>* -Art*. lr&.A.^
PRICE, 3 CENTS.
AMONG WORKING MEN.
HOW THE TARIFF AFFECTS
WAQBS AND \VORK.
By I. E. SMITH,
A NEW YORK BUSINESS MAN.
JOHN T. MII.LKR, PRINTER, 64 East Tenth St., N, Y.
A TARIFF TALK.
(ONE WORKMAN TO ANOTHER.)
Ques. My friend, can you tell what all this talk
about the Tariff means?
Ans. It has a good deal to do with you and me, as to
employment and wages.
Ques, In what way does the tariff affect employment
Ans. Wages in England are about two-thirds what
they are in this country. Now, if goods are made one-
third cheaper in England than here, and are allowed to
come in free of tax or duty, it is easy to see that our
workmen must work a good deal cheaper or else be dis-
charged; for the American article which costs in labor
one-third more than the English could not be sold except
at a loss,
Ques. But goods would bo much cheaper, and that
would be a benefit?
Ans. Yes; they would be cheaper, for the supply of
English goods added to those made in this country would
so glut the market that they would have to be sold at
much less than the cost
Ques. Would not that be a benefit to all ?
Ans. Cheap goods might benefit some few workmen
who have money to buy with, but how would it be with
those that have no money and no chance to earn any?
Ques. If the manufacturers of< this country cannot
get men to work as cheaply as they do in England, what
will become of them?
Ans. They must stop work. Many would be ruined.
The loss to the country would be fearful, bringing bank-
ruptcy to a great many of our best business men. Our
manufactories would not have an even chance with those
of the English unless our government "protect" them
by a tariff equal to the extra wages we pay.
HOW WOULD IT BE WITH WORKINGMEN?
Ques. What would become of workmen?
Ans. That is more than anybody can tell. It is evi-
dent they could, not find work at their old trades, neither
would there be employment at other trades, as most kinds
of manufacturing would be in the same unfortunate con-
Ques. Has Free Trade ever been tried in this country?
Ans. Yes ; and the result has always been disastrous
to the manufacturing and business interests.
PANICS AND RANK FAILURES.
Once in a while all the banks of the country suspend
specie payment. This is what occurred in 1837 and 1857.
Ques. What is the cause of it?
Arts, Sometimes specie in the country is very scarce,
and if a sudden call is made upon the banks to redeem
the paper money they have out, and specie cannot be ob-
tained, they must suspend. When our importations are
much larger than our exports, specie must be sent abroad
to pay the difference. This sometimes occurs in eonse-
. quence of short crops of wheat or cotton, it may be, but
generally because of large importations of goods of the
kinds we make at home.
Now suppose we import from Europe $300,000,000
worth, and export but $150,000,000 worth, that will leave
us in debt to Europe $150,000,000. This difference> of;
course, must be paid in gold, and would make specie very
Ques. How soon after the disaster of 1837 did our
manufacturers get started again ?
Ans. In 1842 a new protective tariff went into effect,
and that set the wheels in motion again. All kinds of
manufacturing now took a fresh start. Old mills and
new ones were put in motion, giving employment to thou-
sands, and everything gave promise of business pros-
perity, when all at once a black cloud appeared. Eng-
land could never allow the United States to do her own
manufacturing if she could prevent it.
So the English took desperate measures to break
down our tariff and get the market for themselves. In
these efforts, we are sorry to say, they were successful,
for they did break down our manufacturing interest anti
"gain and keep possession" of our market for many
This is the way in which it was done:
(Quoting from American Protectionist, p. 43, by G. B. Steb-
bins, Detroit, Mich.)
The report of "A Parliament Commission/' 1854,
says: "Immense losses which employers incur in bad
times in order to destroy foreign competition and to gain
and keep possession of foreign markets, and of works
being carried on for this purpose at an aggregate loss of
three or four hundred thousand pounds sterling ($2,000-
000), and the ability of a few wealthy capitalists to over-
whelm all foreign competition and thus step in for the
whole trade when prices revive."
Stebbins says, p. 44 : "As an illustration of this pro-
cess, very costly to us and equally profitable to these
British capitalists, let us look at the trade in railroad iron
from 1840 to 1854. First, these men had spent monej
here largely to break down our tariff of 1842 and get in-
stead the lower tariff of 1846, with its ad valorem rate*
under which frauds in the importers invoices could push
duties down. Then, in 1849 and 1850, more than 200,000
tons of railroad iron was pushed into the country at $40
per ton, and our mills at home closed up and their busi-
ness ruined. This was the plot to gain and keep the
market. The harvest was at hand. From 1850 to 1854
the British controlled the market, and, running up the
price, sold us 800,000 tons of railroad iron at $75 per ton.*
WE MIGHT MAKE OUR OWX KAILS.
With an adequate protection our own mills could have
furnished the iron at $50 per ton; but for want of it they
stopped, and thus $60,000,000 went into the hands of
British capitalists, and soon came inevitably the terrible
distress of the crisis of 1857. At this time all the banks
suspended specie paymenet bankruptcy and ruin spread
over the whole country.
An English Parliament Commission recommend Brit-
ish capitalists, as we see, to raise vast sums of money
to "influence foreign legislation," and to overwhelm all
foreign competition, and so "gain and keep foreign-
markets." They could overwhelm American manufac-
tures by selling their goods at a great sacrifice, and this
fund was to pay them for so doing.
That was the plan or " plot" (Stebbens calls it). which,
with the help of Free Traders here, succeeded in carry-
ing into effect. The repeal of the tariff of 1842 gave
England the coveted opportunity of filling our country
with goods of English manufactures. That of railroad
iron was of great value to her. The price of English rails
at first was $40 per ton. We could make the iron here
for $50 per ton with moderate protection. That differ-
ence of $10 per ton gave England the control pf pur
whole market. Our iron mills were ruined and our
workmen scattered to the four winds. Were the English
now satisfied with $40 per ton? No; not exactly. Prices
advance rapidly from $40 to $60, to $70, to $75.
Stebbins says : "From 1850 to 1854 the British con-
trolling the market, and running up the price, sold us
800,000 tons of railroad iron at $75 per ton," and the
$60,000,000 paid to the British was lost to our manufac-
turers and working men.
American manufacturers in general were ruined. The
losses altogether were hundreds of millions of dollars,
and resulted in the general bankruptcy of 1857. So
much for the folly of allowing our mills to be ruined
because we could buy a trifle cheaper abroad. We took
the bait of saving $10 per ton on iron, and paid double
price for the bulk of the purchase at the end.
Ques. If Free Trade or low duties cause so much
distress and trouble why are there so many in favor of
the system ?
Ans. Every man who is so has his own reasons. If
he be an agent for the sale of English goods, that may
be his reason. Some look no further than the present
advantage of buying goods cheaper.
Ques. You say the country has prospered under the
protective system ; why should we now make a change ?
THEY WAOT FREE TRADE.
Ans. There is no good reason for a change. The
Free Traders of this country, aided by the money and
influence of foreigners, have so far prevailed as to make a
strong party in its favor.
Ques. Has this Free Trade party tried to repeal the
present protective laws and reduce the duties ? -
Ans. Yes; they have made repeated attempts. Should
they succeed nothing can save our manufacturers from
Ques. How do the English put this question to us ?
Ans. The English Free Traders say : buy your man-
ufactured goods of us and we will take your farm pro-
ducts in return. It is all very fine on paper, but how
does it work ? We notice that every country that England
could persuade to adopt the Free Trade theory has been
impoverished by it. Look at Turkey, Egypt, India, all
poor as poverty, and so was this country as long as we
allowed England to do our manufacturing for us.
Ireland at one time had flourishing manufactories
which furnished a home market for the products of her
soil and gave profitable employment to her people.
Ques. What has become of her manufacturing in-
terests so necessary to her prosperity ?
Ans. Crafty English legislators thought it best that
England should do all the manufacturing for Ireland.
With such legislation is it any wonder that Ireland is
poor? Now foreigners arid Free Traders are trying to
induce the United States to lower the duties, especially on
the articles we make, so that England and other countries
should do all the manufacturing for us.
THEY SELL US POOR IRON.
Ques. Do we get better railroad iron from England
than we make here?
Ans. (Stebbins says): "The English, thirty years
ago, sold us immense quantities of rails so poor and brit-
tle that they could not be sold at home, for ^Hich we paid
them $50 per ton. In place of this poor iron we now have
steel rails, safer and ten-fold more durable, at $40 per ton.
From 1850 to 1855 we imported vast quantities of these
poor British rails at $75 to $80 per ton to lay down over
tracts of country filled with coal and iron. Now, after a
few years of protection, we are making for ourselves
durable steel rails at about half the cost of what we paid
for brittle English rails.
TARIFF FOR REVENUE ONLY.
Ques. What is meant by "tariff for revenue only?"
Ans. Revenue for the support of the Government is
mostly raised by a tax or duty on foreign goods. There
are two systems of raising the revenue ; one is called the
"Protective," the other the "Free Trade" system.
We can and do make most of the articles we need, in
this country ; but Europeans, having cheaper labor, can
undersell us in our own market unless we have a protec-
tive tariff on articles we make, high enough to protect as
against their cheaper-made goods.
This is the dividing line between Protection and Free
One secures employment and good wages; the other re-
duces wages and destroys the factories that furnish em-
ployment. Some people say they are not for Free Trade*
exactly, but favor a "tariff for revenue only." If it be
simply for revenue, then it is only necessary to lower the
duties a little on such articles as we are making, to cause
a great rush to this country of foreign articles of the
same kind. The revenue would be larger in consequence
of the reduction of duty because of larger amounts im-
ported. This is "for revenue only."
What is this but Free Trade, whatever it may be called.
So, whether it be Eevenue Tariff, Keform Tariff, or Free-
Trade, they all work mischief alike, both to factories and
Labor in our country is honorable and ennobling. By
industry, frugality and good common sense, John Roach
rose from a common working man to become a great and
successful builder of steamships. It is the glory of our
country that it gives to workingmen that deserve it a
chance to rise, as we see they are doing in every branch
TARIFF FOR PROTECTION.
A protective tariff protects and maintains the wages of
workingmen and secures them steady employment.
It is protection alone that favors the highest wages ob-
tainable so that the workingman can enjoy the comforts
of a good home for himself and educate his children to
become useful members of society. Free Traders say that
protective duties benefit the manufacturer. Of course
they do. A child needs protection and so does a new in-
dustry. Is it reasonable to suppose that a new country
like ours (with high-priced labor) can manufacture as
cheaply as England that had protection for hundreds
MANUFACTURING IS NOT A MONOPOLY.
A tariff protects one man as much as another, and any
kind of manufacturing found to be profitable is open to
all that choose to engage in it. Competition between
manufacturers bring prices down, and this competition is
impossible without a tariff on which manufacturers can
rely as to its stability and protective character. This
home competition makes monopoly impossible.
How mills increase the value of property. Horace
[Greely told a story that illustrates this :
66 A farmer near Canaan, Connecticut, had always op-
posed " protection" as enriching the manufacturer at
the expense of his own class. In 1842 he contracted for
clearing 100 acres of his woodland at $10 per acre and
what could be made from the wood. Before the job
was finished the tariff of that year was passed, a furnace
ifor making pig iron from charcoal was put up in his
neighborhood, and its owners paid him $20 per acre for the
wood, on two hundred acres of like woodland. Here
was a difference of $6,000 to him between iron made at
home and imported (and a home market for all he raised '
from cabbages to cattle besides). The country is thickly
dotted with cases like this."
MUST BUY CHEAP.
Free Traders say that they want to buy in the cheapest
market ; and if our mills cannot manufacture goods so as
to sell them as cheap as those imported, American work-
men must work cheaper or take the consequences.
Ques. Do they mean that our workmen must have
theii wages reduced to that of European workmen, so
that men getting $3 per day must take $2, and $2-men
must take $1, or no work?
Ans. They will not admit it, but this is just what
Free Trade means. Lowering the rates of duty lets in
foreign goods that take possession of our market, so then
the only alternative is to accept European wages or no
THE TABLES TURNED.
Ques. Do we manufacture most of the articles we use,
or are they imported ?
Ans. Before the war of 1861 we imported much the
larger portion. Since that time a wonderful change has
taken place. Now probably nine-tenths of all we consume
is manufactured in this country. Why should it not be
so, for here at our own doors are the raw materials, the
farm products, and skilled workmen ; add to this rail-
road facilties for transportation superior to that of any
other nation. Is it any wonder that our manufacturing
ANY DANGER AHEAD?
Ques. Is there any danger of Congress passing a Free
Ans. The lower house of Congress for several years
past has had a majority in favor of Free Trade. It would
have become a law before this time but for the opposition
of the United States Senate. The majority opposed to it
is small. Should that small majority now standing firm
for protection to home industry give place to a few more
Free Trade senators, we don't see that anything can save
our manufacturing interests from prostration and ruin.
For by so doing we are only repeating the disastrous ex-
periments of 1846 and 1857.
DO OUR OWN MANUFACTURING.
Ques. Can we not make about everything we want in
this country ?
Ans. Yes; we did through the war and can now if
allowed to do so.
THE COBDEN CLUB.
There is a powerful political organization in England
known as the "Cobden Club." It is composed of mem-
bers of Parliament, cabinet ministers and manufacturers
of England. This club has a branch in New York. Its
avowed object is to convert the United States to Free
Trade, to break down manufactories which give work to
thousands of our countrymen.
- i T y-n
ENGLISH INFLUENCE IN OUR ELECTIONS.
Ques. lias this Cobden Club done anything to influ-
ence elections in this country?
Ans. We have reliable information that it has sent
Cobden Club tracts by the car load over the western and
southern states. Added to this the visits of members of
Parliament, the formation of Free Trade leagues through-
out the western states, and their unblushing efforts to
influence legislation at Washington, all go to show their
determination to break down American manufactures
and convert the country to Free Trade.
Ques. What right have the English to use such means
to influence legislation in this country ?
Ans. None whatever. Suppose wo send over to Eng-
land adroit politicians, members of Congress and manufac-
turers personally interested in making a market in Eng-
land for American goods, and do the same there that the
English do here, what would the English people say to
such interference by us? They might, with justice, say.
" Go home and attend to your own business and we will
attend to ours. "
The workmen of Free-Trade England are poorly paid.
Some receiving less than half the wages paid in this
country for the same work ; consequently many of them
live in wretched hovels that are more fit for pigs than
for civilized beings. Many are without employment and
often throng the streets of the chief cities of England
clamoring for work. At the same time Germany and
France, now protective countries, are selling their manu-
factured goods in England while English workmen are
Ques. Was England ever a protective country?
Ans. Yes ; she was so for hundreds of years before
she adopted Free Trade. Her Free Trade has this pe-
culiar quality, however, of being partial Free Trade for
England, but absolute Free Trade for all other countries.
Ques. Will the same amount of money purchase any
more in England than in the United States?
Ans. The purchasing power of money is just about
the same in both countries; consequently the American
workman, earning from 50 per cent, to 100 per cent, more
wages than in England, can have more of the comforts of
life than the English workman. Is it any wonder then
that so many European workmen come to this country?
Some say workmen can live enough cheaper in England
to make the difference. That cannot be so, for you have
only to compare the homes of foreign working men here
with those in England to see the difference. Here many
have neat and quiet little homes of their own, and some
become wealthy. What chance has the English working
man of owing a home or becoming wealthy.
PAID IN ENGLAND UNDER FREE TRADE
AND IN THE UNITED STATES UNDER PROTECTION.
Iron Moulders . . . Per Week
$ 8 40
Pattern Makers '
Glass Bottle Blowers . . '
Potterers .... *
Cotton Mills 4
Painters . *
Horseshoers . . . '
Farm Hands . '
Railway Engineers .... '
Printers, per 1,000 ems
WHAT ONE DOLLAR WILL BUY IN THE
Bread, Flour, Beef, Mutton, Pork, Potat's, Coffee, Tea, Sugar,
25 Ibs. 25 Ibs. 5 Ibs. 6 Ibs. 8 Ibs. bush. 2 Ibs. 21bs. 12 Ibs.
WHAT ONE DOLLAR WILL BUY IN
Bread. Flour, Beef, Mutton, Pork, Potut's, Coffee, Tea, Sugar,
25 Ibs. 25 Ibs. 5 Ibs. 6 Ibs. 8 Ibs. finish. Sty Ibs. 2 Ibs. 12 Ibs.
(jues. When we were colonies of Great Britain did
she encourage or allow manufacturing among us ?
Ans. No; on the contrary, she did everything in her
power to destroy all kinds of manufactures before they
could get a start, and that was one of the principal
grievances against England which brought on the war for
THE FIRST PROTECTIVE TARIFF.
Ques. When was this system of protection first
adopted in the United States ?
Ans. The framers of our government Washington,
Madison, Jefferson and others saw the necessity of fost-
ering the manufacturing interests so that we might be in-
dependent of other nations, and at the same time make
a home market for our farm products. The country has
flourished just so far as it has adhered to that policy.
Now Free Trade England wants the tariff lowered so
that she can again push her surplus of manufactures
into our market and damage our own industries. For-
eigners pay no taxes. This is our country. It has cost
us something. Shall we now, at the bidding of English-
men and Free Traders, allow our factories to be shut up,
our workmen to be thrown out of employment merely to
furnish a market for the pauper-paid labor 'of England?
It is for the people of this country to decide for tho*i-
selves, by their vote at the polls, whether the Free Trade
or Protective policy shall prevail.
The American Market for the American People.
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