James Bryce Bryce.

The book of history. A history of all nations from the earliest times to the present, with over 8,000 illustrations (Volume 11) online

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CHARLES II. VISITING WREN DURING THE BUILDING OF ST. PAUL'S

From the painting by Seymour Lucas, K. A., in the possession of Mrs. W. C. King, Billinghurst



The Book of History

H fbtstors of all mations

FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE PRESENT

WITH OVER 8000 ILLUSTRATIONS



WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY

VISCOUNT BRYCE, P.C, D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S.



CONTRIBUTING AUTHORS



W. M. Flinders Petrie, LL.D., F.R.S.

UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON

Hans F. Helmolt, Ph.D.

EDITOR, GERMAN " HISTORY OF THE WORLD "

Stanley Lane-Poole, M.A., Litt.D.

TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN

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OXFORD UNIVERSITY

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AUTHOR, "MAN'S PLACE IN THE UNIVERSE"

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MEMBER OF COUNCIL OF INDIA



Holland Thompson, Ph.D.

THE COLLEGE OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK

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UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO

Maurice Maeterlinck

ESSAYIST, POET, PHILOSOPHER

Dr. Emile J. Dillon

UNIVERSITY OF ST. PETERSBURG

Arthur Mee

EDITOR, "THE BOOK OF KNOWLEDGE"

Sir Harry H. Johnston, K.C.B., D.Sc.

LATE COMMISSIONER FOR UGANDA

Johannes Ranke

UNIVERSITY OF MUNICH

K. G. Brandis, Ph.D.

UNIVERSITY OF JENA



And many other Specialists

Volume XI

WESTERN EUROPE TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

The Age of Louis XIV and XV

The Restoration
Great Britain and the American Revolution



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND NAPOLEONIC ERA

Europe After Waterloo



NEW YORK . X/THE GROLIER SOCIETY
LONDON THE EDUCATIONAL BOOK CO.



CONTENTS OF VOLUME XI

CHARLES H VISITING WREN DURING THE BUILDING OF ST PAUL'S . FRONTISPIECE
SIXTH GRAND DIVISION (continued)

THE REFORMATION AND AFTER
THE AGE OF LOUIS XIV

PAGE

The Grand Monarque ........... 4393

Austria and the Empire ........... 4405

England and the Netherlands .......... 4417

France's Wars of Aggression .......... 4431

The Problem of the Spanish Throne ........ 4446

War of the Spanish Succession .......... 4453

England's Restored Monarchy . . . . . , . . . . 4465

Denmark's Despotic Monarchy .......... 4492

The Great Northern War ........... 4495

THE ENDING OF THE OLD ORDER

The Bourbon Powers and Great Britain ........ 4501

Great Britain under the Whigs .......... 4509

The Great Hapsburg Monarchy ......... 4521

The Development of Prussia ... ...... 4533

Frederic the Great ............ 4539

Great Britain and the American War ........ 4547

German Powers after the Peace . ....... 4558

The Bourbon Powers and the Approach of the Revolution .... 4563

Denmark's Great Era of Progress . . ...... 4577

Sweden's Time of Strife .... ...... 4580

Great Dates from the Reformation to the Revolution ..... 4583

THE COMMERCE OF WESTERN EUROPE

Effects of the Spanish and Portuguese Discoveries ...... 4585

International Capitalism ........... 4593

Competition for the World's Commerce ........ 4609

British Maritime Supremacy .......... 4615

The Development of France .......... 4621

The Rise of European Trade .......... 4625

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND NAPOLEONIC ERA

Plan of the Fifth Division 4635

Map of Europe during the Revolutionary Era ...... 4636

Napoleon the Great ......... Plate facing 4636

General Survey of the Period .......... 4637

The Flight of the King 4649



2O73288



THE BOOK OF HISTORY

PAGE

The Revolution Triumphant .......... 4659

Under the Reign of Terror .......... 4667

The Conquering General of the Directory ....... 4679

Napoleon in Portraiture ........... 4695

France under the New Despotism ......... 4701

Napoleon on the Battlefield in Victory and Defeat ...... 4711

Napoleon as Emperor of the French ........ 4725

How Trafalgar changed the Face of the World ...... 4735

The Awakening of Nationalism ......... 4739

The Rising of the Nations .......... 4753

The Settlement of Europe .......... 4761

Great Britain and Ireland in the Napoleonic Wars ..... 4769

THE REMAKING OF EUROPE

Plan of the Sixth Division .......... 4777

General Survey of Europe since 1815 ........ 4779

Map of Modern Europe ........... 4788

EUROPE AFTER WATERLOO

The Great Powers in Concord ......... 4791

The British Era of Reform .......... 4797

The Reaction in Central Europe ......... 4825




,THE AGE OF LOUIS

THE GRAND MONARQUE

AND HIS LONG DOMINATION OF EUROPE



""THE conclusion of the Peace of West-
* phalia is an important point of
departure in the political and economic
development of Europe ; it is marked both
by the firm establishment of the monar-
chical principle, and also by the rising
predominance of the mercantile system.
Moreover, it marks the end of political
feudalism, on which the powers and
functions of the mediaeval body politic
had been founded. Survivals of the feudal
system may, no doubt, be noted even now ;
but its spirit ceased to be a moving force
in European civilisation from that time,
and the personal ties which held it together
had lost their strength.

The struggles of individualism for recog-
nition had been checked by the corporate
character of mediaeval life, but are of much
earlier origin. Individualism came to
birth with the revival of learning and the
Renaissance, and had wholly won its way
in the departments of science and art even
during the fifteenth and sixteenth cen-
turies. But it was not before its victory
had been decisive there that the underlying
principle, now sure of recognition, could be
developed in another direction, that of the
individuality of the state. New forces
were brought into being by this movement,
_ essentially opposed to the forces

7 h which had produced the feudal
of Great

Movements ^l' The m re the P OW6rS
of the corporations were re-
stricted, the wider became the field for
"individual activity, and rulers were en-
couraged to grapple with those duties and
responsibilities which had bean previously
undertaken by numerous corporations
working to a common end. The assault
delivered by the Reformation upon the



greatest and the most powerful of all
international corporations, the papacy,
had not been finally decisive during the six-
teenth century. This success was attained
only in the Thirty Years War, where the
efforts of Catholicism to secure universal
supremacy were proved to be incapable of

realisation. The recognition
Kise of ,., ,., ,. ,, ^1 . ..

.. D , . of the equality of all Christian
the Frotestant , > , , T- /^

States creeds in the Komano-Ger-

man Empire, the political
rise of the Protestant states England,
Sweden, and Holland to the level of others
which had remained Catholic, the sanction of
the Pope given to "Christian," "Catholic,"
and " Apostolic " kingdoms these were
facts which nullified once and for all, that
possibility of a universal Christian com-
munity upon which the greatest minds
and the boldest politicians had once
speculated. The results of these facts
became manifest as well in Catholic as in
Protestant states. Catholicism became a
political force, but states were no longer
founded with the object of realising the
Catholic idea.

The House of Hapsburg gained great
advantages from an alliance with the
papacy, but it had, and has, no hesitation
in renouncing the alliance, if by so doing
it could further its political ends. Of this
we have instances in the nineteenth century
as well as in the eighteenth. In the policy
of the French Bourbon and Napoleonic
governments such instances are even more
striking. The chief task of every govern-
ment is to unify the powers under its
control, and to turn them to account with
a view to throwing off any external yoke
and to consolidating the internal relations
between the territories composing the state.

4393



HISTORY OF THE WORLD



For the accomplishment of this purpose
a change in the military system was
imperatively demanded. During the fif-
teenth century the vassal's duties were by
no means co-extensive with the mere
defence of the country. Feudal armies
were no longer equal to the demands made
upon them by their overlords, who were
anxious to increase their dominions,
though the great city corporations of
Italy were able to cope with the increasing
difficulties of their policy, using only the
military strength of their own citizens.
Pay and recruiting became the sole
methods of creating an army. Professional
soldiers fought for
dynasties and towns,
overthrew and
founded states. The
German military
orders were pro-
foundly national in
their rules and regu-
lations ; but they
were of no service to
the national welfare,
as there existed no
general authority nor
political bond. War
became a business, in
which the man who
invested his capital
was most likely to
succeed. During the
sixteenth century
dynastiesand political
parties, such as the
League in France,
were content with
instru-



all, special districts became responsible
for the enlistment of particular bodies of
troops regiments, in fact ; then, if the
numbers were too scanty, a further enlist-
ment might be demanded ; and, finally,
the ruling power grew strong enough to
grasp the right of calling out soldiers, or
recruiting, an arrangement which would
have been impossible before 1500, because
it was incompatible with the conception
of feudal sovereignty. This is a concep-
tion that has disappeared in modern states.
The constitutional system of the nineteenth
century would replace it with the con-
ception of " personal freedom ; " but this
is an idea which has
been greatly limited
by the jespect de-
manded for "state
necessities" and
" state welfare."

In domestic ad-
ministration, bureau-
cratic influences con-
stantly grew stronger.
The ruling power
gradually claimed for
itself those rights
which had hitherto
been bound up with
territorial possession,
or had formed part of
municipal privileges.
Such rights were ex-
ercised by individuals
exclusively depend-
ent upon the ruler or
his representatives.
The arrangement and
subordination of these

ment, Which Was King of France. With Cardinal Mazarin as her Minister, executivepowers Were

j r i j , Louis' mother, Anne of Austria, acted as regent, but in , -, ,,

passed from hand, tO 1661 the great cardinal died, and the king becoming sole Carried Out Wholly

hand, and came into ruler made himself an absolute monarch. He died in 1715. U p 0n t h e basis of

the service of hostile lords for so long a

time as their operations should continue.

But the great convulsion of the Thirty

Years War opened the way for a new

military organisation. It made possible

the formation into standing armies of the

yeomen who had been enlisted as occasion

arose, and with these the state sought




LOUIS XIV., KING OF FRANCE
He was_only four years jof age when, in 1643, he _became
Wl "



to advance its own political aims.

It was only in the second half of the
seventeenth -century that the idea gained
ground in Germany and in France that
the several territorial districts, and not
the feudal vassals, had to undertake the
responsibility of providing material for
the war power of the overlord. First of

4394



sovereignty, and the creation of this
bureaucratic hierarchy occupied atten-
tion even during the eighteenth century,
until it degenerated and was found in-
capable of completing the domestic organi-
sation of the state, when it became ob-
viously necessary to admit the co-operation
of the people, who had been temporarily
excluded from all share in administrative
functions. However, standing armies and
the bureaucracy are the distinguishing
features of that political system which
succeeded feudalism a system of which
we cannot even now observe the develop-
ment in its totality, and the duration of
which it is impossible to estimate.




A PORTRAIT OF LOUIS XIV., SHOWING THE KING IN

From an engraving of the painting by Hycinthe Rigaud



HIS ROYAL ROBES



It also became necessary to support the
newly organised state by reconstituting
its domestic economy, a process which
was carried out upon the principle of
separating districts and centralising the
productive forces within them. In the
second half of the seventeenth century the
mercantile system spread in every direction.
Its essential feature consists in the fact
that the ruling power proposed to make the
work of all the members of the state useful



to the state itself, to put pressure upon
them in order that as large a share as
possible of their profits might become
available for state purposes. Of state
necessities, the chief were the' army and
the. fleet, which implied vital power and
the possibility of self-aggrandisement.
The territorial community therefore now
takes the place of the municipal. The aim
of governments- is now to increase the
productive powers of their peoples, not

4395



HISTORY OF THE WORLD



The Process
of Political



only because individual producers and
civic corporations are thereby benefited,
but also because the capacity for bearing
taxation is thereby increased. Govern-
ments struggle for colonial possessions,
and support the formation of great trading
companies, which are not now indepen-
dent corporations, but must
submit to State control and
accommodate themselves to
the political relations of their
rulers with other powers. There we have the
real origin of the conception of the national
strength as a uniform activity, directed by
the sovereign in power. It is when
domestic economy takes a commercial
direction that the distinguishing features
of political economy, are ^^^

plainly seen, and hence
arises an entirely new set
of ideas concerning the
nature and extent of
national power.

This process did not
come to fulfilment at the
same time in every Euro-
pean nation ; it was most
quickly carried out in
cases where political unity
had already been attained,
and where the central
power had emerged victo-
rious from the struggle
with the independent
corporations. It is the
historian's task to explain
those circumstances




no answer to the question : What form of
political and economic cbnstitution will
have that permanent importance for man-
kind which the forms of feudalism had
for a thousand years ? We do not know
whether any grade of development yet
remains for our entry which is likely to
last so long, whether the rapid change of
productive conditions is likely to influence
conceptions of rights, and thereby to pro-
duce more rapid changes in the social
organism. But the firm conviction is
borne in upon us that the rise of those
marvellously complex political organisms
which we call Great Powers has exer-
cised the highest degree of influence upon
the historical life, not only of Europe,
^^ but of the whole world.

Nationalism is not suffi-
ciently intellectual to give
an impulse to the creation
of fresh bodies politic
differing in essentials from
those now existing, and
thus far has contributed
merely to assure the
position of the Great
Powers ; and it seems at
the moment as if the
great problems which
mankind will have to
solve in the near future
could be taken in hand
only with the help of
the powerful machinery
of the great states.

To offer further con-



NICHOLAS FOUCQUET
i . , . j j Under Mazarin, Foucquet became Procureur-

which exercised a retard- General and Minister of Finance, and in these jectures upon future de-
ing or an accelerating positions acquired much wealth. He hoped to velopments is not the
influence upon state succeed the great cardinal, but Louis ordered business of history, which

formation. Economic his ^P^hension, and he died in prison m 1680. should avoid political

life is wholly dependent upon external
circumstances and the political situation,
and therefore it is necessary first to ex-
amine the political history, and to expound
the most important series of related facts,
before entering upon an examination of
national progress.

A history of civilisation, which would
examine the immediate condition of peoples
living under similar circumstances, and not
confine itself merely to the intellectual side
of development, to art and science, can be
written only upon the basis of political
history. Alone and unaided, it can gain no
insight into the motive forces of civil and
political life, for this is information which
the science of political history alone can



provide.
439 6



Even at the present day we have



his apprehension, and he died in prison in 1680.

hypotheses to the utmost of its power ; but
it is the duty of the historian to examine
into the rise of those great political organ-
isms with which lies the ultimate decision,
of all questions now involving the exercise of
force. It is from this point'of view that we
propose to follow the course of history and

to pursue our investigations,
The Heritage * ,

of the Great S lvm g s P ecial prominence to
C r d ' 1 ever y point which may illus-
trate that remarkable and
most important subject, the position of the
Great Powers in the nineteenth century.

When Louis XIV. began to extend and
to build upon the foundations which the
two cardinals had laid, his government
attained in every department of public
business a degree of independence and



THE GRAND MONARQUE



influence of which none of his confidential
advisers could ever have dreamed. How
could anyone have expected that the
means which might have been success-
fully employed to set up a tyranny in
some humble little principality would be
set in operation in a kingdom which was
the home of the proudest nobility in



Villeroi and several Secretaries of State
at a later period. Special knowledge,
capacity for some particular business,
alone decided the king's choice : birth and
wealth no longer constituted a right to a
place in the royal council. The king was
the sole representative of the royal family,
the House of Bourbon with its



Europe, and where the highest law courts ,,. c ing s different branches. In him were



could insist upon the enforcement of
law and custom as against the crown ?

Louis was convinced of the fact that a
monarch who could make all the forces of
the state subservient to himself, and
could turn them to the state advantage
at his will and pleasure, was in a position
to undertake far heavier tasks than any
Minister, however gifted.
The effort to realise his
theory was a real pleasure
to him, and he had suffi-
cient ambition and also
intellectual power to
enable him to devote his
life to this great task. A
royal task it was in very
truth, and he brought it
to completion, for his was
a royal nature through
and through, eminently
chosen and adapted to
show mankind to what
height of power and of
purely personal influence
a strong character can
attain when supported
by great traditions, in- The



. - .... , i.v=.i years

tury its every effort and
exertion to increase and to extend the
possessions which belonged to the nation.
The extraordinary political talent of the
king became apparent at the outset of
his reign in the security with which he
proceeded to organise his government.
He was himself his first and only Minister,
assisted by several admirable
intellects, for whom he, as




. conjoined both the will of the

Government ,f , ,, . , , ..

nation and the interests of the
dynasty. By the side of the young
monarch the great Conde was but a poor
figure : he never rose above the position
of governor and general, and after him
no other prince of the blood attempted
to lay claim to a share in the government.
However, where there
was the will to govern,
it was also necessary that
there should be a way.
Louis XIV. directed his
particular care to this
end : he looked carefully
into the business of the
" Partisans," the tax-
farmers and public credi-
tors, for it was above all
things necessary to pro-
tect the state from these
vampires. He made a
beginning with Nicholas
Foucquet, the Procureur-
General and Minister of
Finance, who had con-
ducted this department
; aTthfclntry of the state with great



spired with the spirit of a generally, were in a sad condition when Col- adroitness under Mazarm,
highly gifted people, and bert became the chief Minister of Louis xiv. but had also gained un-
devoting for half a cen- * 1661 - " e instituted man y *>". and $> bounded wealth for him-

., c rf , ten years the revenue was more than doubled. , , ,. , , j .,

self. Colbert had made the
king acquainted with all the underhand
dealings and falsifications of Foucquet, and
the king had definitely decided upon his
dismissal at the moment when Foucquet
was under the impression that he could take
Mazarin's place, and rule both king and
country as Prime Minister. He based his
calculations upon the young man's love of
pleasure, which had already become obvious



Ministers
of



L u' XIV mas ^ er ' appointed the several so much so as to convince the court that



departments in which their
activity was to be operative ; these were
Colbert, Le Tellier, Louvois, father and son,
and Lionne. In cases of necessity others
were called in from time to time to the
state councils, which were invariably held
under the king's presidency. At first
Turenne was often one of these, as were



the society of the Fronde, which had laid
no restraint upon the freedom of inter-
course between ladies and their cavaliers,
would here also be thrown into the shade.
But a peculiar feature in Louis'
character, a mark both of his royal and
tyrannical nature, was the fact that he
never allowed his personal desires to

4397




Hfc



4395



THE GRAND MONARQUE



influence his political judgment, that his
interests ' in official life and government
were never thrust out of their place by
conversation and love affairs, and that he
always found time for .everything which
could busy a mind with so wide an
outlook over human life as his. Foucquet
was arrested on September 5th, 1661, a
short time after he had enchanted the
king with an extraordinarily brilliant and
expensive entertainment in his castle of
Vaux, at Melun, and thought that he had
won him over entirely. The king placed
him on his trial,
and insisted upon
a heavy punish-
ment, although
public opinion
was in favour of
the clever finan-
cier who had been
adroit enough
to circulate the
guldens which
he had extorted
by his oppres-
sion among a
wide circle of de-
pendents and
parasites, and
also to reward
therewith good
and useful ser-
vices. Colbert, as
ministerial offi-
cial, who had
undertaken the
business of work-
ing up the most
varied " cases "
with inexhaust-
ible zeal, was
very well ac-




MARIA THERESA, THE QUEEN OF LOUIS XIV.



national credit without further imposi-
tions, although the revenues had been
pledged from the beginning of his adminis-
tration until 1663. He entirely removed
the faille, or poll tax, which was a burden
only upon peasants and citizens, for the
clergy, the nobility, and the upper-class
citizens, in fact everyone who bore a
title, had been exempted. On the other
hand, he raised the indirect taxes,
especially the gabelle,or salt tax, which was
remitted only in exceptional cases, and
bore more heavily upon the large estab-
lishments than
upon the small.
With the re-
form of taxation
began that great
economic cen-
tralisation of the
mercantile sys-
tem, which is of
no less import-
ance than the
formation of the
state. Colbert
had no prece-
dent for his
guidance, but
none the less he
formed the suc-
cessive economic
developments of
previous reigns
into a firm and
sound national
system, even as
his lord and king
followed the
steps of Henry
IV. and Riche-
lieu in his foreign
policy. The



4.1, This portrait of the queen of Louis XIV. is reproduced from the r ~ m ,lofirmc K w
qua in ted With painting by Velasquez Maria Theresa was the eldest daughter of regulations Dy
the methods bv P nili P IV - { Spain, and was married to the French king in 1660. which Louis XI.



by

which the partisans had gained their
great wealth, and supported the king in
his resolve to demand restitution to the
state of the gold that had been unjustly
extorted. A special court of justice was
entrusted with the examination of the
defalcations, and ordered confiscations in
the case of five hundred persons to the
amount of no millions of livres, which
were poured into the state chest.

By means of this influx, and also by
lowering the rate of interest which the
state paid to its creditors, Jean Baptiste
Colbert was enabled to maintain the




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