proper object (which is always a choice of difficul-
ties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid
lo construction of the conduct of the government in
making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the meas-
ures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigen-
cies may at any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations ;
IS cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion
and morality enjoin this conduct, and can it be that
good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be
worthy of a free, enhghtened, and, at no distant pe-
riod, a great nation, to give to mankind the mag-
aonanimous and too novel example of a people always
guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who
can doubt but, in the course of time and things,
the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any
temporary advantages which might be lost by a
25 steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence
has not connected the permanent feHcity of a nation
with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recom-
mended by every sentiment which ennobles human
nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices:
l8
Washington's Farewell Address
i In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more
essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies
against particular nations and passionate attach-
ments for others should be excluded; and that, in
place of them, just and amicable feehngs towards s
all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges
towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual
fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to
its animosity or to its affection, either of which is
sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its lo
interest. Antipathy in one nation against another
disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury,
to lay hold of shght causes of umbrage, and to be
haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling
occasions of dispute occur. Hence, frequent colli- is
sions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests.
The nation, prompted by ill will and resentment,
sometimes impels to war the government, contrary
to the best calculations of poHcy. The government
sometimes participates in the national propensity, 20
and adopts through passion what reason would re-
ject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the
nation subservient to projects of hostiHty, instigated
by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious
motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the 25
liberty of nations, has been the victim.
So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation
for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy
for the favorite nation, facihtating the illusion of
19
Washington's Farewell Address
an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real
common interest exists, and infusing into one the
enmities of the other, betrays the former into a par-
ticipation in the quarrels and wars of the latter,
5 without adequate inducements or justifications. It
leads also to concessions, to the favorite nation, of
privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to
injure the nation making the concessions, by un-
necessarily parting with what ought to have been
lo retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a
disposition to retahate in the parties from whom
equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambi-
tious, corrupted, or deluded citizens who devote
themselves to the favorite nation, facility to betray
IS or sacrifice the interests of their own country, with-
out odium, sometimes even with popularity; gild-
ing with the appearances of a virtuous sense of ob-
ligation, a commendable deference for pubKc opinion,
or a laudable zeal for pubKc good, the base or foolish
aocompHances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable
ways, such attachments are particularly alarming
to the truly enhghtened and independent patriot.
How many opportunities do they afford to tamper
25 with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduc-
tion, to mislead pubhc opinion, to influence or awe
the public councils ! Such an attachment of a
small or weak towards a great and powerful nation,
dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
20
Washington's Farewell Address
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence,
(I conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens), the
jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly
awake; since history and experience prove that
foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes ofs
republican government. But that jealousy, to be
useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instru-
ment of the very influence to be avoided, instead of
a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one
foreign nation and excessive dislike for another, lo
cause those whom they actuate to see danger only
on one side, and serve to veil and even second the
arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who
may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to
become suspected and odious ; while its tools and dupes 15
usurp the applause and confidence of the people,
to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to for-
eign nations, is, in extending our commercial rela-
tions, to have with them as little political connec- 20
tion as possible. So far as we have already formed
engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good
faith. Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests, which to
us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence, 25
she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the
causes of which are essentially foreign to our con-
cerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us
to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordi;
21
Washington's Farewell Address
nary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary
combinations and coUisions of her friendships or
enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and
5 enables us to pursue a different course. If we re-
main one people, under an efficient government,
the period is not far off when we may defy material
injury from external annoyance ; when we may take
such an attitude as will cause the neutrahty we may
lo at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected ;
when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of
making acquisitions upon us, will not Hghtly hazard
the giving us provocation, when we may choose
peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice,
15 shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so pecuhar a situa-
tion? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign
ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with
that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and
20 prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rival-
ship, interest, humor, or caprice ?
It is our true poHcy to steer clear of permanent
alKance with any portion of the foreign world ; so
far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for
25 let me not be understood as capable of patronizing
infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim
no less applicable to pubHc than private affairs,
that honesty is always the best poHcy. I repeat it,
therefore, let those engagements be observed in their
22
Washington's Farewell Address
genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary,
and would be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable
establishments, on a respectable defensive posture,
we may safely trust to temporary alliances for ex-s
traordinary emergencies.
Harmony and a liberal intercourse with all nations,
are recommended by poHcy, humanity, and interest.
But even our commercial policy should hold an equal
and impartial hand ; neither seeking nor granting lo
exclusive favors or preferences ; consulting the nat-
ural course of things ; diffusing and diversifying by
gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing
nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in
order to give trade a stable course, to define the is
rights of our merchants, and to enable the govern-
ment to support them, conventional rules of inter-
course, the best that present circumstances and mu-
tual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable
to be from time to time abandoned or varied as 20
experience and circumstances shall dictate; con-
stantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation
to look for disinterested favors from another; that
it must pay with a portion of its independence for
whatever it may accept under that character; that 25
by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condi-
tion of having given equivalents for nominal favors,
and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for
not giving more. There can be no greater error
23
Washington's Farewell Address
than to expect or calculate upon real favors from
nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience
must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.
In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels
sof an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope
they will make the strong and lasting impression
I could wish ; that they will control the usual current
of the passions, or prevent our nation from running
the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of
10 nations, but if I may even flatter myself that they
may be productive of some partial benefit, some oc-
casional good; that they may now and then recur
to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against
the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against
15 the impostures of pretended patriotism ; this hope
will be a full recompense for the soHcitude for your
welfare by which they have been dictated.
How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I
have been guided by the principles which have been
20 delineated, the public records and other evidences
of my conduct must witness to you and to the world.
To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is,
that I have, at least, beheved myself to be guided
by them.
25 In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe,
my proclamation of the 2 2d of April, 1793, is the
index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving
voice, and by that of your representatives in both
houses of congress, the spirit of that measure has
24
Washington's Farewell Address
continually governed me, uninfluenced by any at-
tempts to deter or divert me from it.
After deliberate examination, with the aid of the
best Ughts I could obtain, I was well satisfied that
our country, under all the circumstances of the case, 5
had a right to take, and was bound, in duty and in-
terest, to take a neutral position. Having taken it,
I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to
maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and firm-
ness. 10
The considerations which respect the right to hold
this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to
detail. I will only obser\^e that, according to my
understanding of the matter, that right, so far from
being denied by any of the belKgerent powers, has is
been virtually admitted by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be
inferred, without any thing more, from the obliga-
tion which justice and humanity impose on every
nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain 20
inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards
other nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that con-
duct will best be referred to your own reflections
and experience. With me, a predominant motive 25
has been to endeavor to gain time to our country
to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and
to progress, without interruption, to that degree of
strength and consistency which is necessary to give
25
Washington's Farewell Address
it, humanly speaking, the command of its own
fortunes.
Though in reviewing the incidents of my adminis-
tration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I
5 am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to
think it probable that I may have committed many
errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech
the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which
they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope
lothat my country will never cease to view them with
indulgence ; and that, after forty-five years of my
life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal,
the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned
to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions
15 of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things,
and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which
is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil
of himself and his progenitors for several generations,
20 1 anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat
in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy,
the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of
my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good
laws under a free government — the ever favorite
25 object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust,
of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.
Geo. Washington.
United States.
17th September, 1796.
26
Daniel Webstei
WEBSTER'S
FIRST BUNKER HILL ORATION
This uncounted multitude before me and around
me proves the feeling which the occasion has excited.
These thousands of human faces, glowing with sym-
pathy and joy, and, from the impulses of a common
gratitude, turned reverently to heaven, in the spacious s
temple of the firmament, proclaim that the day, the
place, and the purpose of our assembHng have made a
deep impression on our hearts.
If, indeed, there be any thing in local association
fit to affect the mind of man, we need not strive to re- lo
press the emotions which agitate us here. We are
among the sepulchres of our fathers. We are on
ground distinguished by their valor, their constancy,
and the shedding of their blood. We are here, not to
fix an uncertain date in our annals, nor to draw into is
notice an obscure and unknown spot. If our humble
purpose had never been conceived, if we ourselves had
never been born, the 17th of June 1775 would have
been a day on which all subsequent history would have
37
Webster's First Bunker Hill Oration
poured its light, and the eminence where we stand,
a point of attraction to the eyes of successive genera-
tions. But we are Americans. We live in what may
be called the early age of this great continent; and
5 we know that our posterity, through all time, are
here to suffer and enjoy the allotments of humanity.
We see before us a probable train of great events;
we know that our own fortunes have been happily cast ;
and it is natural, therefore, that we should be moved
10 by the contemplation of occurrences which have
guided our destiny before many of us were born,
and settled the condition in which we should pass
that portion of our existence which God allows to
men on earth.
15 We do not read even of the discover}^ of this conti-
nent, without feeling something of a personal interest
in the event; without being reminded how much it
has affected our own fortunes, and our own existence.
It is more impossible for us, therefore, than for others,
20 to contemplate with unaffected minds that interest-
ing, I may say, that most touching and pathetic
scene, when the great Discoverer of America stood
on the deck of his shattered bark, the shades of night
falling on the sea, yet no man sleeping ; tossed on the
25 billows of an unknown ocean, yet the stronger billows
of alternate hope and despair tossing his own troubled
thoughts; extending forward his harassed frame,
straining westward his anxious and eager eyes, till
Heaven at last granted him a moment of rapture and
28
Webster's First Bunker Hill Oration
ecstasy, in blessing his vision with the sight of the
unknown world.
Nearer to our times, more closely connected with
our fates, and therefore still more interesting to our
feeHngs and affections, is the settlement of our owns
country by colonists from England. We cherish every
memorial of these worthy ancestors; we celebrate
their patience and fortitude ; we admire their daring
enterprise ; we teach our children to venerate their
piety; and we are justly proud of being descended lo
from men who have set the world an example of
founding civil institutions on the great and united
principles of human freedom and human knowl-
edge. To us, their children, the story of their labors
and sufferings can never be without its interest. 15
We shall not stand unmoved on the shore of Plymouth,
while the sea continues to wash it ; nor will our breth-
ren in another early and ancient colony forget the
place of its first estabhshment, till their river shall
cease to flow by it. No vigor of youth, no maturity 20
of manhood, will lead the nation to forget the spots
where its infancy was cradled and defended.
But the great event, in the history of the continent,
which we are now met here to commemorate; that
prodigy of modern times, at once the wonder and the 25
blessing of the world, is the American Revolution.
In a day of extraordinary prosperity and happiness, of
high national honor, distinction, and power, we are
brought together, in this place, by our love of coun-
29
Webster's First Bunker Hill Oration
try, by our admiration of exalted character, by our
gratitude for signal services and patriotic devotion.
The society whose organ I am, was formed for
the purpose of rearing some honorable and durable
s monument to the memory of the early friends of
American Independence. They have thought that
for this object no time could be more propitious than
the present prosperous and peaceful period ; that no
place could claim preference over this memorable spot ;
10 and that no day could be more auspicious to the un-
dertaking than the anniversary of the battle which
was here fought. The foundation of that monument
we have now laid. With solemnities suited to the
occasion, with prayers to Almighty God for his bless-
ising, and in the midst of this cloud of witnesses, we
have begun the work. We trust it will be prosecuted ;
and that, springing from a broad foundation, rising
high in massive solidity and unadorned grandeur,
it may remain, as long as Heaven permits the works
20 of man to last, a fit emblem, both of the events in
memory of which it is raised, and of the gratitude of
those who have reared it.
We know, indeed, that the record of illustrious ac-
tions is most safely deposited in the universal remem-
25 brance of mankind. We know that, if we could cause
this structure to ascend, not only till it reached the
skies, but till it pierced them, its broad surfaces could
still contain but part of that, which, in an age of knowl-
edge, hath already been spread over the earth, and
30
Webster's First Bunker Hill Oration
which history charges itself with making known to all
future times. We know that no inscription on en-
tablatures less broad than the earth itself, can carry
information of the events we commemorate, where it
has not already gone ; and that no structure which s
shall not outlive the duration of letters and knowledge
among men, can prolong the memorial. But our
object is, by this edifice to show our own deep sense
of the value and importance of the achievements of
our ancestors ; and, by presenting this work of grati- lo
tude to the eye, to keep alive similar sentiments, and
to foster a constant regard for the principles of the
Revolution. Human beings are composed not of
reason only, but of imagination also, and sentiment;
and that is neither wasted nor misapplied which is is
appropriated to the purpose of giving right direction
to sentiments, and opening proper springs of feeling
in the heart. Let it not be supposed that our object
is to perpetuate national hostihty, or even to cherish
a mere military spirit. It is higher, purer, nobler. 20
We consecrate our work to the spirit of national in-
dependence, and we wish that the light of peace may
rest upon it forever. We rear a memorial of our
conviction of that unmeasured benefit which has
been conferred on our own land, and of the happy 25
influences which have been produced, by the same
events, on the general interests of mankind. We
come, as Americans, to mark a spot which must for-
ever be dear to us and our posterity. We wish that
31
Webster's First Bunker Hill Oration
whosoever, in all coming time, shall turn his eye hither,
may behold that the place is not undistinguished,
where the first great battle of the Revolution was
fought. We wish that this structure may proclaim
5 the magnitude and importance of that event, to every
class and every age. We wish that infancy may
learn the purpose of its erection from maternal lips,
and that weary and withered age may behold it, and
be solaced by the recollections which it suggests.
lo We wish that labor may look up here, and be proud,
in the midst of its toil. We wish that, in those days
of disaster, which, as they come on all nations, must
be expected to come on us also, desponding patriotism
may turn its eyes hitherward, and be assured that
15 the foundations of our national power still stand strong.
We wish that this column rising towards heaven