he would not allow to Bismarck that complete free-
dom of action and almost absolute power which he
had obtained during the later years of the old
1898] Retirement and Death. 45 1
Emperor. They foretold also that Bismarck would
not be content with a position of less power, and
there were many ready to watch for and foment the
differences which must arise.
In the first months of the new reign, some of
Bismarck's old enemies attempted to undermine his
influence by spreading reports of his differences with
the Emperor Frederick, and Professor Geffken even
went so far as to publish from the manuscript some of
the most confidential portions of the Emperor's diary
in order to shew that but for him Bismarck would
not have created the new Empire. The attempt
failed, for, rightly read, the passages which were to
injure Bismarck's reputation only served to shew
how much greater than men thought had been the
difificulties with which he had had to contend and
the wisdom with which he had dealt with them.
From the very beginning there were differences of
opinion ; the old and the new did not think or feel
alike. Bismarck looked with disapproval on the con-
stant journeys of the Emperor ; he feared that he was
compromising his dignity. Moltke and others of
the older generation retired from the posts they
filled ; Bismarck, with growing misgivings, stayed
on. His promises to his old master, his love of
power, his distrust of the capacity of others, all made
it hard for him to withdraw when he still might
have done so with dignity. We cannot doubt that
his presence was irksome to his master ; his influence
and authority were too great ; before them, even the
majesty of the Throne was dimmed; the Minister
was a crreater man than the Sovereig-n.
452 Bismarck. [1887-
If we are to understand what happened we must
remember how exceptional was the position which
Bismarck now occupied. He had repeatedly defied
the power of Parliament and shewn that he was
superior to the Reichstag ; there were none among
his colleagues who could approach him in age or
experience ; the Prussian Ministers were as much
his nominees as were the officials of the Empire. He
himself was Chancellor, Minister-President, Foreign
Minister, and Minister of Trade; his son was at the
head of the Foreign Office and was used for the
more important diplomatic missions ; his cousin was
Minister, of the Interior ; in the management of the
most critical affairs, he depended upon the assistance
of his own family and secretaries. He had twice
been able against the will of his colleagues to reverse
the whole policy of the State. The Government was
in his hands and men had learnt to look to him
rather than to the Emperor. Was it to be expected
that a young man, ambitious, full of spirit and self-
confidence, who had learnt from Bismarck himself a
high regard for his monarchical duties, would acqui-
esce in this system ? Nay, more ; was it right that
he should ?
It was a fitting conclusion to his career that the
man who had restored the monarchical character of
the Prussian State should himself shew that before
the will of the King he, as every other subject, must
bow.
Bismarck had spent the winter of 1889 at Fried-
richsruh. When he returned to Berlin at the end
of January, he found that his influence and authority
1898]
Retirement and Death. 453
had been undermined ; not only was the Emperor
influenced by other advisers, but even the Ministry
shewed an independence to which he was not accus-
tomed. The chief causes of difference arose re-
garding the prolongation of the law against the
Socialists. This expired in 1890, and it was proposed
to bring in a bill making it permanent. Bismarck
wished even more than this to intensify the strin-
gency of its provisions. Apparently the Emperor
did not believe that this was necessary. He hoped
that it would be possible to remove the disaffection
of the working men by remedial measures, and, in
order to discuss these, he summoned a European
Congress which would meet in Berlin.
Here, then, there was a fundamental difference of
opinion between the King of Prussia and his Minister ;
the result was that Bismarck did not consider himself
able to defend the Socialist law before the Reich-
stag, for he could not any longer give full expression
to his own views ; the Parliament was left without
direction from the Government, and eventually a
coalition between the extreme Conservatives, the
Radicals, and the Socialists rejected the bill alto-
gether, A bitterly contested general election fol-
lowed in which the name and the new policy of the
Emperor were freely used, and it resulted in a ma-
jority opposed to the parties who were accustomed
to support Bismarck. These events made it obvious
that on matters of internal policy a permanent
agreement between the Emperor and the Chan-
cellor was impossible. It seems that Bismarck
therefore offered to resign his post as Minister,
454 Bismarck. [i887-
President, maintaining only the general control of
foreign affairs. But this proposition did not meet
with the approval of the Emperor. There were,
however, other grounds of difference connected even
with foreign affairs ; the Emperor was drawing
closer to England and thereby separating from
Russia.
By the middle of March, matters had come to a
crisis. The actual cause for the final difference was
an important matter of constitutional principle. Bis-
marck found that the Emperor had on several occa-
sions discussed questions of administration with some
of his colleagues without informing him ; moreover,
important projects of law had been devised without
his knowledge. He therefore drew the attention of
the Emperor to the principle of the German and
Prussian Constitutions. By the German Constitution,
as we have seen, the Chancellor was responsible for
all acts of the Ministers and Secretaries of State, who
held ofifice as his deputies and subordinates. He
therefore claimed that he could require to be con-
sulted on every matter of any importance which con-
cerned any of these departments. The same right
as regards Prussian affairs had been explicitly secured
to the Minister-President by a Cabinet order of 1852,
which was passed in order to give to the President that
complete control which was necessary if he was to
be responsible for the whole policy of the Govern-
ment. The Emperor answered by a command that
he should' draw up anew order reversing this decree.
This Bismarck refused to do ; the Emperor repeated
his instructions, It was a fundamental point on
1898] Retirement and Death. 455
which no compromise was possible; the Emperor
proposed to take away from the Chancellor that
supreme position he had so long enjoyed ; to recall
into his own hands that immediate control over all
departments which in old days the Kings of Prussia
had exercised and, as Bismarck said, to be his own
Prime Minister. In this degradation of his position
Bismarck would not acquiesce ; he had no alternative
but to resign.
The final separation between these two men, each
so self-willed and confident in his own strength, was
not to be completed by ceremonious discussions on
constitutional forms. It was during an audience at
the castle, that the Emperor had explained his views,
Bismarck his objections ; the Emperor insisted that
his will must be carried out, if not by Bismarck, then
by another. "Then I am to understand, your
Majesty," said Bismarck, speaking in English ; " that
I am in your way?" "Yes," was the answer. This
was enough ; he took his leave and returned home
to draw up the formal document in which he ten-
dered his resignation. This, which was to be the
conclusion of his public life, had to be composed
with care; he did not intend to be hurried; but the
Emperor was impatient, and his impatience was in-
creased when he was informed that Windthorst, the
leader of the Centre, had called on Bismarck at his re-
sidence. He feared lest there was some intrigue, and
that Bismarck proposed to secure his position by an
alliance with the Parliamentary opposition. He sent
an urgent verbal message requiring the resignation
immediately, a command with which Bismarck was
456 Bismarck. [1887-
not likely to comply. Early next morning, the Em-
peror drove round himself to his house, and Bismarck
was summoned from his bed to meet the angry
sovereign. The Emperor asked what had taken
place at the interview with Windthorst, and stated
that Ministers were not to enter on political discus-
sions with Parliamentary leaders without his per-
mission. Bismarck denied that there had been any
political discussion, and answered that he could not
allow any supervision over the guests he chose to
receive in his private house.
" Not if I order it as your sovereign ? " asked the
Emperor.
" No. The commands of my King cease in my
wife's drawing-room," answered Bismarck. The Em-
peror had forgotten that Bismarck was a gentleman
before he was a Minister, and that a Prussian noble-
man could not be treated like a Russian boyar.^
No reconciliation or accommodation was now pos-
sible. The Emperor did all he could to make it ap-
pear that the resignation was voluntary and friendly.
He conferred on the retiring Chancellor the highest
honours : he raised him to the rank of Field Marshal
and created him Duke of Lauenburg, and publicly
stated his intention of presenting him with a copy
of his own portrait. As a soldier, Bismarck obedi-
ently accepted the military honour ; the new title he
requested to be allowed not to use ; he had never
been asked whether he desired it.
* It must be remembered that our knowledge of these events is
imperfect and probably inaccurate ; it is at least one-sided. It
comes entirely from the published statements of those who gained
their information directly or indirectly from Bismarck.
1898] Retirement and Death. 45 7
No outward honours could recompense him for
the affront he had received. What profited it him
that the Princes and people of Germany joined in
unanimous expression of affection and esteem, that
he could scarcely set foot outside his house for the
enthusiastic crowd who cheered and followed him
through the streets of Berlin ? For twenty-four
years he had been Prussian Minister and now he was
told he was in the way. His successor was already
in office ; he was himself driven in haste from the
house which so long had been his home. A final
visit to the Princes of the Royal House, a last audi-
ence with the Emperor, a hasty leave-taking from his
friends and colleagues, and then the last farewell,
when in the early morning he drove to Charlotten-
burg and alone went down into the mausoleum
where his old master slept, to lay a rose upon his
tomb.
The rest he had so often longed for had come, but
it was too late. Forty years he had passed in public
life and he could not now take up again the interests
and occupations of his youth. Agriculture had no
more charms for him ; he was too infirm for sport ; he
could not, like his father, pass his old age in the busy
indolence of a country gentleman's life, nor could he,
as some statesmen have done, soothe his declining
years by harmless and amiable literary dilettanteism.
His religion was not of that complexion that he could
find in contemplation, and in preparation for another
life, consolation for the trials of this one. At seventy-
five years of age, his intellect was as vigorous and his
energy as unexhausted as they had been twenty years
458 Bismarck. [1887-
before ; his health was improved, for he had found
in Dr. Schweninger a physician who was not only
able to treat his complaints, but could also compel
his patient to obey his orders. He still felt within
himself full power to continue his public work, and
now he was relegated to impotence and obscurity.
Whether in Varzin or Friedrichsruh, his eyes were
always fixed on Berlin. He saw the State which he
had made, and which he loved as a father, subjected to
the experiment of young and inexperienced control.
He saw overthrown that carefully planned system by
which the peace of Europe was made to depend upon
the prosperity of Germany. Changes were made in
the working of that Constitution which it seemed
presumption for anyone but him to touch. His
policy was deserted, his old enemies were taken into
favour. Can we wonder that he could not restrain
his impatience ? He felt like a man who sees his heir
ruling in his own house during his lifetime, cutting
down his woods and dismissing his old servants, or
as if he saw a careless and clumsy rider mounted on
his favourite horse.
From all parts of Germany deputations from
towns and newspaper writers came to visit him. He
received them with his customary courtesy, and
spoke with his usual frankness. He did not dis-
guise his chagrin ; he had, he said, not been treated
with the consideration which he deserved. He
had never been accustomed to hide his feelings or
to disguise his opinions. Nothing that his succes-
sors did seemed to him good. They made a treaty
with England for the arrangement of conflicting
1898] Retirement and Death. 459
questions in Africa ; men looked to Bismarck to
hear what he would say before they formed their
opinion ; " I would never have signed the treaty,"
he declared. He quickly drifted into formal op-
position to the Government ; he even made arrange-
ments with one of the Hamburg papers that it
should represent his opinions. He seemed to have
forgotten his own principle that, in foreign affairs
at least, an opposition to the policy of the Govern-
ment should not be permitted. He claimed a privi-
lege which as Minister he would never have allowed
to another. He defied the Government. " They
shall not silence me," he said. It seemed as
though he was determined to undo the work of his
life. Under the pretext that he was attacking the
policy of the Ministers, he was undermining the
loyalty of the people, for few could doubt that it
was the Emperor at whom the criticisms were aimed.
In his isolation and retirement, the old uncompro-
mising spirit of his ancestors once more awoke in
him. He had been loyal^ to the Crown — -who more
so? — but his loyalty had limits. His long service had
been one of personal and voluntary affection ; he
was not a valet, that his service could be handed
on from generation to generation among the assets
of the Crown. "After all," he would ask, "who are
these Hohenzollerns ? My family is as good as theirs.
We have been here longer than they have." Like
his ancestors who stood out against the rule of the
Great Elector, he was putting personal feeling above
public duty. Even if the action of the new Govern-
ment was not always wise, he himself had made
460 Bismarck. [1887-
Germany strong enough to support for a few years
a weak Ministry.
More than this, he was attempting to destroy the
confidence of the people in the moral justice and ne-
cessity of the measures by which he had founded the
Empire. They had always been taught that in 1870
their country had been the object of a treacherous
and unprovoked attack. Bismarck, who was always
living over again the great scenes in which he had
been the leading actor, boasted that but for him
there would never have been a war with France.
He referred to the alteration in the Ems telegram,
which we have already narrated, and the Government
was forced to publish the original documents. The
conclusions drawn from these disclosures and others
which followed were exaggerated, but the naive and
simple belief of the people was irretrievably de-
stroyed. Where they had been taught to see the
will of God, they found only the machinations of the
Minister. In a country where patriotism had already
taken the place of religion, the last illusion had been
dispelled ; almost the last barrier was broken down
which stood between the nation and moral scepticism.
Bismarck's criticism was very embarrassing to the
Government ; by injuring the reputation of the Min-
istry he impaired the influence of the nation. It was
dif^cult to keep silence and ignore the attack, but
the attempts at defence were awkward and unwise.
General Caprivi attempted to defend the treaty with
England by reading out confidential minutes, ad-
dressed by Bismarck to the Secretary of the Minister
for Foreign Affairs, in which he had written that the
1898] Retirement and Death. 461
friendship of England and the support of Lord
Sahsbury were more important than Zanzibar or the
whole of Africa, He addressed a circular despatch
to Prussian envoys to inform them that the utter-
ances of Prince Bismarck were without any actual
importance, as he was now only a private man. This
only made matters worse ; for the substance of the
despatch quickly became known (another instance of
the lax control over important State documents
which we so often notice in dealing with German
affairs), and only increased the bitterness of Bis-
marck, which was shared by his friends and sup-
porters.
For more than two years the miserable quarrel
continued ; Bismarck was now the public and avowed
enemy of the Court and the Ministry. Moltke died,
and he alone of the great men of the country was
absent from the funeral ceremony, but in his very
absence he overshadowed all who were there. His
public popularity only increased. In 1892, he travelled
across Germany to visit Vienna for his son's wed-
ding. His journey was a triumphal progress, and the
welcome was warmest in the States of the South, in
Saxony and Bavaria. The German Government,
however, found it necessary to instruct their ambas-
sador not to be present at the wedding and to take
no notice of the Prince ; he was not even granted an
audience by the Austrian Emperor. It was held
necessary also to publish the circular to which I
have already referred, and thereby officially to recog-
nise the enmity.
The scandal of the quarrel became a grave injury
462 Bismarck. [1887-
to the Government of the country. A serious
illness of Bismarck caused apprehension that he
might die while still unreconciled. The Emperor
took the opportunity, and by a kindly message
opened the way to an apparent reconciliation. Then
a change of Ministry took place : General Caprivi
was m.ade the scapegoat for the failures of the new
administration, and retired into private life, too loyal
even to attempt to justify or defend the acts for
which he had been made responsible. The new
Chancellor, Prince Hohenlohe, was a friend and
former colleague of Bismarck, and had in old days
been leader of the National party in Bavaria. When
Bismarck's eightieth birthday was celebrated, the
Emperor was present, and once more Bismarck went
to Berlin to visit his sovereign. We may be allowed
to believe that the reconciliation was not deep. We
know that he did not cease to contrast the new marks
of Royal favour with the kindly courtesy of his old
master, who had known so well how to allow the
King to be forgotten in the friend.
As the years went on, he became ever more lonely.
His wife was dead, and his brother. Solitude, the
curse of greatness, had fallen on him. He had no
friends, for we cannot call by that name the men, so
inferior to himself, by whom he was surrounded —
men who did not scruple to betray his confidence
and make a market of his infirmities. With dififi-
culty could he bring himself even to systematic
work on the memoirs he proposed to leave. Old
age set its mark on him : his beard had become
white ; he could no longer, as in former days, ride
1898]
Retii^ement and Death.
46.
and walk through the woods near his house. His
interest in pubHc affairs never flagged, and especially
he watched with unceasing vigilance every move in
the diplomatic world ; his mind and spirit were still
unbroken when a sudden return of his old malady
overtook him, and on the last day of July, 1898, he
died at Friedrichsruh.
He lies buried, not among his ancestors and kins-
folk near the old house at Schoenhausen, nor in the
Imperial city where his work had been done ; but in
a solitary tomb at Friedrichsruh to which, with
scanty state and hasty ceremony, his body had been
borne.
MAP OF GERMANY SHOWING CHANGES MADE IN 1866.
INDEX
Alexander, Prince, of Batten-
berg, 448-450
Army, 295
Arniin, Count, 19-21, 46
Arnim, Oscar von, marries Mal-
vina von Bismarck, 25
Augustenburg, Frederick, Prince
of, 202-209, 213-224, 227,
228, 230-237, 246
B
Bazaine, Marshal, 361, 373
Benedetti, Count Vincent, 270-
272, 275, 277-282, 322, 330-
333, 336-338, 340-342
Bennigsen, 392, 394
Berlin, its condition after the
Revolution, 47, 50, 51
Bismarck, the family of, its
origin and history, 1-12
Bismarck, August von, 5
Bismarck, August von, the
Landrath, 8
Bismarck, August Friedrich
von, 9
Bismarck, Bernhard von, 11, 22,
23
Bismarck, Carl Alexander von, 9
Bismarck, Friedrich von, the
" Permutator," 5
Bismarck, Friedrich Wilhelm
von, 9
Bismarck, Herbert von, 347
Bismarck, Herbort von, 2
Bismarck, Karl Wilhelm Frie-
drich von, 10 ; his marriage,
10 ; moves to Pomerania, 11,
21 ; to Schoenhausen, 22, 25,
26
Bismarck, Malvina von, ir, 22 ;
marries Oscar von Arnim, 25
Bismarck, Nicolas (or Claus)
von, 3
Bismarck, Otto Eduard Leopold
von, his birth, i ; ancestry, i-
12 ; destined for Diplomatic
Service, 14 ; at school in Ber-
lin, 14, 15; enters at Gottingen,
15 ; his personal appearance
andcharacter, 16 ; enters Corps
of Hanoverians, 16 ; his uni-
versity career, 16-18 ; leaves
Gottingen, 18 ; enters at Ber-
lin, 18 ; takes degree of Doctor
of Law, 19 ; early official life,
19 ; appointed Auscultator at
Berlin, 19 ; transferred to ad-
ministrative side and to Aix-
la-Chapelle, 19 ; his life at
Aix, 20 ; transferred to Pots-
dam, 21 ; begins army service
in Jaeger at Potsdam, 21 ;
transferred to Jaeger at Stet-
tin, 21 ; settles in Pomerania,
22 ; his attendance at lectures
in agricultural college near
Greifswald, 22 ; his successful
465
466
Index.
Bismarck — Con tin ued
management of the Pomer-
anian estates, 22, 23 ; takes
Kniephof on division of estates,
23 ; his wildness, 23 ; enters
as lieutenant of Landwehr in
cavalry, 23 ; saves groom from
drowning, 23 ; his restlessness
and discontent, 24 ; travels, to
Paris, London, Hull, Scarbor-
oitgh, York, Manchester, 24;
his letters from Schoenhausen,
25-27 ; member of Diets of
Pomerania and of province
containing Schoenhausen, 27 ;
Referendar at Potsdam, re-
signs, 28 ; his hatred of
Prussian bureaucracy, 28, 61 ;
his interest in his duties as
landed proprietor, 28 ; In-
spector of Dykes for Jerichovv,
29 ; his intimacy with the re-
ligious coterie at Triglaff, 29,
30 ; his religious convictions
and their effect oil his mo-
narchical feeling, 31, 32 ; his
engagement, 32 ; summoned to
attend meeting of Estates Gen-
eral in Berlin, 33 ; enters on
his Parliamentary duties, 38 ;
opposes action of Liberals,
38-40 ; his remarks on Prussia
and England, 4.1 ; on the Jews
and the Christian State, 41,
42 ; returns to Pomerania, 43 ;
his marriage, 43 ; his wedding
journey, meets the King of
Prussia, returns to Schoen-
hausen, 43, 44 ; his sentiments
on the Revolution, writes to
the King, hurries to Berlin,
45, 46 ; collects signatures for
address of loyalty, 46 ; atmeet-
ing of Estates General, 46,
47 ; writes articles, takes part
in calling meeting, and in
founding the Kreiiz Zntuna;,
48, 49; his counsels and aid.
to the King, 50, 51 ; takes
seat in new Assembly, 52 ;
opposes amnesty, 51, 52 ; in
new Parliament, opposes Par-
liamentary control of taxes,
54, 55 ; opposes reference to
foreign customs, 55-59 ; be-
lieves in Parliament for
Prussia, 60-62 ; his hatred of
Liberalism, 60 ; on civil mar-
riage and Christianity, 63, 64 ;
on the Prussian nobility, 64 ;
his geniality, 65 ; his Parlia-
mentary speeches, 66, 67 ; his
partial knowledge of the peo-
ple, 68 ; sustains the King's
refusal of the German crown,
73, 74 ; advocates independ-
ence of Prussia, 74-78 ; in
Parliament of Erfurt, 79, 80 ;
advises peace with Austria, Si ;
defends the Ministry, 82-84 I
Ambassador at Frankfort, 84,
85 ; his characteristics, 86; at
Frankfort, 86 ; letters to his
wife, 88-91 ; his opinions of
the diplomatists, 89-91;
entrusted with management
of the Press, 92 ; his idea
of newspapers, 94 ; smoking in
the military commission, 95,
96 ; his defence of Prussian in-
terests, 96, 97 ; home and social
life in Frankfort, g8 ; his dis-
taste for Parliamentary life,