Lenin and his thirty followers who
came into Russia a month after the
revolution began to spread among
the soldiers and the workingmen.
Later came Leon Trotzky, from
America, and joined forces with them.
Trotzky was a Russian by birth, and
had lived in several other countries of
Europe before coming to the United
WHERE DEMOCRACY BROKE THE BARRIERS
One of the first things the revolutionaries did was to
cover the royal insignia on the Palace gates or public
buildings.
States where he had lived a few
months. He was not so much of a
pacifist as Lenin, but he believed that
it was not necessary to defeat the
Central Powers before the Russian
proletariat, at least, could proceed
to establish a perfect Socialist state.
Later the German proletariat, however
victorious the masters might have
been, would follow the example of the
Russian working classes and so pave
the way to a world-wide common-
wealth.
A MAJORITY IN THE SOVIET AGAINST
\ THESE VIEWS.
With these "impossibilist" views
the majority of the radicals of the
Soviet were not in sympathy, however
much they might agree with the Lenin-
688
ites in their ultimate ideals. Yet they
were growing more and more conscious
of their differences with the Liberals.
This growing difference of opinion
came to a head in April, 1917, when
Miliukov, as Foreign Minister, ven-
tured to express the foreign policy
of the Provisional Government for
the benefit of the outside world, more
especially Russia's allies in the war.
The occupation of Constantinople by
Russia and command of the Dar-
danelles, said Miliukov, was neces-
sary to the economic welfare of the
Russian nation.
This was a proposition, involving
sovereignty of one people over another,
against which the mildest Socialist
might be expected to protest. Either
Miliukov completely misunderstood
the Socialist point of view, or disre-
garded it. At any rate, his words
brought forth a perfect storm *of pro-
test. The Soviet literally boiled over.
The radicals quickly asserted them-
selves, and a few days later came the
famous manifesto, or declaration of
policy, ennunciating the rights of
"self determination" of all peoples,
big or small, whatever the outcome of
the war might be. Indemnities also,
in principle, were denounced.
THE DETERMINATION TO FIGHT STILL
STRONG.
But if the Germans, who made a
great deal of capital of this difference of
opinion which had arisen within the
governing body of revolutionary Rus-
sia, hoped that it might be utilized in
creating such a split as would weaken
the prosecution of the war, they were
mistaken. This was not to be the
cause of the decline of Russia's military
strength. For in the second week of
April a national convention of the
Soldiers' and Workingmen 's Soviets
from all Russia passed a resolution in
favor of continuing the war against
Germany, by a vote of 325 against 57.
The real source of discord came in
the conflicting tendencies within the
army itself. The Soviet, representing
as it did, the rank and file of the army,
still realized that the 1 organization of
an army is incompatible with the
principles of democracy, and conceded
HISTORY OF THE WORLD WAR
that on the field of battle the army
commanders should have full and
absolute authority. Behind the lines
they would not concede so much. This
brought about a continual conflict
with the commanding generals. Finally
on May 13, 1917, General Kornilov,
commanding the Petrograd garrison,
registered his protest by handing in
his resignation. Generals Gurko and
the Provisional Government, which it
had hitherto refused to, do.
A complete reorganization of the
Cabinet followed on May 19.
Miliukov, who had made himself
unpopular by his utterance regarding
Constantinople, retired, but Prince
Lvov continued as Premier. Kerensky
took up the portfolio of War. Terest-
chenko, a man of the same type as
THE BATTALION OF DEATH
Russian girl soldiers of the "Battalion of Death" assembled in front of their barracks at Tsarkoe Selo, fifteen miles
south of Petrograd, the seat of two former imperial palaces. The battalion remained }oyal to the last to the Keren-
sky Provisional Government and the Allies, and for a while counted as an effective military unit.
N. Y. Times Photo Service
Brusilov did likewise. Obviously it was
a concerted move on the part of the
army authorities, for a few days later
Minister of War Gutchkov also re-
signed. A serious crisis was thus
precipitated.
KERENSKY COMES FORWARD TO AR-
RANGE A COMPROMISE.
Again it was Kerensky who rose to
the occasion as the mediator between
the two conflicting elements. In an
impassioned speech he appealed for
unity to a joint meeting of the Soviet
and Duma committees, with the result
that the Soviet agreed to exercise its
power solely through representation in
Lvov, became Minister of Foreign
Affairs, but Shingarev was made
Minister of Finance. There were six
Socialists 'in the new Cabinet. The
Soviet now passed a resolution express-
ing full confidence in the Provisional
Government and agreed to recognize
it as the supreme authority in all
matters.
KERENSKY ATTEMPTS TO AROUSE THE
SPIRIT OF THE ARMY.
The generals now withdrew their
resignations and returned to their
posts. Kerensky, as War Minister, set
out on a tour of all the fronts, where he
exhorted the soldiers to observe strict
689
HISTORY OF THE WORLD WAR
discipline until the war should have
been won. At this time a peasant's
congress was held, and it is significant
that though showing itself strongly
Socialistic, Lenin, who was candidate
for one of the offices in the organiza-
tion, received only eleven votes.
The Government now made active
preparations for a determined offen-
sive on the fighting fronts. Kerensky
had accepted the resignation of Alexiev
GENERAL SOUKHOMLINOV
General Soukhomlinov, Russian Minister of War at
the beginning of the struggle, was convicted of high
treason under the Provisional Government and sen-
tenced to life imprisonment.
as Commander-in-chief, and appointed
Brusilov in his stead. The Leninites,
otherwise known as the Bolsheviki,
now began intensive efforts to counter-
act these preparations. Possibly they
sensed the growing demoralization in
the army, and mistook it for sympathy
for their doctrines, for in the middle
of June they prepared to organize a
popular demonstration in Petrograd,
in the hope of having it develop into
an overthrow of the Provisional Gov-
ernment. However, on June 23, the
date fixed for the demonstration,
690
nothing occurred. The Soviet issued a
proclamation calling on all its con-
stituents to boycott it.
THE MEANING OF THE NEW TERMS,
BOLSHEVIKI AND MENSHEVIKI.
There is much confusion over the
term, "Bolsheviki". The origin is sim-
ple. After the Revolution of 1905 the
Social Democratic party in Russia split
into two factions. The more radical
had a majority, bolshinstvo; the more
conservative wing was a minority,
menshinstvo. Hence the Bolsheviki
meant at this time the majority, or
more radical wing, of the party and
the Mensheviki the minority wing.
The Bolsheviki were, of course, op-
posed to the Provisional Government
which they considered to be an unholy
compromise, and desired to overthrow
it at once.
Early in the first week of July
dispatches from the front indicated
that the offensive against the Germans
was beginning. Day after day the
reports continued describing Russian
successes, and for a while it seemed
that the Russian revolutionary army
was to score a great triumph over the
German and Austrian forces.
The sudden collapse of this brilliant-
ly begun offensive is described else-
where. By the middle of the month it
was obvious that the fighting spirit
had gone out of the majority of the
Russian soldiers. On July 18 the
Bolsheviki succeeded in creating some
disorders in the streets of the capital,
which resulted in several skirmishes
between the demonstrators and the
troops of the garrison. The latter still
showed themselves loyal to the Gov-
ernment, and the disturbance was put
down with sharp determination.
T^ERENSKY BECOMES THE HEAD OF THE
XV GOVERNMENT.
On July 20 it was further announced
that Prince Lvov had resigned as
Premier, for the reason that Kerensky
and his radical associates were trying
to rouse the enthusiasm of the soldiers
at the front by declaring Russia form-
ally a republic. Prince Lvov declared
it to be his opinion that they were
trespassing upon the prerogatives of
the future Constituent Assembly,
HISTORY OF THE WORLD WAR
which alone had the right to determine
the final form of Russia's permanent
government. Nevertheless, five non-
Socialists still remained in the Cabinet,
so that it still remained a coalition
government with Kerensky as Premier.
At the same time Kerensky removed
Brusilov as Commander-in-Chief, and
in his place appointed General Korni-
lov, the Cossack chief.
From this time Kerensky's position
powers. Kerensky and his associates,
on the other hand, while recognizing
the necessity of stricter discipline on
the fighting fronts, believed that the
enthusiasm of the soldiers only could
save Russia, and that a dictatorship,
however temporary, would kill what-
ever enthusiasm there still remained
and lead to a strong movement toward
the left, toward the "Bolsheviki of the
Left", the Leninites.
KERENSKY AND BRUSILOV
A photograph of Kerensky (right) and General Brusilov at the Russian headquarters on the Southwestern front.
"Stout hearts and stern hands are required to stay the rout in the army," stated the Premier, and for a while
Brusilov hoped to bring the army back to its old morale and sweep the Germans out of Russia.
Copyright, Underwood & Underwood
THE GAP BETWEEN CONSERVATIVE AND
RADICAL WIDENS.
was peculiarly trying. There was deep
discontent throughout the nation over
the failure of the military offensive.
The conservative elements laid it to
the agitation for democratic prin-
ciples which had been carried on in the
army. There was deep discontent with
Kerensky's policy of making conces-
sions to the radical elements, which he
was undoubtedly doing, behind the
lines, at least. These "Bolsheviki of
the Right," as Kerensky termed the
extreme conservatives, believed that
the time had come to establish a
"strong government," with dictatorial
Kerensky has since stated in his
recently published book ("The Prelude
to Bolshevism; the Kornilov Rebel-
lion," London, 1919) that conspiracies
against the Provisional Government
were forming in various conservative
circles, notably in the League of Army
Officers, the Cossack organizations
and among the financial interests of
Moscow.
Believing, however, that the nation
as a whole was strongly in favor of
prosecuting the war to a victorious
691
HISTORY OF THE WORLD WAP.
conclusion before establishing a per-
manent form of national organization,
Kerensky determined to give the whole
people an opportunity to express them-
selves through something more broadly
democratic than either the Soviet or
the Duma. So he called a national
conference, to be held in Moscow in the
latter part of August. All kinds of
organizations and social bodies were
invited to send delegates; the Zemstvos,
the co-operative societies, the labor
unions, the Red Cross, the professional
leagues and the army itself. It was, in
fact, a sort of provisional constituent
assembly, whose authority, Kerensky
hoped, would impress both the extreme
right and the extreme left.
"DEPRESENTATIVES OF ALL FACTIONS
1V ASSEMBLE IN MOSCOW.
The gathering took place in Moscow
on August 25, 1917. As nearly as was
possible, all Russia was represented
there. For three days representatives
of all shades of political opinion
expressed themselves freely. Kerensky
states in his book that the parties of
the extreme right hoped to develop so
strong a sentiment in their favor among
the delegates that they might make it
the occasion of a coup d'etat, and
there and then proclaim a dictatorship,
with the Commander-in-Chief as its
head. If this is true, they were sorely
disappointed. The keynote of the con-
ference was sounded when Bublikov,
representing the Liberal Party, made
a passionate plea to the middle classes
to co-operate with the democratic
elements. As he finished, Tseretelli, a
Socialist representative, impulsively
sprang forward and gripped his hand,
whereupon the floor of the conference
hall became the scene of a tremendous
demonstration of enthusiasm.
THE CONFLICTING STORIES OF THE KOR-
NILOV REBELLION.
The result of the Conference was to
strengthen Kerensky in his belief that
a coalition Government was the only
thing that could save Russia from
anarchy. Many of the measures Kor-
nilov demanded, not only at the con-
ference but of the Provisional Govern-
ment directly, Kerensky, who was
apparently developing a high sense of
692
his own importance, believed proper,
but he objected to the form in which
they were put; Kornilov "demanded"
them, and Kerensky insisted that
Kornilov give the first example of
discipline by moderating his attitude
toward the government.
Now come the contradictory stories
of the Kornilov conspiracy. Let us
take Kerensky's story first. He says
that on the night of September 8, 1917,
Vladimir Lvov, who had previously
been a member of the Cabinet, came to
him in Petrograd and announced that
he brought a message from Kornilov,
at army headquarters to this effect,
that the Provisional Government
should resign from power and hand
over their authority to Kornilov.
Kerensky says that this ultimatum
came as a complete surprise, that he
immediately placed himself in direct
telegraphic communication with Kor-
nilov, who verified the message, and
demanded that all power be handed
over to him.
Kerensky's measures to suppress
this act of rebellion were, naturally,
backed by the full power of the Soviet.
Kornilov had dispatched a division of
Caucasians toward the capital, osten-
sibly to quell a Bolshevist uprising,
but really, so Kerensky believed, for
the purpose of overthrowing him,
should he refuse to retire. The com-
mander of this division, General
Krimov, sensing the opposition he
would have against him, first demon-
strated to him by the refusal of the
railroad workers to transport his sup-
plies and troops, came to Petrograd
alone and shot himself. A few days
later Kornilov also came to a realiza-
tion of the hopelessness of a counter-
revolution from the right, and sub-
mitted to arrest. For a few days
Alexiev, though very reluctantly, con-
sented to assume the chief military
command in his place, but presently
he was superseded by General Duk-
honin.
TT-ORNILOV'S STORY DIFFERS IN MANY
J\. PARTICULARS.
On the other hand, Kornilov said
that Savinkov, Kerensky's Minister of
War, and Lvov had come to him, he
HISTORY OP THE WORLD WAR
supposed with the authorization of
Kerensky, and had discussed the ques-
tion of the dictatorship, and that he
had consented to an arrangement
under a directorate of four, of which
he and Kerensky were to be the two
dominating personalities, and that at
the last moment Kerensky had treach-
erously gone back on the understand-
ing, to gain credit in the eyes of the
radicals. He further said that the
highly improper to have anticipated
the findings of this commission by any
declaration of his own. Unfortunately
the final catastrophe came before the
commission could conclude its work
and publish its findings. Kerensky
presents his own testimony before the
commission with explanatory notes
in full in his book. His story is plau-
sible, but it is probable that neither
he nor Kornilov told all the truth.
WHEN THE MEN LAID DOWN THEIR ARMS
The "Battalion of Death" was recruited from among the intellectual classes of Russia. Only women between eight-
een and twenty-five years were taken, and then not unless they were of exceptional physique. They wore their
hair cropped, and were trained by one of the regiments which remained loyal to the Kerensky regime.
International News
troops had been dispatched toward
Petrograd at the suggestion of
Savinkov. So Kornilov said in plain
words.
Kerensky, in his recent work,
ascribes his later downfall to the suspi-
cion this accusation aroused against
him in the minds of the radicals.
Certainly the conservative papers made
the most of this accusation and openly
denounced him. On the other hand,
he says that he did not come out with a
public statement of the actual facts,
because a commission of inquiry had
been instituted, and it would have been
KERENSKY DECLARES RUSSIA TO BE A
REPUBLIC.
On September 15, 1917, Kerensky
issued a proclamation declaring Russia
a Republic. While an attack from
Kornilov was expected and the result
of his conspiracy still remained in
doubt, the Soviet had exerted all its
power and influence in its support of
the Provisional Government. Fear of
a reactionary revolution dominated
the masses of the workers and soldiers
who had supported the overthrow of
the autocracy. With the arrest of
Kornilov and the return of more or less
693
HISTORY OF THE WORLD WAR
normal conditions, this fear began to
manifest itself into a strong swing
toward the left toward the doctrines
of the Bolsheviki. It was Kornilov's
attempted revolution "by the Bolshe-
viki of the Right," Kerensky says,
which brought about the later success-
ful revolution by "the Bolsheviki of
the Left." The people had been fright-
ened, and this fear caused them to
turn hastily in the opposite direction.
Tchkheidze, had resigned, Leon
Trotzky was elected to fill the office
he had vacated. The Soviet was now
truly in the hands of the Bolsheviki.
The elements now in power in the
Soviet, represented by such men as
Trotzky, held that the Moscow Con-
ference had not truly represented the
peasant and working classes of Russia;
that the bourgeoisie, or propertied
classes, had been the controlling ele-
THE KREMLIN, IN MOSCOW, THE HOLY CITY
Kremlin, a word of uncertain origin, is used to designate the citadel in a Russian city. The best known kremlin is
that of Moscow lying on the north bank of the Moskva, for many centuries the centre of the political and religious
life of Russia and still the most venerated place in the heart of every Russian.
THE BOLSHEVIKI SECURE CONTROL OF
THE SOVIET.
On the evening of September 13
the delegates to the Petrograd Soviet
held a special meeting to discuss the
situation, and it was on this occasion
that the Bolsheviki suddenly developed
a majority vote 279 against 150. At
least this was the vote against the
principle of a coalition government in
favor of an exclusive control of the
state by the representatives of the
"proletariat." The result of this
unexpected swing of opinion in the
Soviet toward the left was the resigna-
tion of the members of the Executive
Committee, on the iQth. It was
extremely significant that after the
chairman of the Executive Committee,
694
ment in the deliberations. Therefore,
being now in control, they .used the
Soviet as a means for calling another
conference in Petrograd, known as
the Democratic Congress, which was
to represent the working classes of
Russia. About 1,200 delegates at-
tended, representing, first of all, the
provincial Soviets. Aside from these,
however, there were representatives of
the Zemstvos, the labor organizations,
the co-operative societies and the
peasants' unions.
THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT AT-
TEMPTS TO ASSERT INDEPENDENCE.
This gathering the Provisional Gov-
ernment refused to recognize officially,
but Kerensky appeared before the
opening session, in his private capacity,
HISTORY OF THE WORLD WAR
he took care to explain. The Govern-
ment, he declared, would henceforward
recognize no bodies except the Consti-
tuent Assembly, when that should have
been elected.
Kerensky obviously sensed that he
was facing opposition on the floor of
the Democratic Congress, for he
immediately assumed a belligerent
that no change should be made in the
personnel of the Provisional Govern-
ment without its sanction. Of this
resolution Kerensky took no notice,
for several days later, on October 4, he
completely reorganized his Cabinet,
appointing a number of Constitutional
Democrats to portfolios, which was
against the principle enunciated by
TYPES OF RUSSIAN PEASANTS
attitude. Nor did he make a mistake
in so assuming, for a strong animosity
was shown toward him, visible in the
lack of applause, the hissing of his
remarks and the antagonistic remarks
from various parts of the hall.
"You may hiss, my friends," he
paused once, to remark, "but do not
forget that a German fleet is sailing up
the Baltic!"
THE ACTIONS AND RESOLUTIONS OF THE
CONGRESS.
At a later session a resolution was
passed by the Congress demanding
Courtesy of the Red Cross Magazine
the Congress that the Government
should be exclusively Socialist. But
three days later Kerensky weakened
and arrived at a compromise with the
Congress. The result was some further
changes in the Cabinet in which the
radicals were given more repre-
sentation.
As a last act the Congress organized a
body which was to serve as a temporary
constituent assembly, to fill the interval
until the real Constituent Assembly
should be convened, some time in
December. This body was called the
695
HISTORY OF THE WORLD WAR
Temporary Council of the Russian
Republic. As a compromise the "non-
democratic" elements were allowed
certain representation in it. Further,
the Temporary Council was invested
with the right to act in an advisory
capacity with the Government and
with certain initiative powers.
THE BOLSHEVIKI OPPOSE THE GOVERN-
MENT OPENLY.
On October 20, the Temporary Coun-
cil held its first meeting. Trotzky
and a number of his associates had
RUSSIAN PEASANTS AT HOME
By Courtesy of the Red Cross Magazine
been elected as members, though they
had been strongly opposed to its crea-
tion. Nor had they any intention of
participating in its deliberations, for as
soon as he could obtain the floor,
Trotzky rose and hurled a speech of
fiery denunciation at the Government
and at the Temporary Council itself.
TT'ERENSKY ATTEMPTS TO OVERCOME
JlV THE BOLSHEVIKI.
As he had set himself against the
" Bolsheviki of the Right," so Kerensky
696
now faced the "Bolsheviki of the
Left," the real Bolsheviki, being fully
convinced, as he was, that only all
classes of Russian society together
could save Russia from the enemy
and from ruin. Already he realized
that this second revolution, from the
opposite direction, would not be so
easily downed as had been the first.
Foreign correspondents who saw him
at this time reported him as careworn
and obviously suffering from nervous
exhaustion. And there was distinctly
a note of despair in the state-
ment which he issued on
November i, through the As-
sociated Press, to all the news-
papers of the Entente coun-
tries and the United States.
"Russia has fought contin-
uously since the beginning,"
he said. "She saved France
and England from disaster in
the early part of the war. She
is worn out by the strain,
and claims now that the chief
weight of the burden should
be borne by the Allies."
THE BOLSHEVIKI NOW RESORT
TO ARMED FORCE.
Indeed, the new leaders in
the Soviet were already at
this time preparing the first
steps toward the downfall of
the Provisional Government.
On being elected to the chair-
manship of the Petrograd
Soviet, Trotzky had imme-
diately organized a "military
committee of revolution." In
the evening of November 4,
1917, representatives from this
committee appeared at the
staff office of the Petrograd
garrison and demanded the right of
inspection and veto that no orders
should be given without the consent
of the committee. This demand was
flatly refused.
On November 7, 1917, an armed
naval detachment, under orders from
the Soviet revolutionary committee,
suddenly appeared at the gates of the
Marie Palace, where the Temporary
Council was in session, and occupied
the building by force of arms. Later
HISTORY OF THE WORLD WAR
similar action was taken in the building
of the Smolny Institute and the
Central Telegraph Agency.
THE SOLDIERS REFUSE TO OBEY THE
GOVERNMENT.
Against this hostile action the Pro-
visional Government was unable to
offer any immediate resistance, for the
troops of the garrison showed them-