those of iron, zinc and lead.
Manufacture. Of industrial workers Upper Silesia possessed the
largest number: 47-7% of its population were engaged in industry
(1907). In the kingdom of Poland this proportion was only 15-4%
(1897), in Galicia 8-8% (1900), Posnania 23-4%, W.
Prussia 24-1 %
(1907). In the kingdom of Poland the most important industry was
the textile, which occupied about 150,000 workers. Cotton manu-
factures were the most important, wool being second. Before the
war this industry was handicapped by the high tariff charged by the
Russian Government for the transport of raw material. Second in
importance was the metallurgical industry, the most important
manufactures being machinery, boilers, materials for bridge building,
nails, wire and sheet iron. The manufacture of machinery was of
considerable importance in Silesia but less developed in Galicia.
Of other industries that of the potato by-products is most impor-
tant. More than a quarter of the potatoes produced in Posnania and
the greater part of those of Galicia were used for the making of alco-
hol. Before the war the wood industry was in a poor condition
owing to severe German importation duties on manufactured wood,
but these duties encouraged the development of the saw-mill
industry in Prussian Poland. The coastal fisheries of E. and W.
Prussia are of considerable importance; likewise the pond fisheries
in Poland, but fishing is generally only a subsidiary occupation.
The industry of Poland was very much influenced by the Jewish
population. In the kingdom of Poland before the war nearly 15%
of the population was Jewish and the following trades were more or
less in their control: leather goods and the boot trade; stocking
industry; manufacturing of the so-called " astrakan " caps; malt
refuse breweries and small mead breweries; manufacture of paper
tubes for cigarettes; and potato starch.
Towns. The chief towns in the kingdom of Poland were Warsaw,
Lodz and Sosnowice which had over 100,000 inhabitants. The
principal towns of Galicia are Lemberg (206,000), Cracow (154,000),
Przemysl (54,000) and Kolomea (44,000). In 1910 E. Prussia had
five towns with a pop. of more than 20,000: Konigsberg, Tilsit,
Memel, Allenstein, Insterburg. There were in W._ Prussia three
towns with upwards of 20,000 inhabitants: Danzig, Thorn and
Graudenz. In Posnania there is an unusual number of small towns,
but there are only nine with more than 10,000 inhabitants; the most
important are Posen (154,811 in 1910), Bromberg (70,000), Schnei-
demuhl (27,504), Lissa (17,156). Silesia has seven towns with a pop.
of more than 50,000: Breslau (537,000), Gorlitz (86,000), Konigs-
hutte (72,000), Liegnitz (69,000), Beuthen (67,000), Gleiwitz
(64,000) and Zabrze (59,000).
Commnunications.Ol the natural water-ways in Poland the Vistula
is the most important. It has 21 tributaries, of which the total
length, with that of the river itself, amounts to 7,770 kilometres.
In 1864 a convention was made between Russia and Austria for
the regulation of the course of the river; in Austria 64-47 % of the
work was completed by 1909, in Poland 39-7 per cent. Thus in
Poland the Vistula is almost impossible for regular steamer traffic.
The Niemen is navigable from about halfway between Grodno and
Kovno to the Prussian frontier. The Pilitsa is navigable for rafts
from a point near Novo Radomsk to its junction with the Vistula,
so for a small portion of the year is the Bug from the point where
it first touches Poland and likewise the Narew fora considerable
distance. The Oder affords the products of Silesia an outlet not only
to Stettin near its mouth, but also to Berlin and Hamburg with
which it is connected by an extensive system of water-ways. The
Dniester is used in Galicia only for rafting timber. The chief canals
are the Dnieper-Bug Canal; the Augustowo Canal, uniting the Vis-
tula to the Niemen through the Narew; and the Bromberg Canal,
uniting the Brahe to the Netze and thus the Vistula to the Oder.
Of these the latter is the only canal navigable for large boats
and steamers. As regards railways, in 1912 the kingdom of Poland
had 2-9 km. per sq. km., the Polish provinces of Prussia had 9-27 km.
and Galicia (1911) 5-24 kilometres. As the railways were constructed
for the most part from a strategical point of view, industry did not
benefit so much from them as it might otherwise have done. The
poor railway system between Russia and Danzig was one of the
causes of the decline of the trade of that port.
Trade. With regard to commerce the kingdom of Poland was
closely attached to Russia by the protectionist system introduced in
1877 and this made trade with other countries difficult. The inter-
change of goods with Russia was about 2\ times greater than that
with other countries. The following were the chief exports: textiles,
three-quarters of which went to Russia, though trade with countries
further E., notably Persia and Mongolia, was increasing; clothing
and boots, which found their chief markets in Russia ; horses, poultry
and eggs. Ttfe chief imports of the kingdom of Poland were : raw
wool and cotton from overseas and from Russian Turkestan; iron
ore and pig-iron from Russia; cattle from the steppes; and flour
from Russia. In 1909 over 1-4 million q.m. of Russian flour was
imported, this forming a formidable competitor to Polish milling
thanks to special transport rates.
Galicia was united to the fiscal territory of Austria in 1784 and her
commercial interests were generally subordinate to the will of the
more powerful states of the west. The principal customer of Galicia
was Germany. In 1909 the exports of Galicia to Germany amounted
to 10-6 million q.m. ; the imports from Germany to 6 million q.m.
The chief exports were salt and petroleum and wood. The chief
imports were: textiles to the value of about 300 million francs;
iron and iron goods from Germany; coal, of which 7j million q.m.
was imported in 1908.
The industry of the Polish provinces of Prussia began to decline
after they were assimilated to the German hinterland. On the other
hand, the protective custom tariff acted beneficially on agriculture
and the trade in provisions. The principal customers of Posnania
were the other states and provinces of Germany. The chief exports
were sugar, alcohol and cereals. There were exported annually from
1885-1908 250,000 q.m. of wheat, 2,000,000 q.m. of rye, 410,000
q.m. of barley and 210,000 q.m. of oats. The rye was sent to Bohe-
mia, Austrian Silesia and the kingdom of Poland, rye meal to Scandi-
navia, Belgium, Holland and Finland. Except for the products of
local agriculture and forestry these provinces were entirely dependent
on outside sources.
Cooperative credit societies developed vigorously and by 1913
they had together over 75,000 members and deposits of over 202
million francs. The Cooperative Societies' Bank, founded in 1910,
formed a financial centre for the societies. With regard to savings
banks, by the end of 1912 there were in Galicia 53 banks with depos-
sits amounting to 336 million francs. In Prussian Poland coopera-
tive societies were established on the principles of Schulze-Delitzsch
and on the Raiffeisen system after 1900 buying and selling societies
were founded. The Polish credit institutions in Prussia, deriving
their capital solely from Polish sources, had at disposal the sum of
The war left Poland in "a pitiable economic situation." The
country was devastated in the first years of the war and then its
resources were drained by the German occupation. The mobiliza-
tion of Polish industry depends on currency stability, improved
transport conditions and an abundance of available coal. The follow-
ing statistics show the number of industrial workers employed before
the war and on Jan. I 1920:
Jan. i 1920
Per cent as
j Total .
It will be seen that the coal industry has, in spite of housing and
provisioning difficulties, increased from the pre-war standard. The
production of coal in Congress Poland and Galicia does not suffice
to cover the requirements of the countries at present constituting
the Polish State. The Reparations Committee assigned to Poland
only 250,000 tons of coal per month from Silesia; and the Polish
Coal Sub-Committee has granted a lump sum of 450,000 tons of
coal. This lack of coal is one of the most serious hindrances to the
reorganization of Polish industry.
The oil industry was not much devastated by the war, but for the
first five months of 1919 the Boryslaw-Truskawiec basin and that of
Bikhov were under Ukrainian administration, and oil had to be
used instead of coal for working the shafts. In 1920 about half the
textile industry had been mobilized and many factories started in
Lodz and also in Czenstochowa, Kalisz and Bielsk. In 1919-20 the
output of sugar scarcely amounted to 65 % of the expected output,
i.e. instead of 500,000 q.m. only 350,000 q.m. were produced. The
iron foundries came to a standstill during the war and no plant
was left without some essential part wanting. In July 1919 the first
blast furnace started work and by the beginning of 1920 a few others
were in working order. Steel production is hampered by lack of coal.
Finance. The revenue of the Russian Treasury of the Kingdom
of Poland in 1912 amounted to about 609 million francs and the
expenditure amounted to about 371 million francs. From 1905 to
1912 inclusive, the excess of receipts over expenditure in the King-
dom amounted to 1,034 million francs. State officials administered
the finance of 116 towns in the Kingdom of Poland. The revenue of
Warsaw according to the budget of 1914 was 39 million francs. The
rural communes possessed a limited autonomy. In Galicia the largest
item contributed to the Austrian State was from the taxes on con-
sumable articles and monopolies. The total receipts were 42-37
francs per inhabitant and the expenditure 26-90 francs per inhabi-
tant. As regards the finance of Galicia as an autonomous province,
in 1911 the expenditure amounted to 66 million francs, derived
mainly from taxes on articles of consumption and provincial surtax
on direct contributions. In the 7.1 autonomous districts the income
amounted to 12 million francs, derived from the surtax on direct
contributions and the tolls of the districts. The budget of Lemberg
was over 1 1 million francs and that of Cracow nearly 9 million francs.
In Prussian Poland the finance of the Empire was based on indirect
contributions, customs yielding the largest return. In Prussia direct
contributions played the most important part, the income tax
producing 9 million francs in Posnania in 1911, and 7 million francs
in W. Prussia. The total of the autonomous taxation of the province,
districts and communes amounted to 24 francs 350. per head in Pos-
nania and to 30 francs ore. in W. Prussia.
In the Kingdom of Poland the chief bank was the State Bank. In
1914 there were 38 private branches accredited to it, five branches of
Petrograd large banks and five branches of the Riga Bank of Com-
merce. In Galicia the most important were the Austro-Hungarian
Bank, with 13 Galician branches and 20 branches of Vienna and
Tchek Banks. Branches of the Reichsbank and of large German
Banks protected the German element in Russian Poland In addi-
tion to these there were joint stock banks for credit for short periods.
In the Kingdom of Poland there were nine ; the deposits amounted
to over 296 million francs inig 14. In Galicia the Mortgage Bank was
the largest joint stock bank, which in 1912 discounted bills of ex-
change for 178 million francs. In Prussian Poland the most impor-
tant was the Bank of the Federation of Cooperative Societies, which
had a capital of 29 million francs in 1916. Credit for long periods
depended, in the Kingdom of Poland, on the Land Credit Society
and the Peasants' Bank; in Galicia, on the Land Credit Society and
the Commission of Rentengiiter, and in Prussian Poland chiefly on
cooperative credit societies.
Finally Poland was in a crippled condition financially. The mark
which was at 40 to the pound sterling in 1919, touched a new
low record on June 28, 1921 namely 6,400 to the pound, and after
that fell for two days to 9,000 to the pound. This rate of exchange
Crevented Poland from trading internationally and consequently
indered her economic reconstruction. On July 30 the Polish budget
for 1921, the first real balancing of expenditure and revenue pro-
duced by any Polish finance minister, was presented to the Diet and
showed a deficit of 80,000,000,000 marks (the exchange on that day
being about 8,000 to the ) for Russian and Austrian Poland without
the Polish part of the Austrian duchy of Teschen. The former
Prussian provinces which only came under the Ministry of Finance
on Sept. I 1921 have a surplus of 6,000,000,000 marks which reduces
its national deficit to 14,000,000,000 marks.
The Ministry of War was responsible for 30 % of the expenditure,
railways for 21 % of the expenditure and food supplies for some 10%.
But it may be said that'the existing low rate of exchange gave no real
indication of the prosperity of the country. Polish indebtedness
was not great (about 6,600,000 at the exchange of July 30 1921),
the productive capacity of the country was increasing, and the
harvest prospects were excellent.
REFERENCES. The one indispensable introduction to things
Polish for English readers is the little volume entitled Poland in the
Home University Library by Prof. Alison Phillips. In that admirable
summary there are but two lacunae. The Exodus to Paris after
1830 and the Jewish question are not adequately treated, but it
POLICE POOR LAW
contains a good bibliography for beginners, to which there are only
a few additions to be made : Geoff rey Drage, " Pre-war Statistics of
Poland and Lithuania," published in the Journal of the Royal
Statistical Society (March 1918); Bruce Boswell, Poland and the
Poles (1920); Ralph Butler, The New Eastern Europe (1919)-
Erasmus Pilz, Poland (1916); Askenazy, Danzig and Poland; Bass'
The Peace Tangle (1921); Mandell House Seymour, What Really
- " "&*' ^^*/ , AT*. n,iiv4v,n ii\juc ocymuur, vv rial i\.ediiy
happened at Paris (1921) ; Pernot, L'epreuve de la Pologne; Report by
Sir Stuart Samuel on his Mission to Poland (Cmd 674) 1920
POLICE (United States). An interesting recent development
as regards police in the United States has been the establishment
in certain states of a state police, sometimes called constabulary.
This body acts under state rather than local authority, is usually
organized on a military basis, is widely distributed for patrol duty,
but can be quickly mobilized for emergencies. Such forces are
of special service for protecting life and property in country dis-
tricts, made accessible to robbers and assassins by the introduc-
tion of the automobile. Since the adoption of national prohibi-
tion much of their time has been spent in suppressing illegal
The largest state police force is that of Pennsylvania, consist-
ing in 1920 of 415 officers and men. It was organized in 1905
somewhat after the model of the Canadian Northwest police. It
is composed of five troops with posts in different parts of the state.
Detachments are sent out to the 40 stations and from the stations
small patrols operate in every direction. The posts and stations
are in constant communication, and help can be rushed imme-
diately to any point. They are empowered to make arrests for any
violation of the law; at the same time they act as fish and game
wardens and as fire patrols. When practicable they cooperate
with the local authorities in preserving order. In some states
their powers are somewhat restricted; in New York they cannot
enter a city to suppress a riot unless so ordered by the governor
or on request of the mayor with the approval of the governor.
But in any state they may pursue a criminal and arrest him
anywhere. In Pennsylvania applicants for appointment who
have served in the army, navy or militia are given preference.
The recruit serves a probation period of four months and makes
a study of the state laws. The period of enlistment is two years.
Another type of state police is seen in South Dakota, where
the sheriffs and deputy-sheriffs form a state constabulary " for
the purpose of detecting crime, apprehending criminals, sup-
pressing riots, preventing affrays, and preserving and enforcing
law and order throughout the state." In Idaho all state, county
and municipal officers form a state constabulary under the di-
rect control of the commissioner of the department of law en-
forcement. A third type is seen in the Massachusetts District
Police, consisting of a detective and an inspection department.
Appointments are made by the governor and his council. At
the governor's command they suppress disorder anywhere in the
state. They do not maintain a patrol. In 1920 a state police, or
constabulary, was maintained in 12 states: Massachusetts,
Texas, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Nevada, New York, South
Dakota, Michigan, Idaho, New Mexico, Tennessee, and West
Virginia. At that time several other states were considering the
establishment of such forces.
A special committee on state and metropolitan police, appointed
by the American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology, in a
report submitted in 1920 urged active cooperation " in educating
the people, and especially the Legislatures of 'their respective states,
with respect to the nature, methods, and valueof a state police force."
See this committee's report, " Metropolitan and State Police," in
the Journal of the American Institute of Criminal Law and Crimi-
nology, vol. XL, No. 3 (Nov. 1920). An excellent account of the
largest and best organized of the state police forces is given by
Kathenne Mayo in Justice to All: The Story of the Pennsylvania State
Police (1917), with an introduction by Theodore Roosevelt.
POLLIO, ALBERTO (1852-1914), Italian general, was born at
Caserta on April 21 1852. Before he was nine years old he
entered the Naples military college, and he received his com-
mission as a sub-lieutenant of artillery in April 1870. He
served with distinction in various posts, and in June 1908 he
was appointed chief of the Italian general staff, a position
which he retained till his sudden death on July i 1914. Pollio
acquired, a wide reputation as a writer on military subjects,
his chief works being on Waterloo and Custozza. Both these
books were translated into various languages.
POOR LAW, in the United Kingdom (see 22.^4). During the
decade following the publication of the Royal Commission's
Reports in 1909 the English Poor Law system underwent some
minor administrative reforms. The commissioners had laid
bare many crying scandals, and their reasoned indictment of
the whole system aroused immediate and wide-spread interest.
An agitation was set on foot, and actively prosecuted for several
years by the partisans of the Minority Report, who demanded
the complete abolition of the Poor Law. Many M.P.'s, irre-
spective of party, were pledged to this, and the public generally
was prepared for drastic legislation. It was expected that the
Government would presently take the matter up, when the
outbreak of the World War in 1914 shelved the question. Mean-
while the Reports and the agitation begun in 1910 could not be
entirely ignored by the Poor Law authorities themselves. Mr.
John Burns, the President of the Local Government Board,
though a staunch defender of the Poor Law, was bound to
admit that some amendments were necessary. But these, he
claimed, could be carried out by his own department. What
was wanted was not, as he put it, " reform by revolution, but
revolution by reform in administration." The administrative
revolution, however, did not produce any startling changes.
A new Relief Regulation Order was issued, which did a little to
improve the administration of outdoor relief, but left the
fundamental objections untouched. Another Order (Poor Law
Institutions Order 1913) was designed to consolidate the regula-
tions governing indoor relief. This, too, effected slight im-
provements in classification, the quality of the nursing service,
the paupers' dietaries and so on. It also insisted on the removal
of children over three years of age from the general mixed work-
house into separate institutions or quarters. But many of the
boards of guardians were apathetic, or openly defiant of the
central authority, and a steady pressure was required to reduce
the numbers of these children, whose condition had been shown
by the Royal Commission in 1909 to be peculiarly scandalous.
During the war this pressure was relaxed, and in 1921 there
was still a residue of children between 3 and 16 years of age (be-
sides the infants under 3) living in the general workhouse wards.
In 1911 a Boarding-out Order emphasized the need of closer
supervision and more adequate allowances for the pauper chil-
dren lodged in private houses with " foster-parents." There was
also an attempt made to deal with the problem of vagrancy in
London, by putting all the casual wards of the Metropolis under
the control of the Metropolitan Asylums Board, cooperating
with the police and various philanthropic agencies. And rather
late in the rest of the country most of the boards of guardians
combined in county vagrancy committees, for the better co-
ordination of their treatment of the tramps. " Way-tickets "
and bread-stations were established, a number of casual wards
were closed, and expenses were pooled. But these reforms
scarcely amounted to a revolution, either in their conception
or in their effects.
Of the later developments only two are of any importance.
The Representation of the People Act 1917 removed the dis-
franchisement which had been one of the chief stigmata of
pauperism. Hitherto the receipt of parish relief (other than
medical relief only) " within the twelve months next preceding
the last day of July in each year " had disqua'ified a man or
woman from being registered as a voter. Now anyone may vote,
provided he is not actually an inmate of a Poor Law institution
at the moment of the election. In 1919 the Local Government
Board ceased to exist, and was succeeded as the central Poor
Law authority by the newly created Ministry of Health. This
change made no outward difference, but it was generally taken
to foreshadow a thorough reform of the Poor Law system,
and the Ministry of Health Act 1919, sect. 3 (3), actually con-
tains the significant words: " in the event of provision being
made by Act of Parliament ... for the revision of the law
relating to the relief of the poor and the distribution amongst
other authorities of the powers exercisable by boards of guard-
ians." The removal of the pauper disfranchisement was in har-
mony with the growing democratic spirit of the time, and
reveals clearly the enormous change in thought since the setting-
up of the " New Poor Law " in 1834. The same softening tend-
ency appears also in the trivial, but significant, alteration of
the name of the workhouse: the workhouse is now officially
known as " the institution," though the word " workhouse "
must be retained for certain legal purposes.
Meantime, a different sort of reform was proceeding from out-
side the Poor Law, by the increasing inroads of the local author-
ities into the field of the guardians. On the removal of the
"pauper disqualification" in 1911 many thousands of the
destitute aged became entitled to old-age pensions and so passed
out of the Poor Law. Similarly the National Health Insurance
Act took a vast number of patients, or potential patients, from
the Poor Law medical service. And later Acts, empowering the
local health authorities to set up maternity and infant clinics,
to provide midwifery, to supply milk to expectant and nursing
mothers, to treat venereal disease or tuberculosis, have still
further diminished the scope of the Poor Law. All this, however,
desirable as it might be from the point of view of social progress,
could hardly be regarded as " Poor Law reform " save in an
ironical sense. In point of fact, it served to reinforce more and