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The history of Scotland, its Highlands, regiments and clans (Volume 5) online

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This book is DUE on the last
date stamped below




28 1970





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Treaties of Seville and Paris — Disputes in Parliament about
reducing the army — Ineffectual attempt to repeal the
septennial act — Message from the Crown to augment the
forces — Debates — New Parliament — Whig and Tory
invectives — Convention of the Prado — Debates in Parlia-
ment — Defeat of the Tories, who retire from Parliament —
Scheme of Lord- President Forbes for securing the allegiance
of the clans — War with Spain — Lord Marischal sent to
Madrid by the Chevalier de St. George — Jacobite associa-
tion in Edinburgh — Drummond of Bochaldy arrives at
Rome — Jacobite intrigues at Paris — Death of the Em-
peror Charles VI — Accession of Maria Theresa — Con-
federacy against her — Neutrality of Hanover — Meeting of
the Hungarian Diet — Speech of the Queen — Austrians
ravage Bavaria — Retirement of Walpole — Proposed over-
tures to the discontented Whigs from the Chevalier de St.
George — Drummond of Bochaldy arrives at Edinburgh,
and Murray of Broughton at Paris — Plan of a French
invasion — Charles, eldest son of the Chevalier de St.
George, arrives at Paris — Preparations for invasion —
Alarm of the British ministry — Preparations for defence —
Sailing of the French fleet — Embarkation and failure of
the expedition — Declaration of war between France and
England — Arrival of Murray of Broughton at Paris — ■
Interview with the Prince, who resolves to proceed to



Warlike attitude of Great Britain and France — Prince Charles
Stuart resolves to proceed to Scotland — Secrecy of his
preparations — Departure of the Expedition — Naval
action — Other occurrences at sea — Charles arrives off
the Long Island — Lands in Eriska — Interview between
him and Macdonald of Boisdale — Arrives in Lochnagual
— Interview with young Clnnranald, who is sent on a
mission to Sir Alexander Macdonald and the laird of
Macleod — Kiniochmoidart, Dr. Cameron, and others, visit




the Prince — Charles lands at Borodale — His reception
there — Character of Cameron, younger of Lochiel — His
interview with the Prince — Charles resolves to raise his
standard at Glenfinnin — Arrives at Kinlochmoidart —
Commencement of hostilities — Arrival of Charles and the
Camerons at Glenfinnin — Raises his Standard — Joined by
the Macdonalds of Keppoch 42



Apathy of the Government — Proclamation by the Lords of
the Regency — Intelligence of the Prince's arrival received
at Edinburgh — Conduct of Macleod of Macleod — Contra-
dictory reports at Edinburgh — Preparations of Sir John
Cope — Leaves Edinburgh for Stirling — Marches to the
North — Arrives at Dalwhinnie — Holds a council of war
— Resolves to march to Inverness — Counter proclama-
tion of Prince Charles — Marches from Glenfinnin — Crosses
Corriearrack — Flight of Cope to Inverness — March of
Charles to the south — Enters Athole — Arrives at Perth —
Joined by Lord George Murray and others — Preparations
made by Charles at Perth — Proceedings and alarm at
Edinburgh — Association of volunteers formed — Muni-
cipal intrigues 80



Departure of Charles from Perth — Crosses the Forth —
Retreat of Gardiner's dragoons — The Prince arrives at
Falkirk — Holds a council of war — Detachment sent to
attack the dragoons, who retire to Kirkliston — Charles
arrives at Corstorphine — Great alarm and confusion in
Edinburgh — Mock heroism of the Edinburgh volunteers —
Junction of Gardiner's and Hamilton's dragoons — Joined
by the city-guard and Edinburgh regiment — _ Flight of the
dragoons — Meeting of the magistrates and inhabitants of
Edinburgh — Message from Prince Charles — Deputations
from the city — Arrival of Cope off Dunbar — Capture of
Edinburgh by the Highlanders — Arrival of Charles at the
palace of Holyrood — The Chevalier de St. George pro-
claimed at the cross by the heralds — Manifesto of the
Prince — Cope lands his troops at Dunbar — Advances to
Haddington and afterwards to Preston — Departure of the
Prince from Edinburgh — Battle of Preston . . . .112



Return of Charles to Holyrood house — Revulsion in public
opinion — Alarm in England — Charles resolves to remain




for a time in Edinburgh — Measures to increase his army —
Messengers despatched to France, and to the Highlands —
Acts of sovereignty exercised by Charles — Council ap-
pointed — Blockade of the Castle of Edinburgh — Disorder
in the city — Blockade removed — Exertions of Lord Presi-
dent Forbes in the north — Ineffectual attempt to seize
him — The Chevalier joined at Edinburgh, by Lord Ogilvy,
Gordon of Glenbucket, and Lord Pitsligo — Second mani-
festo of Prince Charles — Proclamation against robbers —
Arrival of supplies from France — Resolution of Charles
to march into England — Preparations — Deportment of
Charles at Holyrood — Declaration of the Highland army —
Preparations of the Government — Riot at Perth on the
king's birthday 170



Plan of the march of the Highland army into England —
Departure of Charles from Holyrood house — Composition
of the Highland army — Mode of fighting of the High-
landers — March of the Highland army — It crosses the
borders and enters England — Investment and siege of
Carlisle — Summoned to surrender — Advance of the
Highland army to Brampton — Siege of Carlisle suspended
— Resumed — Surrender of Carlisle — Declaration of the
Chevalier de St. George for England — Dissension in the
Prince's council — Character of Secretary Murray — Resig-
nation of Lord George Murray 217



Inexplicable conduct of Marshal Wade — Charles holds a
council of war, which resolves to march south — Departure
of the Highland army from Carlisle — Arrives at Manchester

— Formation of the Manchester regiment — Departure of the
Highland army from Manchester, and arrival at Derby —
Alarm at London — Council of war held at Derby — De-
termination of Charles to march to London — He is over-
ruled by his council, which resolves to retreat — Proposal of
Charles to march into Wales also rejected — Extraordinary
conduct of Sir Thomas Sheridan, Secretary Murray, and
others — Second meeting of the council — Resolution to
retreat adhered to — Negotiations of the Chevalier's agents
with France — Arrival of Prince Henry, brother of Charles,
in France — Treaty of Fontainebleau — French expedition
under Lord John Drummond — His arrival and proceedings

— Retreat of the Highland army to Scotland — Skirmish at
Clifton — Recapture of Carlisle 245






The Highland army returns to Scotland — The Prince enters
Dumfries — Arrival of the army at Glasgow — Proceedings
of the Jacobites in the north — Arrest of Lord Lovat,
who escapes — Skirmish at Inverury between the Macleods,
under the laird of Macleod, and the forces under Lord Lewis
Gordon — Disagreement among the Jacobite officers at
Perth — Alarm at Edinburgh — Arrival of an English army,
under General Hawley, at Edinburgh — Proceedings of the
Prince at Glasgow — Marches his army to Bannockburn and
Falkirk, and invests Stirling — Surrender of the town —
Skirmishing on the Frith of Forth — The Highland army
reinforced from the north — Arrival of Hawley's army at
Falkirk — Preparations of both armies for battle — Battle
of Falkirk 289



Arrival of the Duke of Cumberland at Edinburgh — His
march to the west — Siege of Stirling Castle raised — Re-
treat of the Highlanders to the north — Reasons for the
retreat — Council of war held at Crieff by Prince Charles —
Arrival of the Duke of Cumberland at Stirling — Crosses the
Forth and marches to Perth — Arrival of the Hessian
troops at Leith — Charles arrives at Moy Castle — Ineffec-
tual attempt of Lord Loudon to seize him — Rout of Moy —
Flight of Lord Loudon from Inverness — Charles enters In-
verness and takes the castle — Duke of Cumberland arrives
at Aberdeen — Expeditions of the Highlanders, who take
Fort Augustus — Expedition against Lord Loudon and
dispersion of his forces — Expedition of Lord George Mur-
ray into Athole — Duke of Cumberland's advanced de-
tachments take possession of Old Meldrum and Strath-
bogie — Retreat of the insurgents across the Spey — A
party of the royalists surprised at Keith — Loss of the
Prince Charles, formerly the Hazard, sloop-of-war — Siege
of Fort William — Its abandonment . . . . . 334




Dumbarton Castle Frontispiece

Tartan of the Stewart 40

Tartan of the Macleod 90

Roman Camp at Ardoch 140

Tartan of the Macnaughton 191

Armoriax Bearings 240

Tartan of the Murray 290

Tartan of the Macaulay 330


Volume V


The natural desire to preserve his German dominions
on the one hand, and a wish to establish himself and his
descendants in his newly acquired kingdoms against
the designs of the abettors of the house of Stuart on
the other, induced George the First to enter into a
variety of treaties, and to form many alliances which
seemed only calculated to draw Great Britain into every
continental dispute, and, as the Jacobites justly looked
upon war as the best auxiliary to their schemes, to
endanger that very succession which he was so anxious
to perpetuate. But although warlike preparations
were made on all sides, and partial hostilities committed,
the opposing states were averse to war; and after many
negotiations, the powers at variance agreed to certain
preliminaries, which were signed at Vienna on the
thirty-first day of May, 1727, by which it was, inter alia,
agreed that hostilities should immediately cease; that
the charter of the Ostend company, which was injurious
to the commerce of England and France, should be
suspended for seven years, and that a reference of all
disputes should be made to a general congress to be held
within four months at Aix-la-Chapelle.



For the convenience of the French minister the con-
gress was transferred to Soissons, where a peace would
have been immediately concluded, had not the death
of George the First raised new hopes of a Jacobite resto-
ration in the minds of the emperor, Charles the Sixth,
and Philip the Fifth of Spain. It has been alleged that
these two sovereigns had formerly entered into a secret
treaty to restore the Chevalier de St. George to the
throne of Great Britain; but no evidence has yet been
discovered of its existence, although there are good
grounds for supposing that they had in view the expul-
sion of the house of Hanover. But whatever were the
views of Charles and Philip in regard to the restoration
of the exiled family at the period in question, their hopes
were speedily extinguished by the tranquil succession
of George the Second, and the retention of Walpole
in the post of prime minister. Thus disappointed in
his expectations, the King of Spain acceded to the
preliminaries of Vienna, which accession was followed by
the treaty of Seville, to which England, France, and
Spain, were parties. As this treaty stipulated for the
garrisoning of the Italian fortresses by Spanish troops,
the suppression of the Ostend company, and revoked
the commercial privileges enjoyed by the subjects of
the emperor, Charles declined to accede to it, and even
threatened to involve Europe in a general war rather
than give his assent; but he at length yielded a reluctant
compliance, and signed the second treaty of Vienna
in March, 1731, by which the general tranquillity of
Europe was established.

The nation naturally expected that the restoration
of peace would have been followed by a reduction of
the standing army; but Walpole had too much pene-
tration not to see the dangers to which the Hanover
succession would be exposed, were such a system adopted



under existing circumstances, and he formed his reso-
lution accordingly. In the parliamentary session of
1731, Sir W. Strickland, secretary, having moved that
the army should be maintained to the same extent as
in the preceding year, Lord Morpeth moved an amend-
ment, that the number should be reduced from eighteen
to twelve thousand men, which was supported by Sirs
William Wyndham, Watkin Williams Wynne, John
Barnard, and others, and Lord Harvey. Sir Robert
Walpole, his brother Horace, and Sir Philip York,
the attorney-general, afterward Lord Chancellor Hard-
wicke, argued for the motion. On the part of the
ministry it was maintained that the maintenance of
such a considerable number of land-forces was necessary
to defeat the designs of the disaffected, secure the inter-
nal tranquillity of the kingdom, defend it in case of
foreign attack, and enable it to take vigorous measures
in the event of a general war; that the science of war
was so much altered, that little reliance could be placed
upon a militia in defending the kingdom from external
attacks, and that all nations were obliged, as a security
against the encroachments of neighbouring powers,
to maintain standing armies; that the number of troops
was too trifling to excite the jealousy of the people,
even under an ambitious monarch; that the idea of
infringing the liberties of his subjects had never entered
into his Majesty's thoughts; that it could not be sup-
posed that the officers, among whom were many gentle-
men of family and fortune, would ever concur in a design
to enslave their country; and that as the forces, now in
pay, were annually voted and maintained by the Parlia-
ment, the representative of the people, they could not
properly be deemed a standing army. On the part
of the Tories or opposition, it was argued that a stand-
ing force in time of peace was unconstitutional, and had.



been always considered dangerous; that a militia
could be as well disciplined as a standing army, and that
the former had stronger motives to incite them to
courage and perseverance than hired mercenaries;
that the internal peace of the country could be suffi-
ciently preserved by the civil power; that the number
of the disaffected, which was now quite contemptible,
might be considerably increased, if a standing army
were kept up, and other arbitrary measures pursued;
that although other nations had had recourse to stand-
ing armies for protection against neighbouring states,
they had enslaved the nations they were destined to
protect; but that Great Britain, from her insular situa-
tion, had no need of such doubtful protection; that this
situation was strengthened by a numerous navy which
had given her the dominion of the sea; and that if this
force was properly disposed, every attempt at invasion
would be rendered, if not altogether impracticable,
at least ineffectual; that the army, though sufficiently
numerous to endanger the liberties of the people, could
be of very little service, from the great extent of coast,
in preventing an invasion; that although they did not
question his Majesty's regard for the liberties of his
subjects, they were apprehensive, that should a standing
army be engrafted upon the constitution, another prince
of very different dispositions might afterward arise,
who would not stickle to employ the army to subvert
the constitution; and though many of the officers were
gentlemen of property and honour, they might be dis-
carded, and others of more pliant dispositions substi-
tuted in their places ; that with regard to the argument
that the army was wholly dependent on the Parliament,
it was sufficiently answered by the fact, that an army
had formerly turned their swords against the Parliament,
for whose defence they had been raised, and had over-



turned the constitution both in church and state; that
independent of this, the hardship to the people of
England would be equally the same whether a standing
army should be at once declared indispensable, or
regularly voted from year to year according to the
pleasure of the ministry; that the sanction of the
legislature to measures unconstitutional in themselves,
and repugnant to the genius of the people, instead of
yielding satisfaction, would serve only to demonstrate
that ministerial influence operating upon a venal parlia-
ment, was the most effectual way to forge the chains of
national slavery. In addition to these reasons, the oppo-
sition urged the reduction of the standing army as a
necessary consequence of a declaration made by his
Majesty, that the peace of Europe was established, and
that he had nothing so much at heart as the ease and
prosperity of his people; and it was argued, that if
eighteen thousand men were sufficient on the supposed
eve of a general war, a less number would certainly
suffice when peace was perfectly restored. All these
arguments, however, against an undiminished standing
army were quite ineffectual, and the motion was car-
ried by a large majority. A similar result took place
in the upper house.

Next session the opposition resumed the subject,
and urged their arguments for a reduction of the stand-
ing army with such vehemence, that the ministry found
themselves obliged to have recourse to the old bug-
bears of popery and the pretender, to obtain an ac-
quiescence in their measures. By insisting, as Sir Robert
Walpole did, that the chief thing desired by the Jaco-
bites was a reduction of the army ; that no reduction had
ever been made but what gave them fresh hopes, and
encouraged them to raise tumults against the govern-
ment; and that the anxiety of the Jacobite party was



so notorious, that if a reduction was made, they would
send off an express by post-horses that very night to
the pretender, he again carried his point. But these
defeats only stimulated the Tories to fresh opposition.
Walpole had made himself odious in the eyes of the
nation by proposing his celebrated excise scheme,
which he was obliged to abandon from deference to
public opinion, and a regard to his own personal safety.
To keep up the odium against him, the opposition are
said to have spread a report that he intended to revive
his hated scheme in the session of 1734; but on his
declaring that he had no such intention, they resorted
to other plans to get him displaced. Besides the Tories,
there was a party of disappointed Whigs headed by
Mr. William Pulteney, who joined in the opposition.
Pulteney had distinguished himself by his opposition to
the Oxford administration, and on the accession of
the house of Hanover was made secretary of state.
When Walpole retired from office he also resigned;
but as Walpole did not procure for him the situation
he expected on the return of that minister to power,
he broke with him. He, however, afterward accepted
the appointment of cofferer of the household; but,
on a fresh disagreement, he was dismissed from office,
and, from that time forward, became the leader of the
discontented Whigs. Among other plans which the
opposition now resorted to was the repeal of the sep-
tennial act, a measure which the Tories and Jacobites
had long desired; but as Pulteney and his Whig friends
had promoted the act, they were reluctant to hazard
their consistency by concurring in any measure for its
repeal, in consequence of which the question had been
delayed. That reluctance, however, being now over-
come, a motion was made by Mr. Bromley in the House
of Commons for leave to bring in a bill to repeal the



septennial act, and for the more frequent meeting and
calling of parliaments. The principal speaker in support
of the motion was Sir William Wyndham, who, in a
speech of great boldness, displayed the rancour of the
opposition in the following revolting portrait which
he drew of Walpole in the character of a supposed
minister: —

" Let us suppose a man abandoned to all notions of
virtue and honour, of no great family, and but a mean
fortune, raised to be chief minister of state by the con-
currence of many whimsical events, — afraid, or un-
willing to trust any but creatures of his own making,
— lost to all sense of shame and reputation, — ignorant
of his country's true interest, — pursuing no aim but
that of aggrandizing himself and his favourites, — in
foreign affairs trusting none but those who, from the
nature of their education, cannot possibly be qualified
for the service of their country, or give weight and
credit to their negotiations. Let us suppose the true
interest of the nation, by such means, neglected or
misunderstood, — her honour tarnished, — her impor-
tance lost, — her trade insulted, — her merchants plun-
dered, and her sailors murdered, and all these circum-
stances overlooked, lest his administration should be
endangered. Suppose him next possessed of immense
wealth, the plunder of the nation, with a parliament
chiefly composed of members whose seats are purchased,
and whose votes are bought at the expense of the public
treasure. In such a parliament, suppose all attempts
made to inquire into his conduct, or to relieve the nation
from the distress which has been entailed upon it by his
administration. Suppose him screened by a corrupt
majority of his creatures, whom he retains in daily pay,
or engages in his particular interest by distributing
among them those posts and places which ought never



to have been bestowed upon any but for the good of the
public. Let him plume himself upon his scandalous
victory, because he has obtained a parliament like a
packed jury, ready to acquit him at all adventures.
Let us suppose him domineering with insolence over all
the men of ancient families, over all the men of sense,
figure, or fortune in the nation; as he has no virtue of
his own, ridiculing it in others, and endeavouring to
destroy and corrupt it in all. I am still not prophesy-
ing; I am only supposing, and the case I am going to
suppose I hope will never happen; but with such a
minister and such a parliament, let us suppose a prince
upon the throne, either for want of true information,
or for some other reason unacquainted with the in-
clinations and interest of his people, weak and hurried
away by unbounded ambition and insatiable avarice.
This case has never happened in this nation; I hope,
I say, it will never exist. But as it is possible it may,
could there any greater curse happen to a nation than
such a prince on the throne; advised, and solely advised
by such a minister, and that minister supported by such
a parliament? The nature of mankind cannot be altered
by human laws. The existence of such a prince, or such
a minister, we cannot prevent by act of parliament;
but the existence of such a parliament I think we may;
and as such a parliament is much more likely to exist,
and may do more mischief, while the septennial law
remains in force, than if it were repealed; therefore,
I most heartily wish for the repeal of it."

This virulent invective, which was levelled as much
at the king as the minister, was answered by Walpole
in a corresponding tone, and the motion was negatived
by a great majority. Emboldened by this success,
Walpole, about the end of the session, and after a

Online LibraryJames BrowneThe history of Scotland, its Highlands, regiments and clans (Volume 5) → online text (page 1 of 30)