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upon the office in which Mr. Lord holds forth as your transfer
Agent for the State of Indiana. Having myself, purchased some
Indiana stock, I was naturally compelled to have a transfer of the
same to myself. I found the office on Nassau st., No. 211, in the
fourth story of a building full of offices ; therefore, it must be evi-
dent that there is always danger of fire. I think, from my own
observations, that your State runs a great risk of losing by fire,
all of your transfer books, and evidences thereof. The iron safe
which is used, looks to me to be an old, shackley concern, and
should fire occur, the safe, unquestionably would fall a great, dis-
tance into the cellar, and unquestionably to my mind, your books,
&c, would be destroyed. A FRIEND.



REPORT OF THE ADJUTANT GENERAL.



To his Excellency, Joseph A. Wright,

Governor of [nd ana:

The approaching session of the Legislature of Indiana renders
due from me, as Adjutant General, a report of the condition, &c,
of the militia of the State. Literally, however, there is no report
to make; for, although under the present law, we have sowed
commissions broadcast through the State, such is the inefficiency
of our efforts, arising from various causes, that we have been ut-
terly unable to obtain any returns. It was supposed, that under
the present law, by which commissions were conferred by appoint-
ment, and did not at all depend upon the assembling of the people
as militia men, that some results could be attained. But notwith-
standing our desires fell off from an entire re organization to sim-
ply a new enumeration, yet even in these modest efforts we have
signally failed, and we have to abide by the enumeration of 1S33.

The militia are still held in estimation as the main arm of na-
tional defence. It is to the militia of the States that the general
government looks for aid and support when war-clouds lower on
our political horizon ; for although it has a standing army, yet, as
compared with the magnitude of our territory, and the interests
we have to protect, it can only be looked upon as a nucleus,
around which should be gathered our citizen soldiery. What are
we, of the State of Indiana, doing towards preparation for the en-
durance of our share of these burdens? Literally nothing! It
can hardly be received as a sufficient answer, that the moral sense
of the people is not in favor of militia laws, and that they will al-
ways be a dead letter on our statute books. The time may come,
and who can tell that it will not, when the drum again will sound
in our streets to summon the people to their own defence, and
when they will be called upon to meet a foe different from our
last — a foe rich in the experience of war, as well as the material



394

of war, inured to arms and to battle-fields. That our people are
of courage to cope with any foe they may be called upon to meet,
none can question ; but still, there is that want of use, that pre-
paration of mind and body that alone makes a ready soldier, that
is wanting. As well might we expect to make a farmer of a man,
by simply putting in his hands the implements of husbandry ; as
well expect to make a mechanic, by handing him appropriate tools,
as expect a man, however brave, to be a soldier alone, because
you hand him a musket. The art of war, like any other art or
handicraft, is only to be learned by practice, and coolness in dan-
ger awaits on courage only from due preparation of mind. Ad-
mitting, then, that at the present our efforts in relation to militia
matters must continue to fail as they have heretofore failed for
over twenty years, my attention has been directed to some means
by which we can yet keep alive amongst our people a familiarity
with arms, and to this end I beg to suggest to you to call the at-
tention of the ensuing Legislature of some law, regulating a sys-
tem of uniformed volunteers. It is manifest that a membership of
a volunteer company is attended with considerable expense as well
as loss of time. I therefore recommend some system of bounties,
either by direct donation, remission of taxes, or appropriation
of specific fines, by whi h the expense may be partially divided.
That they be kept under the field officers of the militia, and sub-
ject to battalion drill, &c. &c.

All of which is respectfully submitted.

S. D. TOMLINSON, Adjutant General.



COMMUNICATION.



PROM A. D. BACHE, SUPERINTENDENT WEIGHTS AND

MEASURES.



Office of U. S. Weights & Measure-, /
January 5, 1857. \

Sin: — Since making my communication of December 20th, 1
find by reference to the files of correspondence with the Treasury
Department from whence the distribution of standard weights and
measures was made in former years, a communication from the
acting Secretary of the Treasury, dated September, ISiS, enclos-
ing a copy of a letter addressed by the Secretary (Hon. II. J.
Walker.) to Gov. Whitcomb, (Oct. 21, lSi7,) and transmitting at
the request of W. J. Brown, Esq., three boxes, containing, Troy
ounce weights, a half bushel measure, and the gallon and parts.
The boxes are stated to have been directed to the Governor at In-
dianapolis.

The acting Secretary (McClintoch Young, Esq.,) says in his let-
ter of September 20, 1S48 : "Said State (Indiana) has already been
supplied with all the standards except the balances and yard meas-
ure, and Gov. Whitcomb so advised under the date above men-
tioned," (Oct. 21, 1S47.)

The full set of standards for a State comprise :

1. Avoirdupoise weights from 1 to 50 pounds.

2. Troy ounce weights, from 1 ounce to 1-10,000 of an ounce.

3. The gallon and its parts.

4. The half bushel.

5. The yard measure.

The records of this office contain no acknowledgment of the
receipt of the standards marked 1, 2, 3, 4, which have been sent,
and I will teel obliged in being advised at your convenience
whether the articles so specified are now at Indianapolis.



396

The distribution of balances and standards is now made directly
from the office of weights and measures, and the yard measure,
not yet delivered can be sent if dtsirable, in advance of or with
the balances now ready for the State of Indiana.
Very respectfully yours,

A. D. BACHE, Superintendent.
His Excellency Joseph A. Wright,

Governor of Indiana.



Office of U. S. Weights and Measures, )
Washington, D. C, Dec. i>9, 1856. j

Sir: — In compliance with the request made in your letter of
December 16, I have the honor to enclose a copy of a circular and
drawing, showing the dimensions and character of the building^
suitable for the reception of the balances and standards yet to be
furnished to the State of Indiana.

The larger weights were furnished to the State previous to my
superintendence, in 1S44, and on receiving intimation of a desire
to have the remaining standards of weight, and the measures of
length and capacity, they will be packed at once and forwarded
to Indianapolis.

Fearing that my circulars of September 26. and November 5,
requesting verified copies of laws passed by the Slate Legislature
on the subject of weights and measures since March 1, 1853, may
have miscarried in the mail, as no response thereto have heen re-
ceived, I would respectfully renew the application for such data as
may enable me to meet the requirement of a resolution adopted
in the Senate of the United States, in August last, calling for a
statement of the substance of the legislation in the different States
of the Union relative thereto.

Very respectfully yours, &c,

A. D. BACHE,
Supt. U. S. Weights and Measures.

His Excellency Joseph A. Wright,

Governor of Indiana.



COMMUNICATION,

FROM THE GOVERNOR OF LIBERIA.



EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, i
Monrovia, La., March 29, 1856 j

His Excellency Gov. Joseph A. Wright.

President State Board of Colonization of Indiana :

Sir: — I avail myself this opportunity, to do me the honor of
communicating with your Excellency, to say, that your communi-
cation of the 19th Apiil last, addressed to His Excellency, Ex-
President Roberts, relative to the procurement of land in Liberia,
by your Board at a fixed price, for the purpose of making addi-
tional grants to immigrants from the State of Indiana, to the
quantity of land allowed to immigrants by the existing laws of
Liberia, was by him duly laid before the Legislature of this Re-
public at the last session.

And I beg leave to assure your Excellency, that the action com-
menced thereon by the Legislature, would have been consummated
in consonance with the wish of the Board, as expressed in your
communication, but for some very threatening difficulties occurring
about that time, with the aborigines of the country of this Republic,
which impelled an adjournment, before the entire business of the
session could be disposed of.

Your Excellency will attribute therefore, the seeming delin-
quency to the above assigned cause.

I beg to further assure you, that notwithstanding the requisite
formal action was not consummated by the Legislature, yet J have
heard every member express himself favorably to everything con-
tained in your letter, and expressly to the sale of land to your so-
ciety, at a price, not exceeding the maximum price, suggested in
your correspondence. And they exceedingly regretted, that the
impelling cause to a short session was such, as to necessitate the
deferring of the matter to their next session, to commence earlv
in December next, when, I hope to have the pleasure of commu-
nicating the result to you.

Your Excellency's obedient servant,

STEPHEN W. BENSON.



Pon. No. 6/| [Part T.

INAUGURAL ADDRESS



OV



ASHBEL P. WILLAKD,

t

GOVERNOR OF THE STATE OF ISDIANA,



DBLIYEBED BEFOEB THE



GENERAL ASSEMBLY,



J-A-HSTTT^DRTST IS, 18571



INDIANAPOLIS:

JOSEPH J. BINGHAM, STATE PRINTER,

1857.
1. D. J.— 20.



ADDRESS.



Senators, Representatives, and Fellow Citizens:

The oath of office just taken, requires of me a performance of the
duties assigned to the Chief Magistrate of the State, in the Consti-
tution and the laws.

I am well persuaded that I cannot return my gratitude to a con-
fiding people for the high honor they have conferred upon me, in a
more efficient manner, than by devoting what ability 1 may possess
to the execution of their laws, and the protection of their constitu-
tional rights.

My predecessor, in his annual message, has exhibited the condi-
tion of the State, showing that we are steadily advancing in wealth
and prosperity ; indeed it is evident that if the next twelve years
shall be as fruitful in developing the resources of the State as the
last twelve have been, Indiana will have as large an amount of
wealth to each inhabitant as any of the United States.

That this desirable result may be attained, it is essential that
wisdom should guide your counsels in reforming old and making
new laws. There has been no act passed within the last few years,
save one, which has been so discussed before the voters of the State,
that their Representatives could clearly infer what was the will of a
majority of the citizens, and that was the act approved February 16,
1855, entitled "an act to prohibit the manufacture and sale of
spirituous and intoxicating liquors, except in cases therein named,
and to repeal all former acts inconsistent therewith, and for the sup-
pression of intemperance." After a full consideration, a large ma-
jority of the voters have declared that this act has been more pro-
ductive of evil than of good ; and I trust its former advocates will
be willing to unite with others for its repeal.

There has been during the last few years an earnest effort made,
not only in Indiana, but in other States, to create jealousy and strife
between those who had hitherto been friends and equals. Until
1854, during most of the time since the adoption of the Constitu-
tion of the United States, the policy has been to encourage inuuai-



374

gration from all civilized countries, by the establishment of liberal
laws for naturalization. Many of the States, including Indiana, in
support of this wise policy, conferred, at an early day, the right of
suffrage upon those who were willing to abjure their allegiance to
all foreign governments, and swear fidelity to ours.

Allured by these promises of protection and liberty, the tide of
immigration swelled rapidly; multitudes were hastening from the
overtaxed and unpaid labor of Europe to make their homes in a
country which offered such a prospect of improvement in their con-
dition. Two years ago, designing men, well knowing the pride of
the American born in his native land, and the prejudice many enter-
tained for the prevailing religion of a large majority of adopted
citizens, endeavored to deprive them of their rights, guarantied by
the Constitution and laws of the United States, and the Constitu-
tion of the State of Indiana, by making new, illegal and anti-Ameri-
can tests for office. For the first time since the establishment of
our present form of government, the effort has been made to tear
down the standard of toleration erected by our fathers and plant
in its stead the one which represents the narrow bigotry and super-
stition of Europe ; to transplant upon American soil those persecu-
tions and religious wars which so long retarded the advancement of
civilization. They proclaimed that ability, integrity and fidelity to
the Constitution were no longer qualifications for office, which
should entitle their possessor to the confidence and support of his
fellow citizens. But on the contrary, so long as he worshipped God
in a form contrary to their wishes or was born upon other than
American soil, he must take no part in the administration of the
government. They demanded such a change in the laws as should
deny to them the benefits of naturalization, until after a resi-
dence of twenty-one years.

Why shall we not adopt as an American citizen, the voluntary
exile from his native land, within the time now prescribed by law?
By so doing we confer upon him no right of suffrage — no right to
purchase, hold or alienate property. We simply throw around him
the protecting arm of the United States, and advise all other nations
that he is as sacred a Son of Liberty as though born under the Con-
stitution.

When, and upon what conditions, persons, either foreign or
native born, shall acquire and dispose of property, or exercise the
right of suffrage in any State, depends upon no act of Congress,
but upon the laws of the State.

These designing men, whose love for office so exceeded their desire
for the peace and prosperity of their country, knew that their hopes
of success depended upon appealing to the prejudices and passions
of men, where no opportunity was offered to counteract their efforts
by the soothing influence of reason. Accordingly, they established
secret political organizations, studiously excluding therefrom all who
would not sustain their unchristian and illiberal doctrines. Re-
flecting men were persuaded that, in a short time, thinking and






375

patriotic citizens wonld abandon these associations, and they have
not been disappointed.

But unfortunately there has sprung therefrom an alarming evil,
which requires the Btrong arm of the law to suppress. I mean the
organized violence which has been exhibited at the polls on election
days. Many confidently hoped that this evil would be limited to
the cities, and that when the storm of passion had subsided it would
pass away, or be suppressed by the local authorities ; but, unfor-
tunately, the history of the late elections shows that it has spread
beyond the incorporated cities, and has been quite as violent in the
country districts. Unless this growing evil is checked without de-
lay, it will not be long confined to contests between the native and
adopted citizens, but all who differ concerning the men to be chosen
for office will be arrayed on the one side or the other, seeking not
by reason and argument to advance their favorite candidate, but by
violence, with arms, to strike down his opponents. Then will the
ballot-box cease to be the respected arbiter deciding the differences
between men — the officers chosen will not command the support of
the community in making or executing the laws — the battle will not
end when the election is made — it will go on until rebellion and
civil war shall take the place of obedience and peace. And why
should this be? We determine by our written constitution who is
legally entitled to vote. We have the power to punish those who
do it, without authority. Let us likewise, with severe and heavy
penalties, chastise those who deprive or deter the legal voter from
the exercise of one of his most sacred rights. To secure this great
privilege of determining their officers by the voice of a majority,
mankind have struggled for ages ; and now, when it is secured, shall
it be thrown away by selfish ambition? Are not the freemen who
conquer freemen by violence, as much tyrants over their fellow-
citizens as the despot who subdues his people by the sword? You
should regard that man who deprives a legal voter of his suffrage
as an enemy to liberty — -as a tyrant not satisfied that man should
be free.

In addition to this violent invasion of the right of suffrage, there
has been a systematic effort ma' e by fraudulent and illegal votes to
control the government of the State. All good men must regret
that there should be found any so lost to every sense of honor, so
dead to every patriotic feeling, that they are willing to rob their
neighbors of their legal rights by corruption and fraud. Can such
men have considered what fatal consequences will flow from this
practice if continued? Though they may acquire a temporary
ascendancy, they should remember that the peace and good order of
community depend upon keeping the ballot-box so that all men will
yield a willing obedience to the verdict it renders — all their civil
and social rights— all their hopes of liberty for themselves and de-
scendants, depend upon maintaining the purity of the ballot-box.
That this great wrong may not be again inflicted upon the State,
you should provide such a measure of punishment as will deter the



37fi

wicked and protect the good. You should punish the illegal voter,
and he who procures an illegal vote to be cast, as a greater felon
than the man who has unlawfully taken his neighbor's property.
We are all interested in this subject; for if we are satisfied with
our form of government — if we are content with the measure of
freedom we enjoy, we must maintain the basis of that government
and that freedom. And all men must know that liberty and purity
of the ballot-box are one and inseperable.

Gentlemen, you have all been more or less engaged in the can-
vass which has recently closed in Indiana, and you cannot but have
observed how few of our fellow-citizens determined their action by
any benefit they expect to derive, or any injury they feared to suffer
from the laws of their own State. Indeed they were seldom called
upon to consider those subjects which more nearly affected their
local interests, but had their attention rather directed to the laws
and institutions of those who reside in neighboring States and ter-
ritories; and I think I am warranted in expressing the opinion, that
the people of no State ever more thoroughly investigated their
duty. After the most careful consideration they have decided that,
as for Indiana, she will recognize and execute the Constitution of
the United States as the highest law for' the government of her peo-
ple, as that Constitution is interpreted by the tribunal established
and authorized by the instrument itself, to decide between the
separate and United States.

That as for those who regulate the laws and institutions of other
States, we will concede to them the same sovereignty and independ-
ence which we claim for ourselves. Nor do we stop here. If our
fellow citizens desire to go beyond the limits of the States and
make their homes within the territories (purchased by the blood
and treasure of all,) we say they go shorn of none of their sover-
eign rights which they possessed as citizens of the State, but fully
authorized to regulate their domestic affairs in their own way, sub-
ject only to the Constitution of the United States. At the time the
federal Union was formed, all thought as we now do. They believed
that it was safe to permit the people of each State to regulate their
local institutions in their own way ; and that patriotism and christ-
ian duty demanded that they should protect them in their rights as
they were guarantied by the letter and spirit of the Constitution
which made that Union. But during the last canvass, from the press,
the rostrum and the pulpit, the proclamation was made that the
citizens of some of the States were violating the laws of God and
injuring the cause of human freedom by holding a kind of property,
which, when the war of the Revolution began, had a legal existence
in every portion of the vast empire which now recognizes as supreme
law the Constitution of the United States — that it was our duty to
disregard the plighted faith of our fathers, and trample under our
feet the agreement they had made, rather than see the constitutional
rights of property maintained ; and moreover that it was our duty
to elect a President of the United States, with a Congress to sustain



377

him, who maintained that when the American citizen crossed the
boundary of the State and entered the territory, he should be no
longer a freeman, possessed of the unalienable rights of life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness, but reduced to the condition of colo-
nial vassalage — that no new State should be added to this confeder-
acy unless her citizens made their laws, not in accordance with their
own will, but in obedience to the tyrannical dictation of the citi-
zens of the old.

Indiana rejected these anti-democratic, unconstitutional doctrines,
exhibiting a patriotism and a fidelity to liberty worthy of the best
days of the Republic. She instructed her representatives in the
Federal Government to protect each citizen in all his rights of
property, according to the guaranties of the Constitution, and that
they should admit new States into the Union, demanding only that
they present a Republican form of government.

If I should become possessed of any information during the pre-
sent session of the General Assembly, important to be considered,
I shall avail myself of the earliest opportunity to communicate the
same to their respective bodies.



Doc. No. 7.] [Part I.

REPORT



OP



THE COMMISSIONERS



OF



THE SINKING FUND,

I



FOR THE YEAR 1856,



TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY.



INDIANAPOLIS:

JOSEPH J. BINGHAM, STATB PBINTBB,
1857.

1 D. J.— 27.



Office op the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund, i
Indianapolis, January I'd, 1857. \

Hon. Ballard Smith,

Speaker of the House of Representatives :

Sir; — Herewith please to receive and lay before the House the
Annual Report of the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund.

Very respectfully,

E. DUMONT, President.



REPORT.



Office of the Sinking Fund Commissioners, )
India>apolis, December 31, 1856. )

To the General Assembly of the Slate of Indiana:

The Commissioners of the Sinking Fund have the honor to sub-
mit the following report:

A brief statement of the origin of this fund would seem to be
proper at this time.

By the I03d section of the act establishing a State Bank, ap-
proved January 28, 1S34, it is enacted, that, "For the purpose of
providing funds on the part of the State to pay her subscription
of stock in said bank, and afford to her citizens who may become
stockholders therein the ability of paying up their second and third
installments of stock, the Commissioners of the Canal Fund are
hereby authorized and directed to contract, on the part of the
State, a loan of one million three hundred thousand dollars, or so
much thereof as shall be required for the purposes of this act, at a
rate of interest not exceeding five per cent, per annum, redeem-
able after twenty and within thirty years, at the pleasure of the
State; for the payment of which and the interest thereon, at such
time and place as agreed upon, the faith of the State is hereby
irrevocably pledged."

By the 113th section of the act aforesaid, it is enacted that,
"There shall be created a fund, to be called the sinking fund, which
shall consist of all unapplied balances of the loan or loans pro-
cured on the part of the State for its stock in the State Bank, or



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